THE  MA?5i^- FLOWER 


^lii'K 


THE  MAY-FLOWER 

Sf  Her  Log 


^      THE  LIBRARY 

tINTVERSr.v  OF  '■•«,fl'Y)RNIA 


2026062 


I 
< 


To 

My  Soundest  Critic, 
My  most  Patient  Reader, 
My  Best  Incentive, 
My  most  Loyal  Friend, 
My   Wife, 

IDescended from  many  May- Flower  Pilgrims 

and  worthy  of  her  Lineage, 

This  volume  is  affectionately  inscribed. 


XIU 


Table  (9/ Contents 

IF 
Introductory Page  xi 

Chapter  t 

The  Name  May- Flower 3 

Cj)apter  ii 

The  May-Flower's  Consort  —  The  Speedwell 

The  Name  —  Its  First  Announcement  ......       5 

The  Purchase  and  Refitting 6 

The  Adventurers  and  Planters  —  No  Community  of  Goods,  etc.      .       7 
The  Agents  of  the  Undertaking     .......       9 

The  Speedwell  bought  by  the  Leyden  Leaders  —  Their  Sagacity     .     10 
Her  Type  and  Description    .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .12 

A  Singular  Indictment  —  Arber's  Amazing  Discovery  .  .  -13 
The  Cause  of  the  Speedwell's  Unseaworthiness  .  .  .  -14 
Reynolds  —  "  Pilott "  and  Master  —  Placed  in  Command        .         .16 

Reynolds  vs.  Coppin    . 18 

The  Embarkation         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         -19 

List  of  the  Leyden  Pilgrims  —  New  Light  on  Elder  Brewster  .         .     ao 
From  Leyden  to  Delfshaven  .         .         .         .         .         .         -35 

Representation  of  the  Leyden  Congregation    .         .         .         .         -36 

The  Speedwell's  Flag  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         -37 

The  Speedwell's  Log  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         •     Z^ 

Chapter  iii 

The  May-Flower's  Charter 

Chartering  a  Ship  .........     44 


Vlll 


Table  of  Contents 


Purchasing  vs.  Hiring  ....... 

The  Pilgrims'  Anxiety  for  a  Ship  .... 

Master  Cushman's  Good  Work  —  A  Ship  and  Pilot  found 

A  Pilgrim  Red-Letter  Day,  Saturday,  June  10/20,  1620 

Cushman's  Sunday  Letter,  June  11/21,  1620 

The  May-Flower  and  Master  Jones  secured 

The  Signers  of  the  Charter-Party  . 

The  Merchant  Adventurers  .... 

The  Owner  of  the  May-Flower    . 

Terms  of  the  Charter-Party  .... 


45 
46 

47 
48 

49 
52 
54 
56 
69 

74 


C|)apter  i\J 

The  May- Flower  —  The  Ship  Herself 

No  Authentic  Pictures  or  Description    .         .         .         .         .         '77 

Her  Class,  Type,  Model,  and  Rig  ......     80 

Her  Accommodations  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .86 

Her  Magazine  and  Lockers  .         .         .         .         .         .         .88 

Her  Galley  and  Fires  .........     89 

Her  Ordnance      ..........     89 

Her  Boats  and  Tackling       ........     90 

Her  Compasses  and  Anchors  .         .         .         .         .         .         -9'^ 

The  May-Flower's  Flag       ........     93 

Her  History         ..........     94 

C!)aptet  \) 

The  Officers  and  Crew  of  the  May- Flower 

Finding  the  Master  and  Mate        .......     99 

Master  Thomas  Jones  and  his  History  .         .         .         .         .         .100 

Master  Jones's  Duplicity  —  No  Dutch  Intrigue  —  The   Real  Con- 
spirators .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .103 

Stealing  the  Pilgrim  Colony  —  Weston's  Treachery         .         .         .111 
John  Pierce's  Attempt  to  steal  the  Colony      .         .         .         .         .124 

The  Mates  —  John  Clarke,  Robert  Coppin     .         .         .         .         .129 

A  (possible)  Ship's-Surgeon  —  Giles  Heale 133 


Table  of  Contents  ix 

The  "  Ship's-Merchant "  —  Master  Williamson        ....   134 

The  Petty  Officers  and  Seamen     .         .         .         .         .         .         .140 

The  Newly-Discovered  Names  of  Two  of  the  Crew        .         .         .142 

Cfjapter  \)t 

The  May- Flower's  Passengers 

The  Passenger  List  from  London  to  Southampton  .         .         .         .144 

The  Passenger  List  from  Plymouth  (England)  —  Ages,  Social  Con- 
ditions, and  Occupations   .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .166 

Personal  Notes  and  Summaries  —  Governors  .         .         .         .172 

Cj^apter  tJti 

^uartersj  Food,  and  Cooking 

The  Assignment  of  Quarters .196 

Cabins,  Bunks,  etc.       .  .  .  .  .         .         .         .  -197 

Cooking  and  Food       .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .198 

Cf)apter  \Jtii 

The  May- Flower's  leading 

A  Mixed  Cargo 203 

The  Live-Stock   ..........  204 

The  Shallop  and  the  Colonists'  Luggage        .....  205 

The  Provision  Supply  ........  206 

The  Clothing  Supply  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .210 

Furniture  (its  Relics),  Books,  etc.  .  .  .  .  .  .213 

Implements  of  Husbandry,  Mechanics'  Tools,  etc. .         .         .         .225 

Implements  of  Fishing  and  Hunting      ......   226 

Arms  and  Accoutrements      .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .227 

Ordnance  and  Ammunition  ........  229 

Trading  Goods,  etc.     .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .229 


X  Table  <?/"  Contents 

Chapter  ix 

The  Log  of  the  May-Flower 

The  Ship's  Journal  of  the  Voyage,  with  Notes        .         .         ,         .  23 1 

Appendix 3^3 

Bibliography 355 

Index 369 


List  of  Maps  and  Illustrations 

n 

The  May-Flower  at  Sea Frontispiece 

Engraved  by  Linton  from  a  drawing  by  Granville  Perkins 

Route  of  the  Pilgrims  from  Ley  den  to  Def shaven  Page  3  6 
The  Channel  Courses  of  the  May-Flower  ^WSpeedwell  36 
A  Ship  of  the  May-Flower  Period 78 

The  only  contemporaneous  picture  known  of  a  ship  of  the  May-Flower  class 

Model  of  a  Ship  of  the  May- Flower  Period,  Class,  and 

Approximate  Size 82 

Worked  up  by  Captain  J.  IV.  Collins  i^for  the  Smithsonian  Institution)  from 
plates  and  plans  of  Admiral  Paris 

Edward  Wins  low i74 

From  a  photograph  of  the  original  portrait  (artist's  name  unknown),  now  in 
the  gallery  of  the  Pilgrim  Society  at  Plymouth.  It  was  painted  while  IVins- 
low  was  in  England  in  l6^i,  and  is  the  only  well-authenticated  portrait  of 
any  of  the  May-Flower  Pilgrims 

Cape  Cod  Harbour 258 

Routes  of  the  Three  Explorations  made   while  in  Cape 

Cod  Harbour 272 

Plymouth  Harbour 274 

From  Champlain's  sketch,  l6oj 

Plymouth  Harbour 274 

From  a  sketch  by  Charles  Blaskowitz,  7/7^ 

Plymouth  Harbour  of  To-Day 278 


INTRODUCTORY 


K 


O  civilized  humanity,  world-wide,  and 
especially  to  the  descendants  of  the 
Pilgrims  who,  in  1620,  laid  on  New 
England  shores  the  foundations  of 
that  civil  and  religious  freedom  upon 
which  has  been  built  a  refuge  for  the  oppressed  of 
every  land,  the  story  of  the  Pilgrim  "  Exodus  "  has 
an  ever-increasing  value  and  zest.  The  little  we 
know  of  the  inception,  development,  and  vicissitudes 
of  their  bold  scheme  of  colonization  in  the  American 
wilderness  only  serves  to  sharpen  the  appetite  for 
more. 

Every  detail  and  circumstance  which  relates  to  their 
preparations;  to  the  ships  which  carried  them;  to  the 
personnel  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers  associated 
with  them,  and  to  that  of  the  colonists  themselves ; 
to  what  befell  them  ;  to  their  final  embarkation  on 
their  lone  ship,  —  the  immortal  May-Flower  ; 
and  to  the  voyage  itself  and  to  its  issues,  is  vested 
to-day  with  a  supreme  interest,  and  over  them  all 
rests  a  glamour  peculiarly  their  own. 

For  every  grain  of  added  knowledge  that  can  be 
gleaned  concerning  the  Pilgrim  sires  from  any  field, 
their  children  are  ever  grateful,  and  whoever  can  add 


Xlll 


XIV 


Introductory 


a  well-attested  line  to  their  all-too-meagre  annals  is 
regarded  by  them,  indeed  by  all,  a  benefactor. 

Of  those  all-important  factors  in  the  chronicles  of 
the  "  Exodus,"  —  the  Pilgrim  ships,  of  which  the 
May-Flower  alone  crossed  the  seas,  —  and  of  the 
voyage  itself,  there  is  still  but  far  too  little  known. 
Of  even  this  little,  the  larger  part  has  not  hitherto 
been  readily  accessible,  or  in  form  available  for  ready 
reference  to  the  many  who  eagerly  seize  upon  every 
crumb  of  new-found  data  concerning  these  pious  and 
intrepid  Argonauts. 

To  such  there  can  be  no  need  to  recite  here  the 
principal  and  familiar  facts  of  the  organization  of 
the  English  "  Separatist "  congregation  under  John 
Robinson ;  of  its  emigration  to  Holland  under  perse- 
cution of  the  Bishops  ;  of  its  residence  and  unique 
history  at  Leyden  ;  of  the  broad  outlook  of  its  mem- 
bers upon  the  future,  and  their  resultant  determina- 
tion to  cross  the  sea  to  secure  larger  life  and  liberty ; 
and  of  their  initial  labors  to  that  end. 

We  find  these  Leyden  Pilgrims  in  the  early  sum- 
mer of  1620,  their  plans  fairly  matured  and  their 
agreements  between  themselves  and  with  their  mer- 
chant associates  practically  concluded,  urging  forward 
their  preparations  for  departure ;  impatient  of  the 
delays  and  disappointments  which  befell,  and  anx- 
iously seeking  shipping  for  their  long  and  hazardous 
voyage. 

It  is  to  what  concerns  their  ships,  and  especially 
that  one  which  has  passed  into  history  as  "  the   Pil- 


Introductory 


XV 


grim  bark,"  the  May-Flower,  and  to  her  preg- 
nant voyage,  that  the  succeeding  chapters  chietiy 
relate. 

In  them  the  effort  has  been  made  to  bring  together 
in  sequential  relation,  from  many  and  widely  scattered 
sources,  everything  germane  that  diligent  and  faith- 
ful research  could  discover,  or  the  careful  study  and 
re-analysis  of  known  data  determine.  No  new  and 
relevant  item  of  fact  discovered,  however  trivial  in 
itself,  has  failed  of  mention,  if  it  might  serve  to 
correct,  to  better  interpret,  or  to  amplify  the  scanty 
though  priceless  records  left  us,  of  conditions,  circum- 
stances, and  events  which  have  meant  so  much  to  the 
world. 

As  properly  antecedent  to  the  story  of  the  voyage 
of  the  May-Flower  (as  told  by  her  putative  "Log," 
albeit  written  up  long  after  her  bones  lay  bleaching 
on  some  unknown  shore),  some  pertinent  account 
has  been  given  of  the  ship  herself  and  of  her  "  con- 
sort," the  Speedwell  ;  of  the  difficulties  attendant 
on  securing  them ;  of  the  preparations  for  the  voy- 
age ;  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers  who  had  large 
share  in  sending  them  to  sea ;  of  their  officers  and 
crews  ;  of  their  passengers  and  lading ;  of  the  troubles 
that  assailed  before  they  had  "  shaken  off  the  land," 
and  of  the  final  consolidation  of  the  passengers  and 
lading  of  both  ships  upon  the  May-Flower,  for  the 
belated  ocean  passage. 

The  wholly  negative  results  of  careful  search  ren- 
der it  altogether  probable  that  the  original  journal  or 


XVI 


Introductor 


7 


"  Log "  of  the  May-Flower  (a  misnomer  lately 
applied  by  the  British  press,  and  unhappily  con- 
tinued in  that  of  the  United  States,  to  the  recovered 
original  manuscript  of  Bradford's  "  History  of  Pli- 
moth  Plantation"),  if  such  journal  ever  existed,  is 
now  hopelessly  lost. 

So  far  as  known,  no  previous  effort  has  been  made 
to  bring  together  in  the  consecutive  relation  of  such 
a  journal,  duly  attested  and  in  their  entirety,  the 
ascertained  daily  happenings  of  that  destiny-freighted 
voyage.  Hence,  this  later  volume  may  perhaps 
rightly  claim  to  present  —  and  in  part  to  be,  though 
necessarily  imperfect  —  the  sole  and  a  true  "  Log  of 
the  May-Flower."  No  effort  has  been  made,  how- 
ever, to  reduce  the  collated  data  to  the  shape  and 
style  of  the  ship's  "  Log "  of  recent  times,  whose 
matter  and  form  are  largely  prescribed  by  maritime 
law. 

While  it  is  not  possible  to  give,  as  the  original  — 
if  it  existed  —  would  have  done,  the  results  of  the 
navigators'  observations  day  by  day  ;  the  "  Lat."  and 
"  Long."  ;  the  variations  of  the  wind  and  of  the 
magnetic  needle ;  the  tallies  of  the  "  lead "  and 
"log"  lines;  "the  daily  run,"  etc.  —  in  all  else  the 
record  may  confidently  be  assumed  to  vary  little  from 
that  (presumably)  kept,  in  some  form,  by  Captain 
Jones,  the  competent  Master  of  the  Pilgrim  bark, 
and  his  mates.  Masters  Clarke  and  Coppin. 

As  the  charter  was  for  the  "  round  voyage,"  all 
the  features  and  incidents  of  that  voyage  until  com- 


Introductory 


XVll 


plete,  whether  at  sea  or  in  port,  properly  find  entry 
in  its  journal,  and  are  therefore  included  in  this  com- 
pilation, which  it  is  hoped  may  hence  prove  of  refer- 
ence value  to  such  as  take  interest  in  Pilgrim  studies. 

Although  the  least  pleasant  to  the  author,  not  the 
least  valuable  feature  of  the  work  to  the  reader  — 
especially  if  student  or  writer  of  Pilgrim  history  — 
will  be  found,  it  is  believed,  in  the  numerous  correc- 
tions of  previously  published  errors  which  it  contains, 
some  of  which  are  radical  and  of  much  historical 
importance. 

It  is  true  that  new  facts  and  items  of  information 
which  have  been  coming  to  light,  in  long  neglected 
or  newly  discovered  documents,  etc.,  are  correctives 
of  earlier  and  natural  misconceptions,  and  a  certain 
percentage  of  error  is  inevitable,  but  many  radical 
and  reckless  errors  have  been  made  in  Pilgrim  his- 
tory which  due  study  and  care  must  have  prevented. 

Such  errors  have  so  great  and  rapidly  extending 
power  for  harm,  and,  when  built  upon,  so  certainly 
bring  the  superstructure  tumbling  to  the  ground,  that 
the  competent  and  careful  workman  can  render  no 
better  service  than  to  point  out  and  correct  them 
wherever  found,  undeterred  by  the  association  of 
great  names,  or  the  consciousness  of  his  own  liability 
to  blunder.  A  sound  and  conscientious  writer  will 
welcome  the  courteous  correction  of  his  error,  in  the 
interest  of  historical  accuracy ;  the  opinion  of  any 
other  need  not  be  regarded. 

Some  of  the  new  contributions  (or  original  demon- 


XVlll 


Introductory 


strations),  of  more  or  less  historical  importance,  made 
to  the  history  of  the  Pilgrims,  as  the  author  believes, 
by  this  volume,  are  as  follows :  — 

(a)  A  closely  approximate  list  of  the  passengers  who  left 
Delf shaven  on  the  Speedwell  for  Southampton;  in  other 
words,  the  names  —  those  of  Carver  and  Cushman  and  of 
the  latter's  family  being  added  —  of  the  Ley  den  contingent 
of  the  May-Flower  Pilgrims. 

(b)  A  closely  approximate  list  of  the  passengers  who  left 
London  in  the  May-Flower  for  Southampton;  in  other 
words,  the  names  (with  the  deduction  of  Cushman  and 
family,  of  Carver,  who  was  at  Southampton,  and  of  an  un- 
known few  who  abandoned  the  voyage  at  Plymouth)  of 
the  English  contingent  of  the  May-Flower  Pilgrims. 

(c)  The  establishment  as  correct,  beyond  reasonable 
doubt,  of  the  date,  Sunday,  June  11/21,  1620,  affixed  by 
Robert  Cushman  to  his  letter  to  the  Leyden  leaders 
(announcing  the  "  turning  of  the  tide  "  in  Pilgrim  affairs,  the 
hiring  of  the  "  pilott "  Clarke,  etc.),  contrary  to  the  conclu- 
sions of  Prince,  Arber,  and  others,  that  the  letter  could  not 
have  been  written  on  Sunday. 

(d)  The  demonstration  of  the  fact  that  on  Saturday,  June 
10/20,  1620,  Cushman's  efforts  alone  apparently  turned  the 
tide  in  Pilgrim  affairs ;  brought  Weston  to  renewed  and 
decisive  cooperation ;  secured  the  employment  of  a  "  pilot," 
and  definite  action  toward  hiring  a  ship,  marking  it  as  one 
of  the  most  notable  and  important  of  Pilgrim  "red-letter 
days." 

(e)  The  demonstration  of  the  fact  that  the  ship  of  which 
Weston  and  Cushman  took  "the  refusal,"  on  Saturday, 
June  10/20,  1620,  was  not  the  May-Flower,  as  Young, 
Deane,  Goodwin,  and  other  historians  allege. 

(f)  The   demonstration   of  the    fact    (overthrowing   the 


Introductory 


author's  own  earlier  views)  that  the  estimates  and  criticisms 
of  Robinson,  Carver,  Brown,  Goodwin,  and  others  upon 
Robert  Cushman  were  unwarranted,  unjust,  and  cruel,  and 
that  he  was,  in  fact,  second  to  none  in  efficient  service  to  the 
Pilgrims;  and  hence  so  ranks  in  title  to  grateful  apprecia- 
tion and  memory. 

(g)  The  demonstration  of  the  fact  that  the  May-Flower 
was  not  chartered  later  than  June  19/29,  1620,  and  was 
probably  chartered  in  the  week  of  June  12/22-June  19/29 
of  that  year. 

(h)  "The  addition  of  several  new  names  to  the  list  of  the 
Merchant  Adventurers,  hitherto  unpublished  as  such,  with 
considerable  new  data  concerning  the  list  in  general. 

(i)  The  demonstration  of  the  fact  that  Martin  and  Mul- 
lens, of  the  May-Flower  colonists,  were  also  Merchant  Ad- 
venturers, while  William  White  was  probably  such. 

(j)  The  demonstration  of  the  fact  that  "  Master  William- 
son," the  much-mooted  incognito  of  Bradford's  "Mourt's 
Relation  "  (whose  existence  even  has  often  been  denied  by 
Pilgrim  writers),  was  none  other  than  the  "  ship's-merchant," 
or  "purser"  of  the  May-F lower,  —  hitherto  unknown  as  one 
of  her  officers,  and  historically  wholly  unidentified.    (Appendix.) 

(k)  The  general  description  of,  and  many  particulars  con- 
cerning, the  May-Flower  herself,  her  accommodations  (espe- 
cially as  to  her  cabins),  her  crew,  etc.,  hitherto  unknown. 

(1)  The  demonstration  of  the  fact  that  the  witnesses  to  the 
nuncupative  will  of  William  Mullens  were  two  of  the  May- 
Flower's  crew  (one  being  possibly  the  ship's  surgeon),  thus 
furnishing  the  names  of  two  more  of  the  ship's  company, 
and  the  only  names  —  except  those  of  her  chief  officers  — 
ever  ascertained.      (See  Appendix.) 

(m)  The  indication  of  the  strong  probability  that  the 
entire  company  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers  signed,  on  the 
one  part,  the  charter-party  of  the  May-Flower. 


XIX 


XX 


Introductory 


(n)  An  (approximate)  list  ot  the  ages  ot  the  May-Flower's 
passengers  and  the  respective  occupations  of  the  adults. 

(o)  The  demonstration  of  the  fact  that  no  less  than  five 
of  the  Merchant  Adventurers  cast  in  their  lots  and  lives  with 
the  Plymouth  Pilgrims  as  colonists. 

(p)  The  indication  of  the  strong  probability  that  Thomas 
Goffe,  Esquire,  one  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers,  owned  the 
"  May-Flower  "  when  she  was  chartered  for  the  Pilgrim 
voyage,  —  as  also  on  her  voyages  to  New  England  in  1 629 
and  1630. 

(q)  The  demonstration  of  the  fact  that  the  Master  of  the 
May-Flower  was  Thomas  Jones,  and  that  there  was  an  in- 
trigue with  Master  Jones  to  land  the  Pilgrims  at  some  point 
north  of  the  41st  parallel  of  north  latitude,  the  other  parties 
to  which  were,  not  the  Dutch,  as  heretofore  claimed,  but 
none  other  than  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  the  Earl  of 
Warwick,  chiefs  of  the  "Council  for  New  England,"  in 
furtherance  of  a  successful  scheme  of  Gorges  to  steal  the  Pil- 
grim colony  from  the  London  Virginia  Company,  for  the  more 
"  northern  Plantations  "  of  the  conspirators. 

(r)  The  demonstration  of  the  fact  that  a  second  attempt 
at  stealing  the  colony  —  by  which  John  Pierce,  one  of  the 
Adventurers,  endeavored  to  possess  himself  of  the  demesne 
and  rights  of  the  colonists,  and  to  make  them  his  tenants 
—  was  defeated  only  by  the  intervention  of  the  "  Council " 
and  the  Crown,  the  matter  being  finally  settled  by  compro- 
mise and  the  transfer  of  the  patent  by  Pierce  (hitherto 
questioned)  to  the  colony. 

(s)  The  demonstration  of  the  actual  relations  of  the 
Merchant  Adventurers  and  the  Pilgrim  colonists  —  their 
respective  bodies  being  associated  as  but  two  partners  in  an 
equal  copartnership,  the  interests  of  the  respective  partners 
being  (probably)  held  upon  differing  bases  —  contrary  to 
the  commonly  published  and  accepted  view. 


Introductory 


XXI 


(t)  The  demonstration  of  the  fact  that  the  May-Flower 
—  contrary  to  the  popular  impression  —  did  not  enter 
Plymoutli  harbor,  as  a  "  lone  vessel,"  slowly  "  feeling  her 
way"  by  chart  and  lead-line,  but  was  undoubtedly  piloted 
to  her  anchorage  —  previously  "  sounded  "  for  her  —  by  the 
Pilgrim  shallop,  which  doubtless  accompanied  her  from 
Cape  Cod  harbor,  on  both  her  efforts  to  make  this  haven, 
under  her  own  sails. 

(u)  The  indication  of  the  strong  probability  that  Thomas 
English  was  helmsman  of  the  May-Flower's  shallop  (and  so 
savior  of  her  sovereign  company,  at  the  entrance  of  Plym- 
outh harbor  on  the  stormy  night  of  the  landing  on  Clarke's 
Island),  and  that  hence  to  him  the  salvation  of  the  Pilgrim 
colony  is  probably  due ;  and 

(v)  Many  facts  not  hitherto  published,  or  generally  known, 
as  to  the  antecedents,  relationships,  etc.,  of  individual  Pil- 
grims of  both  the  Leyden  and  the  English  contingents,  and 
of  certain  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers. 

For  convenience'  sake,  both  the  Old  Style  and  the 
New  Style  dates  of  many  events  are  annexed  to  their 
mention,  and  double-dating  is  followed  throughout 
the  narrative-journal  or  "  Log  "  of  the   Pilgrim  ship. 

As  the  Gregorian  and  other  corrections  of  the  cal- 
endar are  now  generally  well  understood,  and  have 
been  so  often  stated  in  detail  in  print,  it  is  thought 
sufficient  to  note  here  their  concrete  results  as  affect- 
ing dates  occurring  in  Pilgrim  and  later  literature. 

From  1582  to  1700  the  difference  between  O.  S. 
and  N.  S.  was  ten  (10)  days  (the  leap-year  being 
passed  in  1600).  From  1700  to  1800  it  was  eleven 
(11)    days,    because    1700    in    O.  S.    was    leap-year. 


XXll 


Introductor 


ry 


From  1800  to  1900  the  difference  is  twelve  (12) 
days,  and  from  1900  to  2000  it  will  be  thirteen  (13) 
days. 

All  the  Dutch  dates  were  New  Style,  while  Eng- 
lish dates  were  yet  of  the  Old  Style. 

There  are  three  editions  of  Bradford's  "  History 
of  Plimoth  Plantation"  referred  to  herein;  each 
duly  specified,  as  occasion  requires.  (There  is,  beside, 
a  magnificent  edition  in  photo-facsimile.)  They 
are :  — 

(a)  The  original  manuscript  itself,  now  in  possession  of 
the  State  of  Massachusetts,  having  been  returned  from  Eng- 
land in  1897,  called  herein  "orig.  MS." 

(b)  The  Deane  Edition  (so-called)  of  1856,  being  that 
edited  by  the  late  Charles  Deane  for  the  Massachusetts  His- 
torical Society  and  published  in  "  Massachusetts  Historical 
Collections,"  vol.  iii. ;  called  herein  "  Deane's  ed." 

(c)  The  Edition  recently  published  by  the  Commonwealth 
of  Massachusetts,  and  designated  as  the  "  Mass.  ed." 

Of  "  Mourt's  Relation  "  there  are  several  editions, 
but  the  one  usually  referred  to  herein  is  that  edited 
by  Rev.  Henry  M.  Dexter,  D.  D.,  by  far  the  best. 
Where  reference  is  made  to  any  other  edition,  it  is 
indicated,  and  "  Dexter's  ed."  is  sometimes  named. 

AZEL  AMES. 

Wakefield,  Massachusetts, 
March  i,  1901. 


THE  MAY-FLOWER 


S^  Her  Log 


*'  Hail  to  thee,  poor  little  ship  May-Flower  —  of  Delft 
Haven — poor,  common-looking  ship,  hired  by  common  charter- 
party  for  coined  dollars,  —  caulked  with  mere  oakum  and  tar,  — 
provisioned  with  vulgarest  biscuit  and  bacon, — yet  what  ship 
Argo  or  miraculous  epic  ship,  built  by  the  sea  gods,  was  other 
than  a  foolish  bumbarge  in  comparison!'' 

Thomas  Carlyle 


CHAPTER  I 


The  Name  —  "  May-Flower 


j> 


URIOUSLY  enough,"  observes  Professor 
Arber,'  "  these  names  [May-Flower  and 
Speedwell]  do  not  occur  either  in  the 
Bradford  manuscript  ^  or  in  '  Mourt's  Re- 
lation.' "  ^  He  might  have  truthfully 
added  that  they  nowhere  appear  in  any 
of  the  letters  of  the  "  exodus  "  period,  whether  from  Carver, 
Robinson,  Cushman,  or  Weston;  or  in  the  later  publications 
of  Winslow ;  or  in  fact  of  any  contemporaneous  writer.  It 
is  not  strange,  therefore,  that  the  Rev.  Mr.  Blaxland,*  the 

1.  The  Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  as  Told  by  Themselves,  their 
Friends,  and  their  Enemies,  Edward  Arber,  London,  Boston,  and 
New  York,  1897,  P-  3^^- 

2.  Bradford's  MS.  Historic  of  Plimoth  Plantation.  Now  in  the 
State  Library  of  Massachusetts  at  Boston. 

3.  A  Relation,  or  "Journal,  of  the  Beginning  and  Proceedings  of  the 
English  Plantation  settled  at  Plymouth  in  New  England,  etc.  G. 
Mourt,  London,  1622.  Undoubtedly  the  joint  product  of  Brad- 
ford and  Winslow,  and  sent  to  George  Morton  at  London  for  pub- 
lication. Bradford  says  (op.  cit.  p.  120):  "Many  other  smaler 
maters  I  omite,  sundrie  of  them  having  been  allready  published,  in 
a  Jurnall  made  by  one  of  ye  company,"  etc.  From  this  it  would 
appear  that  Alourt's  Relation  was  his  work,  which  it  doubtless  prin- 
cipally was,  though  Winslow  performed  an  honorable  part,  as 
"  Mourt's  "  introduction  and  other  data  prove. 

4.  Rev.  G.  Cuthbert  Blaxland,  M.  A.,  Mayfimuer  Essays, —  The 
Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  etc.  London,  1896,  pp.  43,  44. 


%i}t  iPame 


'The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


able  author  of  the  "  Mayflower  Essays,"  should  have  asked 
for  the  authority  for  the  names  assigned  to  the  two  Pilgrim 
ships  ot  1620. 

It  seems  to  be  the  fact,  as  noted  by  Arber,  that  the  earliest 
2Dl)C  /]5amf  authentic  evidence  that  the  bark  which  bore  the  Pilgrims 
across  the  North  Atlantic  in  the  late  autumn  of  1620  was 
the  May-Flower,  is  the  "  heading " '  of  the  "  Allotment  of 
Lands  "  —  happily  an  "  official  "  document  —  made  at  New 
Plymouth,  New  England,  in  March,  1623.  It  is  not  a  little 
remarkable  that,  with  the  constantly  recurring  references  to 
"  the  ship,"  —  the  all-important  factor  in  Pilgrim  history,  — 
her  name  should  nowhere  have  found  mention  in  the  earliest 
Pilgrim  literature.  Bradford  uses  the  terms,  the  "  biger  ship," 
or  the  "larger  ship,"  and  Winslow,  Cushman,  Captain  John 
Smith,  and  others  mention  simply  the  "  vessel,"  or  the  "  ship," 
when  speaking  of  the  May-Flower,  but  in  no  case  give  her 
a  name. 

It  is  somewhat  startling  to  find  so  thorough-paced  an  Eng- 
lishman as  Thomas  Carlyle  calling  her  the  May-Flower  "of 
Delft-Haven,"  as  in  the  quotation  from  him  on  a  preceding 
page.  That  he  knew  better  cannot  be  doubted,  and  it  must 
be  accounted  one  of  those  lapsus  calami  readily  forgiven  to 
genius,  —  proverbially  indifferent  to  detail. 

Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  makes  the  curious  misstatement^ 
that  the  Pilgrims  had  three  ships,  and  says  of  them  :  "  Of  the 
three  ships  (such  as  their  weak  fortunes  were  able  to  pro- 
vide), whereof  two  proved  unserviceable  and  so  were  left 
behind,  the  third  with  great  difficulty  reached  the  coast  of 
New  England,"  etc. 


1.  Records  of  the  Colony  of  New  Plymouth  in  New  England. 
[Plymouth  Archives]  published  by  order  of  the  Legislature  of  Mass., 
Boston,  1861,  vol.  xii.  (Deeds,  vol.  i.  pp.  4-1 1),  edited  by  David 
Pulsifer.  The  "heading"  of  the  list  of  "allotments"  reads:  "The 
Falls  of  their  Grounds,  which  came  first  over  in  the  May-Flower, 
according  as  their  lots  were  cast,  1623  ;" — the  spelling  of  the  ship's 
name  being  as  here  given  and  hence  adopted,  as  the  historic,  "  offi- 
cial "  orthography. 

2.  Gorges's  tract:  J  Brief e  Narration  of  the  Original  Undertaking 
of  the  Administration  of  Plantations.,  etc. 


CHAPTER  II 

The  May-Flower's  Consort 
The  Speedwell 


S  the  Speedwell  was  the  first  vessel  pro- 
cured by  the  Leyden  Pilgrims  for  the 
emigration,  and  was  bought  by  them- 
selves ;  as  she  was  the  ship  of  their  his- 
toric embarkation  at  Delfshaven,  and  that 
which  carried  the  originators  of  the  en- 
terprise to  Southampton,  to  join  the  May-Flower,  —  whose 
consort  she  was  to  be ;  and  as  she  became  a  determining 
factor  in  the  latter's  belated  departure  for  New  England,  she 
may  justly  claim  mention  here  as  indeed  an  inseparable 
"  part  and  parcel  "  of  the  May-Flower's  voyage. 

The  name  of  this  vessel  of  associate  historic  renown  with 
the  May-Flower  was  even  longer  in  finding  record  in  the 
early  literature  of  the  Pilgrim  hegira  than  that  of  the  larger 
ship.  It  first  appeared,  so  far  as  discovered,  in  1669 — nearly 
fifty  years  after  her  memorable  service  to  the  Pilgrims  — 
on  the  fifth  page  of  Nathaniel  Morton's  "New  England's 
Memorial."^ 

Davis,  in  his  "Ancient  Landmarks  of  Plymouth,""  makes 
a  singular  error  for  so  competent  a  writer,  when  he  says :  "  The 
agents  of  the  company  in  England  had  hired  the  Speedwell, 
of  sixty  tons,  and  sent  her  to  Delfthaven,  to  convey  the  colo- 


1.  New  England's  Memorial^  Nathaniel  Morton,  1669,  p.  5. 

2.  Ancient  Landmarks  of  Plymouth  [Mass.] ,  Wm.  T.  Davis,  p.  21. 


^pecDlDcU 


"The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


%\^t  |0urcjt)a0c 


nists  to  Southampton."  In  this,  however,  he  but  follows 
Mather'  and  the  "Modern  Universal  History,"^  though  both 
are  notably  unreliable;  but  he  lacks  their  excuse,  for  they  were 
without  his  access  to  Bradford's  "  Historic."  That  the  con- 
sort-pinnace was  neither  "  hired  "  nor  "  sent  to  Delfthaven  " 
duly  appears. 

Bradford  states  the  fact,  —  that  "a  smale  ship  (of  some  60 
tune),  was  bought  and  fitted  in  Holand,  which  was  intended 
to  serve  to  help  to  transport  them,  so  to  stay  in  ye  countrie 
and  atend  ye  fishing  and  such  other  affairs  as  might  be  for  ye 
good  and  benefite  of  ye  colonie  when  they  come  ther."^  The 
statements  of  Bradford  and  others  indicate  that  she  was  bought 
and  refitted  with  moneys  raised  in  Holland,  but  it  is  not  easy 
to  understand  the  transaction,  in  view  of  the  understood  terms 
of  the  business  compact  between  the  Adventurers  and  the 
Planters,  as  hereinafter  outlined. 

The  Merchant  Adventurers — who  were  organized  (but  not 
incorporated)  chiefly  through  the  activity  of  Thomas  Weston, 
a  merchant  of  London,  to  "  finance  "  the  Pilgrim  undertaking 
—  were  bound,  as  part  of  their  engagement,  to  provide  the 
necessary  shipping,*  etc.,  for  the  voyage.  The  "joint-stock  or 
partnership,"  as  it  was  called  in  the  agreement  ^  of  the  Adven- 
turers and  Planters,  was  an  equal  partnership  between  but 
two  parties,  the  Adventurers,  as  a  body,  being  one  of  the  co- 
partners; the  Planter  colonists,  as  a  body,  the  other.  |  It  was  a 
partnership  to  run  for  seven  years,  to  whose  capital  stock  the 
first-named  partner  (the  Adventurers)  was  bound  to  contribute 
whatever  moneys,  or  their  equivalents,  —  some  subscriptions 
were  paid  in  goods,  — were  necessary  to  transport,  equip,  and 
maintain  the  colony  and  provide  it  the  means  of  traffic,  etc., 
for  the  term  named. 

The  second-named  partner  (the  Planter  body)  was  to  fur- 


1.  Magnolia  Christi  Americana^  Cotton  Mather,  Boston,  vol.  i.  p. 

47- 

2.  Modern  Universal  History,  vol.  xxxix.  p.  272. 

3.  Bradford's  Historic  of  Plimoth  Plantation,  Deane's  ed.  1856,  p.58. 

4.  Letter  of  John  Robinson  of  June  14,  1620,  to  John  Carver. 
Bradford's  Historie ;  Arber,  The  Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  317. 

5.  Bradford's  Historie,  Deane's  ed.  1856,  p.  45. 


The  Speedwell 


nish  the  men,  women,  and  children,  —  the  colonists  themselves, 
and  their  best  endeavors,  essential  to  the  enterprise,  —  and 
such  further  contributions  of  money  or  provisions,  on  an 
agreed  basis,  as  might  be  practicable  for  them.  At  the 
expiration  of  the  seven  years,  all  properties  of  every  kind 
were  to  be  divided  into  two  equal  parts,  of  which  the  Ad- 
venturers were  to  take  one  and  the  Planters  the  other,  in  full 
satisfaction  of  their  respective  investments  and  claims. 

The  Adventurers'  half  would  of  course  be  divided  among 
themselves,  in  such  proportion  as  their  individual  contribu- 
tions bore  to  the  sum  total  invested.  The  Planters  would 
divide  their  half  among  their  number,  according  to  their 
respective  contributions  of  persons,  money,  or  provisions, 
as  per  the  agreed  basis,  which  was : '  that  every  person  join- 
ing the  enterprise,  whether  man,  woman,  youth,  maid,  or 
servant,  if  sixteen  years  old,  should  count  as  a  share ;  that  a 
share  should  be  reckoned  at  ;^  i  o,  and  hence  that  £  i  o  worth 
of  money  or  provisions  should  also  count  as  a  share.  Every 
man,  therefore,  would  be  entitled  to  one  share  for  each  per- 
son (if  sixteen  years  of  age)  he  contributed,  and  for  each 
^lo  of  money  or  provisions  he  added  thereto,  another  share. 
Two  children  between  ten  and  sixteen  would  count  as  one 
and  be  allowed  a  share  in  the  division,  but  children  under 
ten  were  to  have  only  fifty  acres  of  wild  land.     The  scheme 


I.  Bradford's  Historic,  Deane's  ed.  p.  45  ;  Arber,  op.  cit.  p.  305. 
The  fact  that  Lyford  (Bradford,  Historie,  Mass.  ed.  p.  217)  recom- 
mended that  every  "  particular  "  (i.  e.  non-partnership  colonist)  sent 
out  by  the  Adventurers  —  and  they  had  come  to  be  mostly  of  that 
class — "should  come  over  as  an  Adventurer,  even  if  only  a  ser- 
vant," and  the  fact  that  he  recognized  that  some  one  would  have  to 
pay  in  £10  to  make  each  one  an  Adventurer,  would  seem  to  indi- 
cate that  any  one  was  eligible  and  that  either  .^10  was  the  price  of 
the  Merchant  Adventurer's  share,  or  that  this  was  the  smallest  sub- 
scription which  would  admit  to  membership.  Such  "  particular," 
even  although  an  Adventurer,  had  no  partnership  share  in  the  Planters' 
half-interest ;  had  no  voice  in  the  government,  and  no  claim  for 
maintenance.  He  was,  however,  amenable  to  the  government,  sub- 
ject to  military  duty  and  to  tax.  The  advantage  of  being  an  Adven- 
turer without  a  voice  in  colony  affairs  would  be  purely  a  moral  one. 


Bobrnttircrs 
aiiD  planters 


8 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


i^o  Comma* 

ntt^  of  ^ooDsi 


was  admirable  for  its  equity,  simplicity,  and  elasticity,  and 
was  equally  so  for  either  capitalist  or  colonist. 

Goodwin  notes,^  that,  "  in  an  edition  of  Cushman's  '  Dis- 
course,' Judge  Davis  of  Boston  advanced  the  idea  that  at 
first  the  Pilgrims  put  all  their  possessions  into  a  common 
stock,  and  until  1623  had  no  individual  property.  In  his 
edition  of  Morton's  '  Memorial  '  he  honorably  admits  his 
error."  The  same  mistake  was  made  by  Robertson  and 
Chief  Justice  Marshall,  and  is  occasionally  repeated  in  this 
day.  "  There  was  no  community  of  goods,  though  there 
was  labor  in  common,  with  public  supplies  of  food  and 
clothing."  Neither  is  there  warrant  for  the  conclusion  of 
Goodwin,"  that  because  the  holdings  of  the  Planters'  half- 
interest  in  the  undertaking  were  divided  into  ;^io  shares, 
those  of  the  Adventurers  were  also.  It  is  not  impossible, 
but  it  does  not  necessarily  follow,  and  certain  known  facts 
indicate  the  contrary. 

Rev.  Edward  Everett  Hale,  in  "  The  Pilgrims'  Life  in 
Common,"^  says:  "Carver,  Winslow,  Bradford,  Brewster, 
Standish,  Fuller,  and  Allerton  were  the  persons  of  largest 
means  in  the  Leyden  group  of  the  emigrants.  It  seems  as  if 
their  quota  of  subscription  to  the  common  stock  were  paid 
in  'provisions  '  for  the  voyage  and  the  colony,  and  that  by 
'  provisions '  is  meant  such  articles  of  food  as  could  be  best 
bought  in  Holland."  The  good  Doctor  is  clearly  in  error, 
in  the  above.  Allerton  was  probably  as  "  well  off"  as  any 
of  the  Leyden  contingent,  while  Francis  Cooke  and  Degory 
Priest  were  probably  "better  off"  than  either  Brewster  or 
Standish,  who  apparently  had  little  of  this  world's  goods. 
Neither  is  there  any  evidence  that  any  considerable  amount 
of  "  provision "  was  bought  in  Holland.  Quite  a  large 
sum  of  money,  which  came,  apparently,  from  the  pockets 
of  the  Leyden  Adventurers  (Pickering,  Greene,  etc.),  and 


1.  The  Pilgrim   Republic,  John  A.    Goodwin,    Boston,    1888,    p. 
192. 

2.  Ibid. 

3.  New   England  Magazine,  September,    1889:   "The  Pilgrims' 
Life  in  Common,"  Rev.  E.  E.  Hale,  D.  D. 


The  Speedwell 


2Df)e  0gcntB; 

ofrtjE 

UlnDcrtabing 


some  of  the  Pilgrims,  was  requisite  to  pay  for  the  Speedwell 
and  her  refitting,  etc. ;  but  how  much  came  from  either  is 
conjectural  at  best.  But  aside  from  "  Hollands  cheese," 
"  strong-waters  "  (schnapps),  some  few  things  that  Cushman 
names,  and  probably  a  few  others,  obtained  in  Holland,  most 
of  the  "  provisioning,"  as  repeatedly  appears,  was  done  at  the 
English  Southampton.  In  fact,  after  clothing  and  generally 
"  outfitting  "  themselves,  it  is  pretty  certain  tliat  but  {^\^  of 
the  Leyden  party  had  much  left. 

There  was  evidently  an  understanding  between  the  part- 
ners that  there  should  be  four  principal  agents  charged  with 
the  preparations  for,  and  carrying  out  of,  the  enterprise,  — 
Thomas  Weston  and  Christopher  Martin  representing  the 
Adventurers  and  the  colonists  who  were  recruited  in  England 
(Martin  being  made  treasurer),'  while  Carver  and  Cushman 
acted  for  the  Leyden  company.  John  Pierce  seems  to  have 
been  the  especial  representative  of  the  Adventurers  in  the 
matter  of  the  obtaining  of  the  Patent  from  the  (London) 
Virginia  Company,  and  later  from  the  Council  for  New  Eng- 
land. Bradford  says:^  "For  besides  these  two  formerly 
mentioned,  sent  from  Leyden,  viz..  Master  Carver  and 
Robert  Cushman,  there  was  one  chosen  in  England  to  be 
joyned  with  them,  to  make  the  provisions  for  the  Voyage. 
His  name  was  Master  Martin.  He  came  from  Billerike  in 
Essexe ;  from  which  parts  came  sundry  others  to  go  with 
them ;  as  also  from  London  and  other  places,  and  therefore 
it  was  thought  meet  and  convenient  by  them  in  Holand,  that 
these  strangers  that  were  to  goe  with  them,  should  appointe 
one  thus  to  be  joyned  with  them;  not  so  much  from  any 
great  need  of  their  help  as  to  avoid  all  susspition,  or  jealosie, 
of  any  partialitie."  But  neither  Weston,  Martin,  Carver,  nor 
Cushman  seems  to  have  been  directly  concerned  in  the  pur- 
chase of  the  Speedwell.  The  most  probable  conjecture  con- 
cerning it  is,  that  in  furtherance  of  the  purpose  of  the  Leyden 
leaders,  stated  by  Bradford,  that  there  should  be  a  small  vessel 


1.  Letter  of  Cushman  to  Edward  Southworth,  August  17,  1620. 
Bradford's  Historie,  Mass.  ed.  pp.  87,  88. 

2.  Bradford's  Historie^  Deane's  ed.  p.  56. 


lO 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


bougt)t  bi!  t|ie 
ILeaOerfli 


for  their  service  in  fishing,  traffic,  etc.,  wherever  they  might 
plant  the  colony,  they  were  permitted  by  the  Adventurers  to 
purchase  the  Speedwell  for  that  service,  and  as  a  consort,  "  on 
general  account." 

It  is  evident,  however,  from  John  Robinson's  letter  *  of 
June  14,  1620,  to  John  Carver,  that  Weston  ridiculed  the 
transaction,  probably  on  selfish  grounds,  but,  as  events  proved, 
not  without  some  justification. 

Robinson  says:  "Master  Weston  makes  himself  merry 
with  our  endeavors  about  buying  a  ship,"  [the  Speedwell] 
"  but  we  have  done  nothing  in  this  but  with  good  reason,  as 
I  am  persuaded."  Although  bought  with  funds  raised  in 
Holland,"  it  was  evidently  upon  "joint-account,"  and  she  was 
doubtless  so  sold,  as  alleged,  on  her  arrival  in  September,  at 
London,  having  proved  unseaworthy.  In  fact,  the  only  view 
of  this  transaction  that  harmonizes  with  the  known  facts  and 
the  respective  rights  and  relations  of  the  parties  is,  that  per- 
mission was  obtained  (perhaps  through  Edward  Pickering, 
one  of  the  Adventurers,^  a  merchant  of  Leyden,  and  others) 
that  the  Leyden  leaders  should  buy  and  refit  the  consort,  and 
in  so  doing  might  expend  the  funds  which  certain  of  the 
Leyden  Pilgrims  were  to  pay  into  the  enterprise,  —  which  it 
appears  they  did,*  —  and  for  which  they  would  receive,  as 


1.  Bradford's  Historic^  Mass.  ed.  p.  60.  Robinson's  letter  to 
John  Carver. 

2.  Arber  {The  Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  341)  arrives  at  the 
conclusion  that  "  The  Speedwell  had  been  bought  with  Leyden 
money.  The  proceeds  of  her  sale,  after  her  return  to  London,  would, 
of  course,  go  to  the  credit  of  the  common  Joint-Stock  there."  This 
inference  seems  warranted  by  Robinson's  letter  of  June  14/24  to 
Carver,  in  which  he  clearly  indicates  that  the  Leyden  brethren  col- 
lected the  "Adventurers"  subscriptions  of  Pickering  and  his  partner 
(Greene),  which  were  evidently  considerable. 

3.  Intercepted  (by  Weston)  letters  of  Edward  Pickering  and  Wil- 
liam Greene  to  Governor  Bradford,  in  1622.  Bradford's  Historic, 
Deane's  ed.  p.  120.  See,  also,  Merchant  Adventurers,  chap.  m.  post, 
p.  64. 

4.  Robinson's  letter  of  June  14/24,  1620,  to  John  Carver. 
Bradford's  Historic,  Deane's  ed.  p.  47.     Also  letter  of  the  Planters 


The  Speedwell 


shown,  extra  shares  in  the  Planters'  halt-interest.  It  was  very 
possibly  further  permitted  by  the  Adventurers,  that  Mr.  Pick- 
ering's and  his  partners'  subscriptions  to  their  capital  stock 
should  be  applied  to  die  purchase  of  the  Speedwell,  as  they 
were  collected  by  the  Leyden  leaders,  as  Pastor  Robinson's  letter 
of  June  14/24  to  John  Carver,  previously  noted,  clearly  shows. 

She  was  obviously  bought  some  little  time  before  May  31, 
1620,  —  probably  in  the  early  part  of  the  month,  —  from  the 
fact  that  in  their  letter  of  May  31st  to  Carver  and  Cush- 
man,  then  in  London,  Messrs.  Fuller,  Winslow,  Bradford,  and 
Allerton  state  that  "we  received  divers  letters  at  the  coming 
of  Master  Nash  and  our  Pilott," '  etc.  From  this  it  is  clear 
that  time  enough  had  elapsed,  since  their  purchase  of  the  pin- 
nace, for  their  messenger  (Master  Nash)  to  go  to  London,  — 
evidently  with  a  request  to  Carver  and  Cushman  that  they 
would  send  over  a  competent  "  pilott "  to  refit  her,  and  for 
Nash  to  return  with  him,  while  the  letter  announcing  their 
arrival  does  not  seem  to  have  been  immediately  written. 

The  writers  of  the  above-mentioned  letter  use  the  words 
"  we  received,"  —  using  the  past  tense,  as  if  some  days  before, 
instead  of  "we  have  your  letters,"  or  "we  have  just  received 
your  letters,"  which  would  rather  indicate  present,  or  recent, 
time.  Probably  some  days  elapsed  after  the  "  pilott's  "  arri- 
val, before  this  letter  of  acknowledgment  was  sent.  It  is 
hence  fair  to  assume  that  the  pinnace  was  bought  early  in 
May,  and  that  no  time  was  lost  by  the  Leyden  party  in  pre- 
paring for  the  exodus,  after  their  negotiations  with  the  Dutch 
were  "broken  off"  and  they  had  "struck  hands"  with  Wes- 
ton, sometime  between  February  2/12,  1619/20,  and  April 
1/11,  1620,  —  probably  in  March.'- 


to  the  Adventurers,  from  Southampton,  August  3,  1620.     Bradford's 
Hist  or  ie,  Mass.  ed.  p.  75. 

1.  Letter  of  Leyden  leaders  to  Carver  and  Cushman,  May  31/ 
June  10,  1620.  Bradford's  Historic^  Mass.  ed.  p.  61.  Thomas 
Nash  was  one  of  the  five  signers  of  a  letter  in  Governor  Bradford's 
Letter  Book,  directed  to  Bradford  and  Brewster  at  New  Plymouth, 
written  at  Leyden,  November  30,  1625.  Bradford's  Letter  Book, 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  ill.  p.  44. 

2.  Bradford's  Historie,  Deane's  ed.  p.  42;  Arber,  op.  cit.  p.  302. 


1  1 


Wljm  tl)e 

>a>pefDUlfU 

tnas  bougljt 


I  2 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


2Ct)f  &pffD# 
iucU'g  2D^c 
ant)  Dfficrip^ 
tton 


The  consort  was  a  pinnace  —  as  vessels  of  her  class  were 
then  and  for  many  years  called  —  of  sixty  tons  burden,  as 
already  stated,  having  two  masts,  which  were  put  in  —  as  we 
are  informed  by  Bradford,  and  are  not  allowed  by  Professor 
Arber  to  forget — as  a  part  of  her  refitting  in  Holland.  That 
she  was  "  square-rigged,"  and  generally  of  the  then  preva- 
lent style  of  vessels  of  her  size  and  class,  is  altogether  prob- 
able. The  name  pinnace  was  applied  to  vessels  having  a 
wide  range  in  tonnage,  etc.,  from  a  craft  of  hardly  more  than 
ten  or  fifteen  tons  to  one  of  sixty  or  eighty.  It  was  a  term 
of  pretty  loose  and  indefinite  adaptation  and  covered  most  of 
the  smaller  craft  above  a  shallop  or  ketch,  from  such  as  could 
be  propelled  by  oars,  and  were  so  fitted,  to  a  small  ship  of  the 
Speedwell's  class,  carrying  an  armament. 

None  of  the  many  representations  of  the  Speedwell  which 
appear  in  historical  pictures  are  authentic,  though  some  doubt- 
less give  correct  ideas  of  her  type.  Weir's  painting  of  the 
"Embarkation  of  the  Pilgrims,"  in  the  Capitol  at  Washing- 
ton (and  Parker's  copy  of  the  same  in  Pilgrim  Hall,  Plym- 
outh) ;  Lucy's  painting  of  the  "  Departure  of  the  Pilgrims," 
in  Pilgrim  Hall ;  Cope's  great  painting  in  the  corridor  of  the 
British  Houses  of  Parliament,  and  others  of  lesser  note,  all 
depict  the  vessel  on  much  the  same  lines,  but  nothing  can  be 
claimed  for  any  of  them,  except  fidelity  to  a  type  of  vessel 
of  that  day  and  class.  Perhaps  the  best  illustration  now 
known  of  a  craft  of  this  type  is  given  in  the  painting  by  the 
Cuyps,  father  and  son,  of  the  "  Departure  of  the  Pilgrims 
from  Delfshaven,"  as  reproduced  by  Dr.  W.  E.  Griffis,  as  the 
frontispiece  to  his  little  monograph,  "  The  Pilgrims  in  their 
Three  Homes."  No  reliable  description  of  the  pinnace  her- 
self is  known  to  exist,  and  but  few  facts  concerning  her  have 
been  gleaned.  That  she  was  fairly  "  roomy "  for  a  small 
number  of  passengers,  and  had  decent  accommodations,  is 
inferable  from  the  fact  that  so  many  as  thirty  were  assigned 
to  her  at  Southampton,  for  the  Atlantic  voyage  (while  the 
May-Flower,  three  times  her  tonnage,  but  of  greater  pro- 
portionate capacity,  had  but  ninety),  as  also  from  the  fact 
that  "  the  chief  [i.  e.  principal  people]  of  them  that  came 
from  Leyden  went  in  this  ship,  to  give  Master    Reynolds 


The  Speedwell 


13 


content."  That  she  mounted  at  least  "  three  pieces  of  ord- 
nance "  appears  by  the  testimony  of  Edward  Winslow,  and 
they  probably  comprised  her  armament. 

We  have  seen  that  Bradford  notes  the  purchase  and  refit- 
ting of  this  "  smale  ship  of  60  tune  "  In  Holland.  The  story 
of  her  several  sailings,  her  "  leakiness,"  her  final  return,  and 
her  abandonment  as  unseaworthy,  is  familiar.  We  find,  too, 
that  Bradford  also  states  in  his  "Historic,"  that  "the  leaki- 
ness of  this  ship  was  partly  by  her  being  overmasted  and  too 
much  pressed  with  sails."  It  will,  however,  amaze  the  read- 
ers of  Professor  Arber's  generally  excellent  "  Story  of  the 
Pilgrim  Fathers,"  so  often  referred  to  herein,  to  find  him 
sharply  arraigning  "those  members  of  the  Leyden  church 
who  were  responsible  for  the  fitting  of  the  Speedwell,"  al- 
leging that  "  they  were  the  proximate  causes  of  most  of  the 
troubles  on  the  voyage  [of  the  May-Flower]  out;  and  of 
many  of  the  deaths  at  Plymouth  in  New  England  in  the 
course  of  the  following  Spring ;  for  they  overmasted  the  vessel, 
and  by  so  doing  strained  her  hull  while  sailing."  To  this 
straining,  Arber  wholly  ascribes  the  "  leakiness"  of  the  Speed- 
well and  the  delay  in  the  final  departure  of  the  May-Flower, 
to  which  last  he  attributes  the  disastrous  results  he  specifies. 

It  would  seem  that  the  historian,  unduly  elated  at  what  he 
thought  the  discovery  of  another  "  turning-point  of  modern 
history,"  endeavors  to  establish  it  by  such  assertions  and  such 
partial  references  to  Bradford  as  would  support  the  imagi- 
nary "find."  Briefly  stated,  this  alleged  discovery,  which 
he  so  zealously  announces,  is  that  if  the  Speedwell  had  not 
been  overmasted,  both  she  and  the  May-Flower  would  have 
arrived  early  in  the  fall  at  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson  River, 
and  the  whole  course  of  New  England  history  would  have 
been  entirely  different.  Ergo,  the  "  overmasting "  of  the 
Speedwell  was  a  "  pivotal  point  in  modern  history."  With 
the  idea  apparently  of  giving  eclat  to  this  announcement 
and  of  attracting  attention  to  it,  he  surprisingly  charges  the 
responsibility  for  the  "overmasting"  and  its  alleged  dire 
results  upon  the  leaders  of  the  Leyden  church,  "  who  were," 
he  repeatedly  asserts,  "  alone  responsible."  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
however,  Bradford  expressly  states  (in  the  same  paragraph  as 


0  fetngtilar 
idnoictmcnt 


14 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


2Dl)etruECau£(c 
of  rtjc  S>pef  D; 
Uifll's;  Qln0ca=^ 
toortt)inc0£( 


that  upon  which  Professor  Arber  must  wholly  base  his  sweep- 
ing assertions)  that  the  " overmasting "  was  but  "partly" 
responsible  for  the  Speedwell's  leakiness,  and  directly  shows 
that  the  "  stratagem  "  of  her  master  and  crew,  "  afterwards," 
he  adds,  "known,  and  by  some  confessed,"  was  the  chief 
cause  of  her  leakiness. 

Cushman  also  shows,  by  his  letter,  —  written  after  the  ships 
had  put  back  into  Dartmouth,  —  a  part  of  which  Professor 
Arber  uses,  but  the  most  important  part  suppresses,  that 
what  he  evidently  considers  the  principal  leak  was  caused 
by  a  very  "  loose  board  "  (plank),  which  was  clearly  not  the 
result  of  the  straining  due  to  "crowding  sail,"  or  of  "over- 
masting."     (See  Appendix.) 

Moreover,  as  the  Leyden  chiefs  were  careful  to  employ  a 
presumably  competent  man  ("  pilott,"  afterwards  "  Master  " 
Reynolds)  to  take  charge  of  refitting  the  consort,  they  were 
hence  clearly,  both  legally  and  morally,  exempt  from  respon- 
sibility as  to  any  alterations  made.  Even  though  the  "over- 
masting  "  had  been  the  sole  cause  of  the  Speedwell's  leaki- 
ness, and  the  delays  and  vicissitudes  which  resulted  to  the 
May-Flower  and  her  company,  the  leaders  of  the  Leyden 
church  —  whom  Professor  Arber  arraigns  —  (themselves 
chiefly  the  sufferers)  were  in  no  wise  at  fault  1  It  is  clear, 
however,  that  the  "overmasting"  cut  but  small  figure  in 
the  case;  "confessed"  rascality  in  making  a  leak  otherwise, 
being  the  chief  trouble,  and  this,  as  well  as  the  "overmast- 
ing," lay  at  the  door  of  Master  Reynolds. 

Even  if  the  May-Flower  had  not  been  delayed  by  the 
Speedwell's  condition,  and  both  had  sailed  for  "  Hudson's 
River  "  in  midsummer,  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  they 
would  have  reached  there,  as  Arber  so  confidently  asserts. 
The  treachery  of  Captain  Jones,  in  league  with  Gorges,  would 
as  readily  have  landed  them,  by  some  pretext,  on  Cape  Cod 
in  October,  as  in  December.  But  even  though  they  had 
landed  at  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson,  there  is  no  good  reason 
why  the  Pilgrim  influence  should  not  have  worked  north  and 
east,  as  well  as  it  did  west  and  south,  and  with  the  Massachu- 
setts Bay  Puritans  there,  Roger  Williams  in  Rhode  Island, 
and  the  younger  Winthrop  in  Connecticut,  would  doubtless 


The  Speedwell 


have  made  New  England  history. very  much  what  it  has  been, 
and  not,  as  Professor  Arber  asserts,  "  entirely  different." 

The  cruel  indictment  fails,  and  the  imaginary  "  turning- 
point  in  modern  history,"  to  announce  which  Professor 
Arber  seems  to  have  sacrificed  so  much,  falls  with  it. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Griffis  ("  The  Pilgrims  in  their  Three  Homes," 
p.  158)  seems  to  give  ear  to  Professor  Arber's  untenable  alle- 
gations as  to  the  Pilgrim  leaders'  responsibility  for  any  error 
made  in  the  "  overmasting "  of  the  Speedwell,  although  he 
destroys  his  case  by  saying  of  the  "  overmasting : "  "  Whether 
it  was  done  in  England  or  Holland  is  not  certain."  He 
says,  unhappily  chiming  in  with  Arber's  indictment :  "  In 
their  eagemess  to  get  away  promptly,  they  [the  Leyden 
men]  made  the  mistake  of  ordering  for  the  Speedwell  heavier 
and  taller  masts  and  larger  spars  than  her  hull  had  been  built 
to  receive,  thus  altering  most  unwisely  and  disastrously  her 
trim."  He  adds  still  more  unhappily :  "  We  do  not  hear  of 
these  inveterate  landsmen  and  townsfolk  [of  whom  he  says, 
'  possibly  there  was  not  one  man  familiar  with  ships  or  sea- 
life']  who  were  about  to  venture  on  the  Atlantic,  taking 
counsel  of  Dutch  builders  or  mariners  as  to  the  proportion 
of  their  craft."  Why  so  discredit  the  capacity  and  intelli- 
gence of  these  nation-builders?  Was  their  sagacity  ever 
found  unequal  to  the  problems  they  met  ?  Were  the  men 
who  commanded  confidence  and  respect  in  every  avenue  of 
affairs  they  entered ;  who  talked  with  kings  and  dealt  with 
statesmen;  these  diplomats,  merchants,  students,  artisans, 
and  manufacturers ;  these  men  who  learned  law,  politics,  state- 
craft, town-building,  navigation,  husbandry,  boat-building, 
and  medicine,  likely  to  deal  negligently  or  presumptuously 
with  matters  upon  which  they  were  not  informed  ?  Their 
first  act,  after  buying  the  Speedwell,  was  to  send  to  England 
for  an  "  expert "  to  take  charge  of  all  technical  matters  of 
her  "outfitting,"  which  was  done,  beyond  all  question,  in 
Holland.  What  need  had  they,  having  done  this  (very  prob- 
ably upon  the  advice  of  those  experienced  ship-merchants, 
their  own  "Adventurers"  and  townsmen,  Edward  Pickering 
and  William  Greene),  to  consult  Dutch  ship-builders  or 
mariners?    She  was  to  be  an  English  ship,  under  the  English 


15 


2D!)c  ^agattt^ 
of  tl)c  JLcpDcn 
ilfaDer0 


i6 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Ke^twlDs:, 
pilot  ano 
faster 


flag,  with  English  owners,  and  an  English  captain ;  why 
should  they  defer  to  Dutch  seamen  or  put  other  than  an 
English  "  expert "  in  charge  of  her  alterations,  especially  when 
England  rightfully  boasted  the  best?  But  not  only  were 
these  Leyden  leaders  not  guilty  of  any  laches  as  indicted  by 
Arber  and  too  readily  convicted  by  Griffis,  but  the  "  over- 
masting  "  was  of  small  account  as  compared  with  the  delib- 
erate rascality  of  captain  and  crew,  in  the  disabling  of  the 
consort,  as  expressly  certified  by  Bradford,  who  certainly,  as 
an  eye-witness,  knew  whereof  he  affirmed. 

Having  bought  a  vessel,  it  was  necessary  to  fit  her  for  the 
severe  service  in  which  she  was  to  be  employed ;  to  provision 
her  for  the  voyage,  etc. ;  and  this  could  be  done  properly 
only  by  experienced  hands.  The  Pilgrim  leaders  at  Leyden 
seem,  therefore,  as  noted,  to  have  sent  to  their  agents  at  London 
for  a  competent  man  to  take  charge  of  this  work,  and  were 
sent  a  "pilott "  (or  "  mate"),  doubtless  presumed  to  be  equal 
to  the  task.  Goodwin  mistakenly  says :  "  As  Spring  waned, 
Thomas  Nash  went  from  Leyden  to  confer  with  the  agents 
at  London.  He  soon  returned  with  a  pilot  (doubtless  \sic\ 
Robert  Coppin),  who  was  to  conduct  the  Continental  party 
to  England."  This  is  both  wild  and  remarkable  "  guessing  " 
for  the  usually  careful  compiler  of  the  "  Pilgrim  Republic." 
There  is  no  warrant  whatever  for  this  assumption,  and  every- 
thing contra-indicates  it,  although  two  such  excellent  author- 
ities as  Dr.  Dexter  and  Goodwin  coincide  —  the  latter  un- 
doubtedly copying  the  former  —  concerning  Coppin ;  both 
being  doubtless  in  error,  as  hereafter  shown.  Dexter  says  : 
"  My  impression  is  that  Coppin  was  originally  hired  to  go  in 
the  Speedwell,  and  that  he  was  the  '  pilott '  whose  coming 
was  '  a  great  incouragement '  to  the  Leyden  expectants,  in 
the  last  of  May,  or  first  of  June,  1620  [before  May  31,  as 
shown]  ;  that  he  sailed  with  them  in  the  Speedwell,  but  on 
her  final  putting  back  was  transferred  to  the  May-Flower." 
All  the  direct  light  any  one  has  upon  the  matter  comes  from 
the  letter  of  the  Leyden  brethren  of  May  31  [O.  S.],  1620, 
previously  cited,  to  Carver  and  Cushman,  and  the  reply  of 
the  latter  thereto,  of  Sunday,  June  11,  1620.  The  former, 
as  noted,  say :  "  We  received  diverse  letters  at  the  coming 


The  Speedwell 


17 


of  Master  Nash  [probably  Thomas]  and  our  pilott,  which  is 
a  great  incouragement  unto  us  .  .  .  and  indeed  had  you  not 
sente  him  [the  '  pilott,'  presumably]  many  would  have  been 
ready  to  fainte  and  goe  backe."  Neither  here  nor  in  any 
other  relation  is  there  the  faintest  suggestion  of  Coppin, 
except  as  what  he  was,  "  the  second  mate,"  or  "  pilott,"  of  the 
May-Flower.^  It  is  not  reasonable  to  suppose  that,  for  so 
small  a  craft  but  just  purchased,  and  with  the  expedition  yet 
uncertain,  the  Leyden  leaders  or  their  London  agents  had  by 
June  11  employed  both  a  "Master"  and  a  "pilott"  for  the 
Speedwell,  as  must  have  been  the  case  if  this  "pilott  "  was, 
as  Goodwin  so  confidently  assumes,  "  doubtless  Robert  Cop- 
pin."  For  in  Robert  Cushman's  letter  of  Sunday,  June  11, 
as  if  proposing  (now  that  the  larger  vessel  would  be  at  once 
obtained,  and  would,  as  he  thought,  be  "  ready  in  fourteen 
days  ")  "'  that  the  "  pilott "  sent  over  to  "  refit"  the  Speedwell 
should  be  further  utilized,  he  says :  "  Let  Master  Reynolds 
tarrie  there  [inferentially,  not  return  here  when  his  work  is 
done,  as  we  originally  arranged]  and  bring  the  ship  [the 
Speedwell]  to  Southampton."  ^  The  latter  service  we  know 
he  performed. 

The  side  lights  upon  the  matter  show,  beyond  doubt :  — 

(a)  That  a  "  pilott "  had  been  sent  to  Holland,  with  Master 

Nash,  before  May  31,  1620; 

(b)  That   unless  two  had  been  sent  (of  which   there  is   no 

suggestion,  and  which  is  entirely  improbable,  for 
obvious  reasons).  Master  Reynolds  was  the  "  pilott " 
who  was  thus  sent; 

(c)  That  it  is  clear,  from  Cushman's  letter  of  June  11/21, 

that  Reynolds  was  then  in  Holland,  for  Cushman 
directs  that  "  Master  Reynolds  tarrie  there  and  bring 
the  ship  to  Southampton ;  " 

(d)  That  Master  Reynolds  was  not  originally  intended  to 

"  tarrie   there,"   and  "  bring  the  ship,"  etc.,  as,  if  he 


1.  Bradford's   Historie,  Deane's  ed.   pp.   83  and  86  ;  Arber,  The 
Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  425. 

2.  Cushman's  letter  from  London  of  June  11,  1620,  to  the  Ley- 
den leaders. 

3.  Ibid. 


spatter 
Cufiljman 
puts  "Pilot" 
IfvcfnolDs;  in 
commanD 


i8 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


not  Coppin, 
pilot  of  tljc 
^peeOUDcll 


had  been,  there  would  have  been  no  need  of  giving 
such  an  order;  and 
(e)  That  he  had  been  sent  there  for  some  other  purpose  than 
to  bring  the  Speedwell  to  Southampton.     Duly  con- 
sidering all  the  facts  together,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  only  one  "  pilott "  was  sent  from  England  ;  that 
he  was  expected  to  return  when  the  work  was  done 
for  which  he  went  (apparently  the  refitting  of  the 
Speedwell)  ;  that  he  was  ordered  to  remain  for  a  new 
duty,  and  that  the  man  who  performed  that  duty  and 
brought  the  ship  to  Southampton  (who,  we  know, 
was  Master  Reynolds)  must  have  been  the  "pilott" 
sent  over. 
We  are  told  too,  by  Bradford,'  that  the  crew  of  the  Speed- 
well "  were  hired  for  a  year,"  and  we  know,  in  a  general 
way,  that  most  of  them  went  with  her  to  London  when  she 
abandoned  the  voyage.     This  there  is  ample  evidence  Cop- 
pin  did  not  do,  going  as  he  did  to  New  England  as  "  second 
mate  "  or  "  pilott "  of  the  May-Flower,  which  there  is  no  reason 
to  doubt  he  was  when  she  left  London.    Neither  is  there  any- 
where any  suggestion  that  there  was  at  Southampton  any 
change  in  the  second  mate  of  the  larger  ship,  as  there  must 
have  been  to  make  good  the  suggestion  of  Dr.  Dexter. 

Where  the  Speedwell  lay  while  being  "  refitted  "  has  not 
been  ascertained,  though  presumably  at  Delfshaven,  whence 
she  sailed,  though  possibly  at  one  of  the  neighboring  larger 
ports,  where  her  new  masts  and  cordage  could  be  "set  up  " 
to  best  advantage. 

We  know  that  Reynolds  —  "pilott"  and  "Master"  — 
went  from  London  to  superintend  the  "  making-ready  "  for 
sea.  Nothing  is  known,  however,  of  his  antecedents,  and 
nothing  of  his  history  after  he  left  the  service  of  the  Pilgrims 


I.  Bradford's  Historic^  z.s  already  cited;  Arber,  The  Story  of  the 
Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  341.  John  Brown,  in  his  Pilgrim  Fathers  of 
Neiv  England,  p.  1 98,  says  :  "  She  [the  Speedwell]  was  to  remain 
with  the  colony  for  a  year."  Evidently  a  mistake,  arising  from  the 
length  of  time  for  which  her  crew  were  shipped.  The  pmnace  her- 
self was  intended,  as  we  have  seen,  for  the  permanent  use  of  the 
colonists,  and  was  to  remain  indefinitely. 


'The  Speedwell 


19 


in  disgrace,  except  that  he  appears  to  have  come  again  to 
New  England  some  years  later,  in  command  of  a  vessel,  in 
the  service  of  the  reckless  adventurer  *  Weston  (a  traitor  to 
the  Pilgrims),  through  whom,  it  is  probable,  he  was  origi- 
nally selected  for  their  service  in  Holland.  Bradford  and 
others  entitled  to  judge  have  given  their  opinions  of  this 
cowardly  scoundrel  (Reynolds)  in  unmistakable  terms. 

What  other  officers  and  crew  the  pinnace  had  does  not 
appear,  and  we  know  nothing  certainly  of  them,  except  the 
time  for  which  they  shipped;  that  some  of  them  were  fellow- 
conspirators  with  the  Master  (self-confessed),  in  the  "  strate- 
gem  "  to  compel  the  Speedwell's  abandonment  of  the  voy- 
age ;  and  that  a  few  were  transferred  to  the  May-Flower. 
From  the  fact  that  the  sailors  Trevore  and  Ely  returned 
from  New  Plymouth  on  the  Fortune  in  1621,  "their  time 
having  expired,"  as  Bradford  notes,  it  may  be  fairly  assumed 
that  they  were  originally  of  the  Speedwell's  crew. 

That  the  fears  of  the  Speedwell's  men  had  been  worked 
upon,  and  their  cooperation  thus  secured  by  the  artful  Rey- 
nolds, is  clearly  indicated  by  the  statement  of  Bradford : 
"  For  they  apprehended  that  the  greater  ship  being  of  force 
and  in  which  most  of  the  provisions  were  stored,  she  would 
retain  enough  for  herself,  whatever  became  of  them  or  the 
passengers,  and  indeed  such  speeches  had  been  cast  out  by 
some  of  them." 

Of  the  list  of  passengers  who  embarked  at  Delfshaven, 
July  22,  1620,  bound  for  Southampton  on  the  English  coast, 
and  thence  for  "the  northern  parts  of  Virginia,"  we  fortu- 
nately have  a  pretty  accurate  knowledge.  All  of  the  Leyden 
congregation  who  were  to  emigrate,  with  the  exception  of 
Robert  Cushman  and  family,  and  (probably)  John  Carver, 
were  doubtless  passengers  upon  the  Speedwell  from  Delfs- 
haven to  Southampton,  though  the  presence  of  Elder  Brews- 
ter has  been  questioned.  The  evidence  that  he  was  there  is 
well-nigh  as  conclusive  as  that  Robert  Cushman  sailed  on  the 
May-F lower  from  London,  and  that  Carver,  who  had  been 


tton  at 
2r>clf0ljatfn 


I.   Robert  Cushman's  letter  to  Governor  Bradford.     Bradford,  op. 
cit.  p.  122. 


20 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


iLifit  of  rtie 


for  some  months  in  England,  —  chiefly  at  Southampton,  — 
making  preparations  for  the  voyage,  was  there  to  meet  the 
ships  on  their  arrival.  It  is  possible,  of  course,  that  Cush- 
man's  wife  and  son  came  on  the  Speedwell  from  Delfshaven, 
but  is  not  probable.  Among  the  passengers,  however,  were 
some  who,  like  Thomas  Blossom  and  his  son,  William  Ring, 
and  others,  abandoned  the  voyage  to  America  at  Plymouth, 
and  returned  in  the  pinnace  to  London  and  thence  went  back 
to  Holland.  Deducting  from  the  passenger  list  of  the  May- 
Flower  those  known  to  have  been  of  the  English  contingent, 
with  Robert  Cushman  and  family,  and  John  Carver,  we  have 
a  very  close  approximate  to  the  Speedwell's  company  on  her 
"  departure  from  Delfshaven."  It  has  not  been  found  pos- 
sible to  determine  with  absolute  certainty  the  correct  rela- 
tion of  a  itvi  persons.  They  may  have  been  of  the  Leyden 
contingent  and  so  have  come  with  their  brethren  on  the  Speed- 
well, or  they  may  have  been  of  the  English  colonists,  and 
first  embarked  either  at  London  or  at  Southampton,  or  even 
at  Plymouth,  —  though  none  are  supposed  to  have  joined 
the  emigrants  there  or  at  Dartmouth. 

The  list  of  those  embarking  at  Delfshaven  on  the  Speed- 
well, and  so  of  the  participants  in  that  historic  event,  — a  list 
now  published  for  the  first  time,  so  far  as  known,  —  is  un- 
doubtedly accurate,  within  the  limitations  stated,  as  follows, 
being  for  convenience'  sake  arranged  by  families :  — 

The  Family  of  Deacon  John  Carver  (probably  in  charge 
of  John  Howland),  embracing:  — 
Mrs.  Katherine  Carver, 

John  Howland  (perhaps  kinsman  of  Carver),  "ser- 
vant "  or  "  employee," 
Desire  Minter,  or  Minther  (probably  companion  of 

Mrs.  Carver,  perhaps  kinswoman), 
Roger  Wilder,  "  servant," 

"  Mrs.  Carver's  maid  "  (whose  name  has  never  trans- 
pired). 
Master  William  Bradford  and 

Mrs.  Dorothy  (May)  Bradford. 
Master  Edward  Winslow  and 

Mrs.  Elizabeth  (Barker)  Winslow, 


The  Speedwell 


21 


George  Soule  a  "  servant  "  (or  employee), 

Elias  Story,  "servant." 
Elder  William  Brewster  and 

Mrs.  Mary  Brewster, 

Love  Brewster,  a  son. 

Wrestling  Brewster,  a  son. 
Master  Isaac  Allerton  and 

Mrs.  Mary  (Norris)  Allerton, 

Bartholomew  Allerton,  a  son. 

Remember  Allerton,  a  daughter, 

Mary  Allerton,  a  daughter, 

John  Hooke,  "  servant-boy." 
Dr.  Samuel  Fuller  and 

William  Butten,  "  servant  "-assistant. 
Captain  Myles  Standish  and 

Mrs.  Rose  Standish. 
Master  William  White  and 

Mrs.  Susanna  (Fuller)  White, 

Resolved  White,  a  son, 

William  Holbeck,  "  servant," 

Edward  Thompson,  "  servant." 
Deacon  Thomas  Blossom  and 

Blossom,  a  son. 

Master  Edward  Tilley  and 

Mrs.  Ann  Tilley. 
Master  John  Tilley  and 

Mrs.  Bridget  (Van  der  Velde?)  Tilley  (2d  wife), 

Elizabeth  Tilley,  a   daughter  of  Mr.    Tilley  by   a 
former  wife  (?). 
John  Crackstone  and 

John  Crackstone  (Jr.),  a  son. 
Francis  Cooke  and 

John  Cooke,  a  son. 
John  Turner  and 

Turner,  a  son, 

Turner,  a  son. 

Degory  Priest. 
Thomas  Rogers  and 

Joseph  Rogers,  a  son. 


IListt  of  rt)C 


22 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


iLifit  of  tlje 
)9tlgctm0 


Moses  Fletcher. 

Thomas  Williams. 

Thomas  Tinker  and 

Mrs. Tinker, 

Tinker,  a  son. 


Edward  Fuller  and 

Mrs. Fuller, 

Samuel  Fuller,  a  son. 
John  Rigdale  and 

Mrs.  Alice  Rigdale. 
Francis  Eaton  and 

Mrs. Eaton, 

Samuel  Eaton,  an  infant  son, 
Peter  Browne. 
William  Ring. 
Richard  Clarke. 
John  Goodman. 
Edward  Margeson. 
Richard  Britteridge. 

Mrs.  Katherine  Carver  and  her  family,  it  is  altogether  prob- 
able, came  over  in  charge  of  Rowland,  who  was 
probably  a  kinsman,  —  both  he  and  Deacon  Carver 
coming  from  Essex  in  England,  —  as  they  could 
hardly  have  been  in  England  with  Carver  during  the 
time  of  his  exacting  work  of  preparation.  He,  it  is 
quite  certain,  was  not  a  passenger  on  the  Speedwell, 
for  Pastor  Robinson  would  hardly  have  sent  him  such 
a  letter  as  that  received  by  him  at  Southampton,  pre- 
viously mentioned  (Bradford's  "  Historic,"  Deane's  ed. 
p.  63),  if  he  had  been  with  him  at  Delfshaven  at  the 
"  departure,"  a  few  days  before.  Nor  if  he  had  handed 
it  to  him  at  Delfshaven,  would  he  have  told  him  in 
it,  "  I  have  written  a  large  letter  to  the  whole  com- 
pany." 

John  Howland  was  clearly  a  "  secretary  "  or  "  steward,"  rather 
than  a  "  servant,"  and  a  man  of  standing  and  influence 
from  the  outset.     That  he  was  in  Leyden  and  hence 


The  Speedwell 


23 


a  Speedwell  passenger  appears  altogether  probable, 
but  is  not  absolutely  certain. 

Desire  Minter  (or  Minther)  was  undoubtedly  the  daughter 
of  Sarah,  who,  the  "  Troth  Book  "  (or  "  marriage-in- 
tention "  records)  for  1616,  at  the  Stadthuis  of  Leyden, 
shows,  was  probably  wife  or  widow  of  one  William 
Minther  —  evidently  of  Pastor  Robinson's  congre- 
gation —  when  she  appeared  on  May  13  as  a 
"  voucher "  for  Elizabeth  Claes,  who  then  pledged 
herself  to  Heraut  Wilson,  a  pump-maker,  John  Car- 
ver being  one  of  Wilson's  "vouchers."  In  1618 
Sarah  Minther  (then  recorded  as  the  widow  of  Wil- 
liam) reappeared,  to  plight  her  troth  to  Roger  Simons, 
brick-maker,  from  Amsterdam.  These  two  records 
and  the  rarity  of  the  name  warrant  an  inference  that 
Desire  Minter  (or  Minther)  was  the  daughter  of 
William  and  Sarah  (Willet)  Minter  (or  Minther),  of 
Robinson's  flock  ;  that  her  father  had  died  prior  to 
1618  (perhaps  before  1616);  that  the  Carvers  were 
near  friends,  perhaps  kinsfolk ;  that  her  father  being 
dead,  her  mother,  a  poor  widow  (there  were  clearly 
no  rich  ones  in  the  Leyden  congregation),  placed  this 
daughter  with  the  Carvers,  and,  marrying  herself,  and 
removing  to  Amsterdam  the  year  before  the  exodus, 
was  glad  to  leave  her  daughter  in  so  good  a  home 
and  such  hands  as  Deacon  and  Mistress  Carver's. 
The  record  shows  that  the  father  and  mother  of  Mrs. 
Sarah  Minther,  Thomas  and  Alice  Willet,  the  proba- 
ble grandparents  of  Desire  Minter,  appear  as  "  vouch- 
ers "  for  their  daughter  at  her  Leyden  betrothal.  Of 
them  we  know  nothing  further,  but  it  is  a  reasonable 
conjecture  that  they  may  have  returned  to  England 
after  the  remarriage  of  their  daughter  and  her  removal 
to  Amsterdam,  and  the  removal  of  the  Carvers  and 
their  granddaughter  to  America,  and  that  it  was  to 
them  that  Desire  went,  when,  as  Bradford  records, 
"  she  returned  to  her  friends  in  England,  and  proved 
not  very  well  and  died  there." 


List  of  rtje 
ipilgrims 


24 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Hist  of  tlje 
pilgrimsf 


"  Mrs.  Carver's  maid  "  we  know  but  little  about,  but  the  pre- 
sumption is  naturally  strong  that  she  came  from 
Leyden  with  her  mistress.  Her  early  marriage  and 
death  are  duly  recorded. 

Roger  Wilder,  Carver's  "  servant,"  was  apparently  in  his  ser- 
vice at  Leyden  and  accompanied  the  family  from 
thence.  Bradford  calls  him  "his  [Carver's]  man 
Roger,"  as  if  an  old,  familiar  household  servant,  which 
(as  Wilder  died  soon  after  the  arrival  at  Plymouth) 
Bradford  would  not  have  been  as  likely  to  do  —  writ- 
ing in  1650,  thirty  years  after — if  he  had  been  only 
a  short-time  English  addition  to  Carver's  household, 
known  to  Bradford  only  during  the  voyage.  The 
fact  that  he  speaks  of  him  as  a  "  man  "  also  indicates 
something  as  to  his  age,  and  renders  it  certain  that  he 
was  not  an  "  indentured  "  lad.  It  is  fair  to  presume 
he  was  a  passenger  on  the  Speedwell  to  Southampton. 
(It  is  probable  that  Carver's  "  servant-boy,"  William 
Latham,  and  Jasper  More,  his  "bound-boy,"  were 
obtained  in  England,  as  more  fully  appears.) 

Master  William  Bradford  and  his  wife  were  certainly  of  the 
party  in  the  Speedwell,  as  shown  by  his  own  recorded 
account  of  the  embarkation.  (Bradford's  "  Historic," 
etc.) 

Master  Edward  Winslow's  very  full  (published)  account  of 
the  embarkation  ("Hypocrisie  Unmasked,"  pp.  10-13, 
etc.)  makes  it  certain  that  himself  and  family  were 
Speedwell  passengers. 

George  Soule,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  sort  of  "  upper  ser- 
vant "  or  "  steward,"  it  is  not  certain  was  with  Wins- 
low  in  Holland,  though  it  is  probable. 

Elias  Story,  his  "  under-servant,"  was  probably  also  with  him 
in  Holland,  though  not  surely  so.  Both  servants 
might  possibly  have  been  procured  from  London  or 


The  Speedwell 


25 


at  Southampton,  but  probably  sailed  trom  Deltshaven 
with  Winslow  in  the  Speedwell. 

Elder  William  Brewster  and  his  family,  his  wife  and  two 
boys,  were  passengers  on  the  Speedwell,  beyond 
reasonable  doubt.  He  was,  in  fact,  the  ranking  man 
of  the  Leyden  brethren  till  they  reached  Southamp- 
ton and  the  respective  ships'  "governors"  were 
chosen.  The  Church  to  that  point  was  dominant. 
(The  Elder's  two  "  bound-boys,"  being  from  London, 
do  not  appear  as  Speedwell  passengers.)  There  is,  on 
careful  study,  no  warrant  to  be  found  for  the  remark- 
able statements  of  Goodwin  ("  Pilgrim  Republic,"  p. 
33),  that,  during  the  hunt  for  Brewster  in  Holland  in 
1619,  by  the  emissaries  of  James  I.  of  England  (in 
the  endeavor  to  apprehend  and  punish  him  for  print- 
ing and  publishing  certain  religious  works  alleged  to 
be  seditious).  "  William  Brewster  was  in  London 
.  .  .  and  there  he  remained  until  the  sailing  of  the 
Mayflower,  which  he  helped  to  fit  out;"  and  that 
during  that  time  "he  visited  Scrooby."  That  he 
had  no  hand  whatever  in  fitting  out  the  May-Flower 
is  certain,  and  the  Scrooby  statement  equally  lacks 
foundation.  Professor  Arber,  who  is  certainly  a 
better  authority  upon  the  "  hidden  press  "  of  the  Sep- 
aratists in  Holland,  and  the  official  correspondence 
relating  to  its  proprietors  and  their  movements,  says 
("  The  Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,"  p.  196)  :  "  The 
Ruling  Elder  of  the  Pilgrim  Church  was,  for  more 
than  a  year  before  he  left  Delfshaven  on  the  Speed- 
well, on  the  22  July-i  August,  1620,  a  hunted 
man."  Again  (p.  334),  he  says :  "  Here  let  us  con- 
sider the  excellent  management  and  strategy  of  this 
Exodus.  If  the  Pilgrims  had  gone  to  London  to  em- 
bark for  America,  many,  if  not  most  of  them,  would 
have  been  put  in  prison  [and  this  is  the  opinion 
of  a  British  historian,  knowing  the  temper  of  those 
times],  especially  William  Brewster.  So  only  those 
embarked    in    London   against    whom   the    Bishops 


on  €Hjcr 
515rcuj0tcr 


26 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Jl5fto  lligljt 
on  (ElDcr 


could  take  no  action."  We  can  understand,  in  this 
light,  why  Carver — a  more  objectionable  person  than 
Cushman  to  the  prelates,  because  of  his  office  in  the 
Separatist  Church  —  was  chiefly  employed  out  of 
their  sight,  at  Southampton,  etc.,  while  the  diplo- 
matic and  urbane  Cushman  did  effective  work  at  Lon- 
don, under  the  Bishops'  eyes.  It  is  not  improbable 
that  the  personal  friendship  of  Sir  Robert  Naunton 
(Principal  Secretary  of  State  to  King  James)  for  Sir 
Edward  Sandys  and  the  Leyden  brethren  (though 
officially  seemingly  active  under  his  masters'  orders 
in  pushing  Sir  Dudley  Carleton,  the  English  ambas- 
sador at  the  Hague,  to  an  unrelenting  search  for 
Brewster)  may  have  been  of  material  aid  to  the  Pil- 
grims in  gaining  their  departure  unmolested.  The 
only  basis  known  for  the  positive  expression  of 
Goodwin  resides  in  the  suggestions  of  several  letters 
of  Sir  Dudley  Carleton  to  Sir  Robert  Naunton,  dur- 
ing the  quest  for  Brewster;  the  later  seeming  clearly 
to  nullify  the  earlier. 

Under  date  of  July  22,  1619,  Carleton  says:  "  One 
William  Brewster,  a  Brownist,  who  hath  been  for 
some  years  an  inhabitant  and  printer  at  Leyden,  but 
is  now  within  these  three  weeks  removed  from  thence 
and  gone  back  to  dwell  in  London,"  etc. 

On  August  13,  1619  (N.  S.),  he  writes:  "I  am 
told  William  Brewster  is  come  again  for  Leyden," 
but  on  the  30th  adds :  "  I  have  made  good  enquiry 
after  William  Brewster  and  am  well  assured  he  is  not 
returned  thither,  neither  is  it  likely  he  will ;  having 
removed  from  thence  both  his  family  and  goods,"  etc. 

On  September  7,  1619  (N.  S),  he  writes:  "Touch- 
ing Brewster,  I  am  now  informed  that  he  is  on  this 
side  the  seas  [not  in  London,  as  before  alleged] ;  and 
that  he  was  seen  yesterday,  at  Leyden,  but,  as  yet,  is 
not  there  settled,"  etc. 

On  September  13,  1619  (N.  S.),  he  says:  "I  have 
used  all  diligence  to  enquire  after  Brewster;  and  find 
he  keeps  most  at  Amsterdam ;  but  being  incerti  laris, 


The  Speedwell 


27 


he  is  not  yet  to  be  lighted  upon.  I  understand  he 
prepares  to  settle  himself  at  a  village  called  Leerdorp, 
not  far  from  Leyden,  thinking  there  to  be  able  to 
print  prohibited  books  without  discovery,  but  I  shall 
lay  wait  for  him,  both  there  and  in  other  places,  so 
as  I  doubt  but  either  he  must  leave  this  country ;  or 
I  shall,  sooner  or  later,  find  him  out." 

On  September  20,  1619  (N.  S.),  he  says:  "I  have 
at  length  found  out  Brewster  at  Leyden,"  etc.  It  was 
a  mistake,  and  Brewster's  partner  (Thomas  Brewer), 
one  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers,  was  arrested  in- 
stead. 

On  September  28,  1619  (N.  S.),  he  states,  writing 
from  Amsterdam  :  "  If  he  lurk  here  for  fear  of  appre- 
hension, it  will  be  hard  to  find  him,"  etc. 

As  late  as  February  8,  1619/20,  there  was  still  a 
desire  and  hope  for  his  arrest,  but  by  June  the  matter 
had  become  to  the  King — and  all  others  —  some- 
thing of  an  old  story.  While,  as  appears  by  a  letter 
of  Robert  Cushman,  written  in  London,  in  May,  1619, 
Brewster  was  then  undoubtedly  there,  one  cannot 
agree,  in  the  light  of  the  official  correspondence  just 
quoted,  with  the  conclusion  of  Dr.  Alexander  Young 
("Chronicles  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,"  vol.  i.  p.  462), 
that  "  it  is  probable  he  [Brewster]  did  not  return  to 
Leyden,  but  kept  close  till  the  Mayflower  sailed." 

Everything  indicates  that  he  was  at  Leyden  long 
after  this ;  that  he  did  not  again  return  to  London,  as 
supposed ;  and  that  he  was  in  hiding  with  his  family 
(after  their  escape  from  the  pursuit  at  Leyden),  some- 
where among  friends  in  the  Low  Countries.  Although 
by  July,  1620,  the  King  had,  as  usual,  considerably 
"  cooled  off,"  we  may  be  sure  that  with  full  knowledge 
of  the  harsh  treatment  meted  out  to  his  partner  (Brewer) 
when  caught,  though  unusually  mild  (by  agreement 
with  the  authorities  of  the  University  and  Province 
of  Holland),  Brewster  did  not  deliberately  put  him- 
self "  under  the  lion's  paw  "  at  London,  or  take  any 
chances  of  arrest  there,  even  in  disguise.      Dr.  Griffis 


iPeU)  ILtgljt 
on  CiOcr 
IBrrlMfitrr 


28 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


has  lent  his  assent  ("The   Pilgrims   in  their   Three 
JLi0toftI)e  Homes,"  p.  167),  though  probably  without  careful 

ILt^Den  analysis  of  all  the  facts,  to  the   untenable   opinion 

)Bugnni0  expressed  by  Goodwin,  that  Brewster  was  "hiding 

in  England  "  when  the  Speedwell  sailed  from  Delfs- 
haven.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that,  with  his  ever- 
ready  welcome  of  sound  amendment,  he  will,  on 
examination,  revise  his  opinion,  as  would  the  clear- 
sighted Goodwin,  if  living  and  cognizant  of  the  facts 
as  marshalled  against  his  evident  error.  As  the  leader 
and  guide  of  the  outgoing  part  of  the  Leyden  church, 
we  may,  with  good  warrant,  believe  —  as  all  would 
wish  —  that  Elder  Brewster  was  the  chief  figure  of 
the  departing  Pilgrims  gathered  on  the  Speedwell's 
deck,  as  she  took  her  departure  from  Delfshaven. 

Master  Isaac  Allerton  and  his  family,  his  wife  and  three  young 
children,  two  sons  and  a  daughter,  were  of  the  Leyden 
company  and  passengers  in  the  Speedwell.  We 
know  he  was  active  there  as  a  leader,  and  was  un- 
doubtedly one  of  those  who  bought  the  Speedwell. 
He  was  one  of  the  signers  of  the  joint-letter  from 
Leyden,  to  Carver  and  Cushman,  May  31  (O.  S.), 
1620.     (See  Appendix.) 

John  Hooke,  Allerton's  "  servant-lad,"  may  have  been  ob- 
tained at  London  or  Southampton,  but  it  is  hardly 
probable,  as  Allerton  was  a  man  of  means,  consulted 
his  comfort,  and  would  have  hardly  started  so  large 
a  family  on  such  a  journey  without  a  servant. 


Dr.  Samuel  Fuller  was,  as  is  well  known,  one  of  the  Leyden 
chiefs,  connected  by  blood  and  marriage  with  most 
of  the  leading  families  of  Robinson's  congregation. 
He  was  active  in  the  preparations  for  the  voyage, 
the  first  signer  of  the  joint-letter  of  May  31,  and 
doubtless  one  of  the  negotiators  for  the  Speedwell. 
His  wife  and  child  were  left  behind,  to  follow  later, 
as  they  did. 


T'he  Speedwell 


William  Butten,  the  first  of  the  Pilgrim  party  to  die,  was,  in 
all  probability,  a  student-"  servant "  of  Doctor  Fuller 
at  Leyden,  and  doubtless  embarked  with  him  at 
Delfshaven.  Bradford  calls  him  (writing  of  his 
death)  "  Wm.  Butten,  a  youth,  servant  to  Samuel 
Fuller." 

Captain  Myles  Standish  and  his  wife  Rose,  we  know  from 
Bradford,  were  with  the  Pilgrims  in  Leyden  and 
doubtless  shipped  with  them.  Arber  calls  him  ("The 
Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,"  p.  378)  a  "chief  of  the 
Pilgrim  Fathers  "  in  the  sense  of  a  father  and  leader 
in  their  Israel ;  but  there  is  no  warrant  for  this  as- 
sumption, though  he  became  their  "  sword-hand  "  in 
the  New  World.  By  some  writers,  though  appar- 
ently with  insufficient  warrant,  Standish  has  been 
declared  a  Roman  Catholic.  It  does  not  appear  that 
he  was  ever  a  communicant  of  the  Pilgrim  Church. 
His  family,  moreover,  was  not  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
faith,  and  all  his  conduct  in  the  colony  is  inconsistent 
with  the  idea  that  he  was  of  that  belief 

Master  William  White,  his  wife  and  son,  were  of  the  Ley- 
den congregation,  both  husband  and  wife  being  among 
its  principal  people,  and  nearly  related  to  several  of 
the  Pilgrim  band.  The  marriage  of  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
White  is  duly  recorded  in  Leyden. 

WilUam  Holbeck  and  Edward  Thompson,  Master  White's 
two  servants,  he  probably  took  with  him  from  Ley- 
den, as  his  was  a  family  of  means  and  position, 
though  they  might  possibly  have  been  procured  at 
Southampton.  They  were  apparently  passengers  in 
the  Speedwell. 

Deacon  Thomas  Blossom  and  his  son  were  well  known  as  of 
Pastor  Robinson's  flock  at  Leyden.  They  returned, 
moreover,  to  Holland  from  Plymouth,  England  (where 
they  gave  up  the  voyage),  via  London.     The  father 


29 


List  of  tl)f 
)9tlgrimfit 


30 


'The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


ILigt  of  tlje 
pilsrintfii 


went  to  New  Plymouth  ten  years  later,  the  son  dy- 
ing before  that  time.  (See  Blossom's  letter  to  Gov- 
ernor Bradford.  Bradford's  Letter  Book,"  Plymouth 
Church  Records,"  i.  42.)  In  his  letter  dated  at  Ley- 
den,  December  15,  1625,  he  says :  "God  hath  taken 
away  my  son  that  was  with  me  in  the  ship  [May- 
Flower]  when  I  went  back  again." 

Edward  Tilley  (sometimes  given  the  prefix  of  Master)  and 
his  wife  Ann  are  known  to  have  been  of  the  Leyden 
company.  (Bradford's  "  Historic,"  p.  83.)  It  is  very 
doubtful  if  their  "cousins,"  Henry  Sampson  and 
Humility  Cooper,  were  of  Leyden.  They  apparently 
were  English  kinsfolk,  taken  to  New  England  with 
the  Tilleys,  very  likely  joined  them  at  Southampton, 
and  hence  were  not  of  the  Speedwell's  passengers. 
Humility  Cooper  returned  to  England  after  the  death 
of  Tilley  and  his  wife.  That  Mrs.  Tilley's  "  given 
name"  was  Ann  is  not  positively  established,  but 
rests  on  Bradford's  evidence. 

John  Tilley  (who  is  also  sometimes  called  Master)  is  re- 
puted a  brother  of  Edward,  and  is  known  to  have 
been  —  as  also  his  wife  —  of  the  Leyden  church. 
(Bradford,  Deane's  ed.  p.  83.)  His  second  wife, 
Bridget  Van  der  Velde,  was  evidently  of  Holland 
blood,  and  their  marriage  is  recorded  in  Leyden. 
Elizabeth  Tilley  was  clearly  a  daughter  by  an  ear- 
lier wife.  He  is  said  by  Goodwin  ("Pilgrim  Re- 
public," p.  32)  to  have  been  a  "silk  worker"  at 
Leyden,  but  earlier  authority  for  this  occupation  is 
not  found.     (See  Appendix,  p.  340.) 

John  Crackstone  is  of  record  as  of  the  Leyden  congrega- 
tion. His  daughter  remained  there,  and  came  later 
to  America. 

John  Crackstone,  Jr.,  son  of  above.  Both  were  clearly 
Speedwell  passengers. 


The  Speedwell 


31 


Francis  Cooke  has  been  supposed  a  very  early  member  of 
Robinson's  flock,  in  England,  who  escaped  with  them 
to  Holland,  in  1608.  He  and  his  son  perhaps  em- 
barked at  Delfshaven,  leaving  his  wife  and  three  other 
children  to  follow  later.  (See  Robinson's  letter  to 
Governor  Bradford,  "  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,"  vol.  iii.  p.  45, 
also  Appendix  for  account  of  Cooke's  marriage.) 

John  Cooke,  the  son,  was  supposed  to  have  lived  to  be  the  last 
male  survivor  of  the  May-Flower,  but  Richard  More 
proves  to  have  survived  him.  (See  Appendix,  pp. 
3^2,  353.)  He  was  a  prominent  man  in  the  colony, 
like  his  father,  and  the  founder  of  Dartmouth  (Mass.). 

John  Turner  and  his  sons  are  also  known  to  have  been  of 
the  Leyden  party,  as  he  was  undoubtedly  the  mes- 
senger sent  to  London  with  the  letter  (of  May  31) 
of  the  leaders  to  Carver  and  Cushman,  arriving  there 
June  10,  1620.  They  were  beyond  doubt  of  the 
Speedwell's  list. 

Degory  Priest  —  or  "  Digerie,"  as  Bradford  calls  him  —  was 
a  prominent  member  of  the  Leyden  body.  His  mar- 
riage is  recorded  there,  and  he  left  his  family  in  the 
care  of  his  pastor  and  friends,  to  follow  him  later. 
He  died  early. 

Thomas  Rogers  and  his  son  are  reputed  of  the  Leyden  com- 
pany. He  left  (according  to  Bradford)  some  of  his 
family  there — as  did  Cooke  and  Priest  —  to  follow 
later.  It  has  been  suggested  that  Rogers  might  have 
been  of  the  Essex  (England)  lineage,  but  no  evidence 
of  this  appears.  The  Rogers  family  of  Essex  were 
distinctively  Puritans,  both  in  England  and  in  the  Mas- 
sachusetts colony. 

Moses  Fletcher  was  a  "  smith  "  at  Leyden,  and  of  Robinson's 
church.  He  was  married  there,  in  1613,  to  his  second 
wife.     He  was  perhaps  of  the  English  Amsterdam 


iiist  of  rije 
ipilgrimfl! 


32 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Hist  of  t!)C 
pilgrimst 


family  of  Separatists,  of  that  name.  As  the  only 
blacksmith  of  the  colonists,  his  early  death  was  a 
great  loss. 

Thomas  Williams,  there  seems  no  good  reason  to  doubt,  was 
the  Thomas  Williams  known  to  have  been  of  the 
Leyden  congregation.  Hon.  H.  C.  Murphy  ("  Hist 
Mag.,"  vol.  iii.  pp.  358,  359)  and  Arber  ("  The  Story 
of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,"  p.  275),  following  Murphy, 
include  him  —  apparently  through  oversight  alone — 
in  the  list  of  those  of  Leyden  who  did  not  go,  unless 
there  were  two  of  the  name,  one  of  whom  remained 
in  Holland. 

Thomas  Tinker,  wife,  and  son  are  not  certainly  known  to  have 
been  of  the  Leyden  company,  or  to  have  embarked 
at  Delfshaven,  but  their  constant  association  in  close 
relation  with  others  who  were  and  who  so  embarked, 
warrants  the  inference  that  they  were  of  the  Speed- 
well's passengers.  It  is,  however,  remotely  possible 
that  they  were  of  the  English  contingent. 

Edward  Fuller  and  his  wife  and  little  son  were  of  the  Ley- 
den company,  and  on  the  Speedwell.  He  is  reputed 
to  have  been  a  brother  of  Dr.  Fuller,  and  is  occasion- 
ally so  claimed  by  early  writers,  but  by  what  warrant 
is  not  clear. 

John  Rigdale  and  his  wife  have  always  been  placed  by 
tradition  and  association  with  the  Leyden  emigrants, 
but  there  is  a  possibility  that  they  were  of  the  Eng- 
lish party.  Probability  assigns  them  to  the  Speed- 
well, and  they  are  needed  to  make  her  accredited 
number. 

Francis  Eaton,  wife,  and  babe  were  doubtless  of  the  Leyden 
list.  He  is  said  to  have  been  a  carpenter  there  (Good- 
win, "  Pilgrim  Republic,"  p.  32),  and  was  married 
there,  as  the  record  attests. 


The  Speedwell 


33 


Peter  Browne  has  always  been  classed  witli  the  Leyden  party. 
There  is  no  established  authority  for  this  except  tradi- 
tion, and  he  might  possibly  have  been  of  the  English 
emigrants,  though  probably  a  Speedwell  passenger ; 
he  is  needed  to  make  good  her  putative  number. 

William  Ring  is  in  the  same  category  as  are  Eaton  and 
Browne.  Cushman  speaks  of  him,  in  his  Dartmouth 
letter  to  Edward  South  worth  (of  August  17),  in  terms 
of  intimacy,  though  this,  while  suggestive,  of  course 
proves  nothing,  and  he  gave  up  the  voyage  and  re- 
turned from  Plymouth  to  London  with  Cushman. 
He  was  certainly  from  Leyden. 

Richard  Clarke  is  on  the  doubtful  list,  as  are  also  John  Good- 
man, Edward  Margeson,  and  Richard  Britteridge. 
They  have  always  been  traditionally  classed  with  the 
Leyden  colonists,  yet  some  of  them  were  possibly 
among  the  English  emigrants.  They  are  all  needed, 
however,  to  make  up  the  number  usually  assigned  to 
Leyden,  as  are  all  the  above  "  doubtfuls,"  which  is  of 
itself  somewhat  confirmatory  of  the  substantial  correct- 
ness of  the  list. 

Thomas  English,  Bradford  records,  "  was  hired  to  goe  master 
of  a  [the]  shallopp  "  of  the  colonists,  in  New  England 
waters.  He  was  probably  hired  in  Holland  and  was 
almost  certainly  of  the  Speedwell, 

John  Alderton  (sometimes  written  Allerton)  was,  Bradford 
states,  "  a  hired  man,  reputed  [reckoned]  one  of  the 
company,  but  was  to  go  back  (being  a  seaman)  [and 
so  making  no  account  of  the  voyages]  for  the  help  of 
others  behind  "  [probably  at  Leyden].  It  is  probable 
that  he  was  hired  in  Holland,  and  came  to  South- 
ampton on  the  Speedwell.  Both  English  and  Aider- 
ton  seem  to  have  stood  on  a  different  footing  from 
Trevore  and  Ely,  the  other  two  seamen  in  the  employ 
of  the  colonists. 


ILifit  of  tl)e 
pilgrims 


34 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


iLigt  of  tlie 
:)ptlgrtmfi[ 


embarkation 


William  Trevore  was,  we  are  told  by  Bradford,  "a  seaman 
hired  to  stay  a  year  in  the  countrie,"  but  whether  or 
not  as  part  of  the  Speedwell's  crew  (who,  he  also 
tells  us,  were  all  hired  for  a  year)  does  not  appear. 
As  the  Master  (Reynolds)  and  others  of  her  crew 
undoubtedly  returned  to  London  in  her  from  Plym- 
outh, and  her  voyage  was  cancelled,  the  presump- 
tion is  that  Trevore  and  Ely  were  either  hired  anew 
or  —  more  probably  —  retained  under  their  former 
agreement,  to  proceed  by  the  May-Flower  to  Amer- 
ica, apparently  (practically)  as  passengers.  Whether 
of  the  consort's  crew  or  not,  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  he  left  Delfshaven  on  the  Speedwell. 


Ely,  the  other  seaman  in  the  Planters'  employ,  also 
hired  to  "  remain  a  year  in  the  countrie,"  appears  to 
have  been  drafted,  like  Trevore,  from  the  Speedwell, 
before  she  returned  to  London,  having,  no  doubt,  made 
passage  from  Holland  in  her.  Both  Trevore  and  Ely 
survived  "  the  general  sickness  "  at  New  Plimoth,  and 
at  the  expiration  of  the  time  for  which  they  were 
employed  returned  on  the  Fortune  to  England. 


Of  course  the  initial  embarkation,  on  Friday,  July  21/31, 
1620,  was  at  Leyden,  doubtless  upon  the  Dutch  canal-boats 
which  undoubtedly  brought  them  from  a  point  closely  adja- 
cent to  Pastor  Robinson's  house  in  the  Klock-Steeg  (Bell,  or 
Belfry,  Alley),  in  the  garden  of  which  were  the  houses  of 
many,  to  Delfshaven.* 

Rev.  John  Brown,  D.  D.,^  says :  "  The  barges  needed  for 
the  journey  were  most  likely  moored  near  the  Nuns'  Bridge 


1.  "Delft-Haven  is  a  commodious  port  on  the  north  side  of  the 
Maas,  two  miles  southwest  from  Rotterdam,  eight  miles  from  Delft, 
and  about  fourteen  miles  south  of  Leyden."  Young,  Chronicles  of 
the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  87,  note.  Arber  says  {The  Story  of  the  Pil- 
grim Fathers,  p.  330) :  "  about  24  miles  from  Leyden."  Van  Pelt 
shows  conclusively  that  the  proper  orthography  is  Delfshaven.  See 
footnote  to  p.  35. 

2.  Pilgrim  Fathers  of  New  England,  p.  19 1. 


'The  Speedwell 


35 


which  spans  the  Rapenburg  immediately  opposite  the  Klok- 
Steeg,  where  Robinson's  house  was.  This,  being  their  usual 
meeting-place,  would  naturally  be  the  place  of  rendezvous  on 
the  morning  of  departure.  From  thence  it  was  but  a  stone's- 
throw  to  the  boats,  and  quickly  after  starting  they  would 
enter  the  Vliet,  as  the  section  of  the  canal  between  Leyden 
and  Delft  is  named,  and  which  for  a  little  distance  runs  within 
the  city  bounds,  its  quays  forming  the  streets.  In  those 
days  the  point  where  the  canal  leaves  the  city  was  guarded 
by  a  water-gate,  which  has  long  since  been  removed,  as  have 
also  the  town  walls,  the  only  remaining  portions  of  which 
are  the  Morsch-gate  and  the  Zylgate.  So,  gliding  along  the 
quiet  waters  of  the  Vliet,  past  the  Water-gate,  and  looking 
up  at  the  frowning  turrets  of  the  Cow-gate,  '  they  left  that 
goodly  and  pleasant  city  which  had  been  their  resting-place 
near  twelve  years.'  .  .  .  Nine  miles  from  Leyden  a  branch 
canal  connects  the  Vliet  with  the  Hague,  and  immediately 
beyond  their  junction  a  sharp  turn  is  made  to  the  left,  as  the 
canal  passes  beneath  the  Hoom-bridge  ;  from  this  point,  for 
the  remaining  five  miles,  the  high  road  from  the  Hague  to 
Delft,  lined  with  noble  trees,  runs  side  by  side  with  the 
canal.  In  our  time  the  canal-boats  make  a  circuit  of  the 
town  to  the  right,  but  in  those  days  the  traffic  went  by  canal 
through  the  heart  of  the  city.  .  .  .  Passing  out  of  the  gates 
of  Delft  and  leaving  the  town  behind,  they  had  still  a  good 
ten  miles  of  canal  journey  before  them  ere  they  reached 
their  vessel  and  came  to  the  final  parting,  for,  as  Mr.  Van 
Pelt  *  has  clearly  shown,  it  is  a  mistake  to  confound  Delft 
with  Delfshaven,  as  the  point  of  embarkation  in  the  Speed- 
well. Below  Delft  the  canal,  which  from  Leyden  thither 
is  the  Vliet,  then  becomes  the  Schie,  and  at  the  village  of 
Overschie  the  travellers  entered  the  Delfshaven  Canal,  which 
between  perfectly  straight  dykes  flows  at  a  considerable 
height  above  the  surrounding  pastures.  Then  finally  pass- 
ing through  one  set  of  sluice  gates  after  another,  the  Pil- 
grims were  lifted  from  the  canal  into  a  broad  receptacle  for 


jprom  llcT'Drn 
to  Dclfsljatirn 


I.  "The   Departure   from    Delfshaven,"   Rev.  Daniel  Van  Pelt, 
New  England  Magazine^  November,  1 89 1. 


36 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Kqpregmtatton 
of  rtje  ile^Dcn 
Ctjurc^  anO 
Congregation 


vessels,  then  into  the  outer  haven,  and  so  to  the  side  of  the 
Speedwell  as  she  lay  at  the  quay  awaiting  their  arrival." 

Dr.  Holmes  has  prettily  pictured  the  "  Departure  "  in  his 
"  Robinson  of  Leyden,"  even  if  not  altogether  correctly,  geo- 
graphically. 

"  He  spake ;  with  lingering,  long  embrace, 
With  tears  of  love  and  partings  fond, 
They  floated  down  the  creeping  Maas, 
Along  the  isle  of  Ysselmond. 

"  They  passed  the  frowning  towers  of  Briel, 
The  '  Hook  of  Holland's '  shelf  of  sand. 
And  grated  soon  with  lifting  keel 
The  sullen  shores  of  Fatherland. 

"  No  home  for  these !  too  well  they  knew 
The  mitred  king  behind  the  throne ; 
The  sails  were  set,  the  pennons  flew. 

And  westward  ho !  for  worlds  unknown." 

Winslow  informs  us  that  they  of  the  Leyden  congregation 
who  volunteered  for  the  American  enterprise  were  rather  the 
smaller  fraction  of  the  whole  body,  though  he  adds,  as  noted, 
"that  the  difference  was  not  great."  A  careful  analysis  of 
the  approximate  list  of  the  Leyden  colonists, —  including,  of 
course.  Carver,  and  Cushman  and  his  family,  —  whose  total 
number  seems  to  have  been  seventy-two,  indicates  that  of  this 
number,  forty-two,  or  considerably  more  than  half  (the  rest 
being  children,  seamen,  or  servants),  were  probably  members 
of  the  Leyden  church.  Of  these,  thirty,  probably,  were  males, 
and  twelve  females.  The  exact  proportion  this  number  bore 
to  the  numerical  strength  of  Robinson's  church  at  that  time 
cannot  be  determined,  because  while  something  less  than  half, 
as  we  know,  gave  their  votes  for  the  American  undertak- 
ing, it  cannot  be  known  whether  or  not  the  women  of  the 
church  had  a  vote  in  the  matter.  Presumably  they  did  not,  for 
the  primitive  church  gave  good  heed  to  the  words  of  Paul 
(i  Corinthians  xiv.  34),  "Let  your  women  keep  silence  in 
the  churches."     Neither  can  it  be  known  —  if  they  had  a 


((^S'  Loydcn 


The   Channel  coursa 
«/7/v  Mav-Flower  ;~— ~^' 

itti.i    Sue;  cnM' CI  i  ^'^ 


and  Speedwell         "^j 


The  Speedwell 


11 


voice  —  whether  the  wives  and  daughters  of  some  of  the  em- 
barking Pilgrims,  who  did  not  go  themselves  at  this  time, 
voted  with  their  husbands  and  fathers  for  the  removal.  The 
total  number,  seventy-two,  coincides  very  nearly  with  the  esti- 
mate made  by  Goodwin,  who  says  : '  "  Only  eighty  or  ninety 
could  go  in  this  party  from  Leyden,"  and  again  :  ^  "  Not  more 
than  eighty  of  the  May-Flower  company  were  from  Leyden. 
Allowing  for  [i.  e.  leaving  out]  the  younger  children  and 
servants,  it  is  evident  that  not  half  the  company  can  have 
been  from  Robinson's  congregation."  As  the  total  number 
of  passengers  on  the  May-Flower  was  one  hundred  and  two 
when  she  took  her  final  departure  from  England,  it  is  clear 
that  Goodwin's  estimate  is  substantially  correct,  and  that  the 
number  representing  the  Leyden  church  as  given  above, 
viz.,  forty-two,  is  very  close  to  the  fact. 

"  When  they  came  to  the  place  "  [Delfshaven],  says  Brad- 
ford,^ "  they  found  the  ship  and  all  things  ready ;  and  such  of 
their  friends  as  could  not  come  with  them  [from  Leyden]  fol- 
lowed after  them ;  and  sundry  also  came  from  Amsterdam 
[about  fifty  miles]  to  see  them  shipped,  and  to  take  their 
leave  of  them." 

Saturday,  July  22/Aug.  1,  1620,  the  Pilgrim  company  took 
their  farewells,  and  Winslow  records :  *  "  We  only  going 
aboard,  the  ship  lying  to  the  key  [quay]  and  ready  to  sail ; 
the  wind  being  fair,  we  gave  them  [their  friends]  a  volley  of 
small  shot  [musketry]  and  three  pieces  of  ordnance  and  so 
lifting  up  our  hands  to  each  other  and  our  hearts  for  each 
other  to  the  Lord  our  God,  we  departed." 

Goodwin  says  of  the  parting :  "  The  hull  was  wrapped  in 
smoke,  through  which  was  seen  at  the  stern  the  white  flag  of 
England  doubly  bisected  by  the  great  red  cross  of  St.  George, 
a  token  that  the  emigrants  had  at  last  resumed  their  dearly- 
loved  nationality.  Far  above  them  at  the  main  was  seen  the 
Union  Jack  of  new  device."  ^ 


1.  Pilgrim  Republic,  p.  44. 

2.  Ibid.  p.   185. 

3.  Bradford,  Historie,  Deane's  ed.  p.  59. 

4.  Winslow,  Hypocrisie  Unmasked,  p.  91. 

5.  Op.  cit.  p.  51.     It  is  doubtful   if  Goodwin's  statement  in  re- 


2D!)C 


38 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


And  so  after  more  than  eleven  years  of  banishment  tor 
conscience'  sake  ftom  their  native  shores,  this  Uttle  band  of 
Enghsh  exiles,  as  true  to  their  mother-land  —  despite  her 
persecutions  —  as  to  their  God,  raised  the  flag  of  England 
above  their  own  little  vessel,  and  under  its  folds  set  sail,  to 
plant  themselves  for  a  larger  life  in  a  New  World. 

And  thus  opens  the  "  Log "  of  the  Speedwell,  and  the 
"  Westward-Ho  "  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers. 


Cf)e  ^pectitDeirs  ilos 


Sunday,  July  23/ Aug.  2. 

Monday,  July  24/ Aug.  3. 

Tuesday,  July  25/ Aug.  4. 
Wednesday,  July  26/ Aug.  5. 


Thursday,  July  2  7/ Aug.  6. 


On  the  German  Ocean.    Wind 
fair.^    General  course  S.  W.  by 
S.,  toward  Southampton.     All 
sails  set,  running  free. 
Fair.    Wind  moderate.    Dover 
Straits    English    Channel.     In 
sight  Dover  Cliffs. 
Hugging  English  shore.    Enter 
Southampton  Water. 
Came    to   anchor  in  Port   of 
Southampton  near  ship  May- 
Flower   of  Yarmouth,    from 
London  (to  which  this  pinnace 
is  consort),  off  the  north  end 
of  the  West  Quay.^ 
At  anchor  in  port  of  South- 
ampton. 


gard  to  the  flag  is  strictly  correct.  The  English  ensign,  the  red  cross 
of  St.  George  upon  a  white  field,  had  been,  in  1606,  superseded  by 
the  flag  of  Great  Britain,  the  design  of  which  was  the  red  cross  of 
St.  George  of  the  English  ensign,  superimposed  upon  the  old  Scotch 
flag,  the  white  cross  of  St.  Andrew  upon  a  dark  blue  field.  It  was 
called  the  "  Union  Jack  "  from  its  origin,  and  was,  very  certainly, 
the  flag  under  which  the  Speedwell  took  her  departure  from  Delfs- 
haven. 

1.  Bradford,   Historie,  Deane's  ed.  p.  60.      "With  a  prosperous 
winde." 

2.  Brown,  Pilgrim  Fathers  of  New  England,  p.  194. 


The  Speedwell 

39 

Friday,  July  28/Aug.  7. 

Lying  at  anchor  at  Soutluunp- 

ton. 

2Dl)e 

Saturday,  July  29/Aug.  8. 

Lying  at  Southampton.    May- 

§>prcDtocll'£( 

Flower  ready '  for  sea,  but  pin- 

nace  leaking  and  requires  re- 

trimming. 

Sunday,  July  30/ Aug.  9. 

Lying  at  Southampton. 

Monday,  July  31 /Aug.  10. 

Ditto. 

Tuesday,  Aug.  1/11. 

Ditto. 

Wednesday,  Aug.  2/12. 

Ditto.     Pinnace  leaking.     Re- 
trimmed^  again. 

Thursday,  Aug.  3/13. 

Ditto.     Receiving   passengers, 
etc.     Some  of  principal  Leyden 
men  assigned  to  Speedwell.* 

Friday,  Aug.  4/14. 

Southampton.     Making  ready 
to  leave. 

Saturday,  Aug.  5/15. 

Dropped    down    Southampton 
Water  and  beat  down  Channel. 
Wind  dead  ahead.*    Laid  gen- 
eral course  W.S.W. 

Sunday,  Aug.  6/16. 

Wind  baffling.     Beating  down 
Channel. 

Monday,  Aug.  7/17. 

Ditto. 

Tuesday,  Aug.  8/18. 

Ditto.     Ship  leaking.^ 

Wednesday,  Aug.  9/19. 

Ship    leaking    badly.      Wind 
still  ahead. 

Thursday,  Aug.  10/20. 

Ship  still  leaking  badly.    Gain- 
ing on  pumps.    Hove  to.    Sig- 
nalled   May-Flower,  in  com- 
pany.   Consultation  with  Cap- 
tain Jones   and  principal  pas- 

I.   Cushman's   letter    to    Edward    Southworth    from    Dartmouth, 

August  17,  1620.     See  Bradforc 

,  op.  cit.  p.  7 1 .     "  We  lay  at  South- 

ampton  seven  days  in  fair  weather,  waiting  for  her"  [the  Speed- 

well] . 

2.   Ibid.     "  Though  she  was  twice  trimmed  at  Southampton." 

3.   Bradford,  Hisiorie.,  Mass.  < 

:d.  p.  85. 

4.   Ibid.  p.  83. 

5.   Captain  John  Smith,  New 

England's  Trials. 

40 

T/)e  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 

sengers.*      Decided   that   both 

%\}t 

vessels    shall    put    back    into 

^prcDtoell'£t 

Dartmouth,^  being  nearest  con- 

iLog 

venient  port.  Wore  ship  and 
laid  course  for  Dartmouth  with 
good  wind. 

Friday,  Aug.  11/21. 

Wind  fair.    Ship  leaking  badly. 

Saturday,  Aug.  12/22. 

Made  port  at  Dartmouth. 
May-Flower  in  company. 
Came  to  anchor  near  May- 
Flower. 

Sunday,  Aug.  13/23. 

Lying  at  anchor,  Dartmouth 
harbor. 

Monday,  Aug.  14/24. 

Moving  cargo  and  overhauling 
and  retrimming  ship. 

Tuesday,  Aug.  15/25. 

Lying  at  Dartmouth.  At  work 
on  ship. 

Wednesday,  Aug.  16/26. 

Ditto.  Found  a  plank  two 
feet  long  loose  and  admitting 
water  freely,  "as  at  a  mole 
hole."^     Seams  opened  some. 

Thursday,  Aug.  17/27. 

Lying  at  Dartmouth.  Some 
dissension  among  chief  of  pas- 
sengers. Ship's  "Governor"* 
unsatisfactory. 

Friday,  Aug.  18/28. 

Lying  at  Dartmouth.  Still  at 
work  on  ship. 

Saturday,  Aug.  19/29. 

Still  lying  at  Dartmouth. 

Sunday,  Aug.  20/30. 

Lying  at  Dartmouth. 

Monday,  Aug.  21/31. 

Still  at  Dartmouth.  Overhaul- 
ing completed.  Cargo  re- 
placed. Making  ready  to  go 
to  sea. 

Tuesday,  Aug.  22/Sept.  1. 

Still  at  Dartmouth.  Lying  at 
anchor  ready  for  sea. 

I.   Bradford,  Historie,  Mass.  ed.  p.  83. 

2.   IbU. 

3.  Cushman's  letter,  dated  August  17,  at  Dartmouth.                  | 

4.   Bradford,  op.  cit.  pp. 

87,  88. 

The  Speedwell 


41 


Wednesday,  Aug.  23/ Sept.  2. 


Thursday,  Aug.  24/Sept.  3. 
Friday,  Aug.  25/Sept.  4. 


Saturday,  Aug.  26/Sept.  5. 


Sunday,  Aug.  27/Sept.  6. 


Monday,  Aug.  28/ Sept.  7. 


Weighed  anchor,'  as  did  also 
May-Flower,  and  set  sail.  Laid 
general  course  W.  S.W.  Wind 
fair.2 

Fair  wind,  but  ship  leaking. 
Wind     fair.        Ship     leaking 
dangerously.    May-Flower  in 
company. 

About  100  leagues  [300  miles] 
from  Land's  End.^  Ship  leak- 
ing badly.  Hove  to.  Sig- 
nalled May-Flower,  in  com- 
pany. Consultation  between 
masters,  carpenters,  and  prin- 
cipal passengers.*  Decided  to 
put  back  into  Plymouth  and 
determine  whether  pinnace  is 
seaworthy.  Put  about  and 
laid  course  for  Plymouth. 
Wind  on  starboard  quarter. 
Made  Plymouth^  harbor  and 
came  to  anchor.  May-Flower 
in  company. 

At  anchor  in  Plymouth  harbor. 
Conference  of  chief  of  Colonists 
and  officers  of  May-Flower  and 
Speedwell.  No  special  leak 
could  be  found,but  itwasjudged 
to  be  the  general  weakness  of 
the  ship,  and  that  she  would  not 
prove  sufficient  for  the  voyage. 
It  was  resolved  to  dismiss  her 
[the   Speedwell]   and  part  of 


1.  Smith,  Nnv  England's  Trials,  p.  16. 

2.  The  distance  sailed  indicates  a  fair,  if  moderate,  wind. 

3.  Bradford,  op  cit.  p.  84. 

4.  Ibid. 

5.  Ibid. 


^prcDUjrll'g 


42 


'The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Tuesday,  Aug.  29/Sept.  8. 

Wednesday,  Aug.  30/Sept.  9. 

Thursday,  Aug.  3 1  /Sept.  1  o. 
Friday,  Sept.  1/11. 
Saturday,  Sept.  2/12 


Sunday,  Sept.  3/14. 
Monday,  Sept.  4  14. 

Tuesday,  Sept.  5/15. 

Wednesday,  Sept.  6/16. 
Thursday,  Sept.  7/17. 
Friday,  Sept.  8/18. 


the  company,  and  proceed  with 
the  other  ship.^ 

Lying   at    Plymouth.     Trans- 
ferring cargo.^ 

Lying   at    Plymouth.     Trans- 
ferring cargo. 
Ditto. 
Ditto. 

Ditto.  Reassignment  of  passen- 
gers.* Master  Cushman  and 
family.  Master  Blossom  and 
son,  Wm.  Ring  and  others,  to 
return  in  pinnace  to  London.* 
At  anchor  in  Plymouth  Road- 
stead. 

Weighed  anchor  and  took  de- 
parture for  London,  leaving 
May-Flower  ^  at  anchor 
roadstead. 

On   course  up  English  Chan^ 
nel.« 
Ditto. 
Ditto. 
Ditto.     Took  Thames  pilot.^ 


m 


1.  Bradford,  Historie,  Mass.  ed.  p.  84. 

2.  Ibid. 

3.  Ibid.  pp.  84,  85. 

4.  Ibid.  p.  85.  Blossom's  letter  to  Governor  Bradford.  Brad- 
ford's Letter  Book,  Mass.  Hist.  Coll..,  ist  series,  vol.  iii.  p.  41. 

5.  Bradford,  op.  cit.  p.  84.  "  The  one  ship  going  back  to  London, 
the  other  [May-Flower]  was  to  proceed  on  her  voyage"  [i.  e.  had 
not  proceeded  when  the  first  left]. 

6.  The  Speedwell  is  traditionally  reputed  as  having  made  a  quick 
return  to  London,  but  no  actual  report  of  any  kind  from  any  person 
on  board  of  her,  except  Master  Cushman  and  Thomas  Blossom,  has 
ever  been  had,  and  while  both  mention  the  return,  neither  of  them 
reports  its  events. 

7.  The  tradition  is  that  they  were  but  four  days  from  Plymouth 
to  their  moorings  on  the  Thames,  at  London,  and  certain  collateral 
data  support  the  tradition. 


The  Speedwell 


43 


Saturday,  Sept.  9/19. 


Off  Gravesend.     Came  to  an- 
chor in  Thames. 


THE  END  OF  THE  VOYAGE  AND 

OF  THE  LOG  OF  THE 

MAY-FLOWER'S 

CONSORT 


Note.  //  is  proper  to  state  that  every  entry  in  the 
foregoing  "  log,"  whether  given  a  note-reference  or  not, 
—  the  ship's  location,  direction  of  wind,  course,  etc., 
indeed  every  material  fact  recorded,  —  is  derived 
from,  or  based  upon,  competent  historical  or  logical 
foundation,  and  without  such  direct  or  logical  au- 
thority no  entry  has  been  made.  —  The  Author. 


From  Bradford  we  learn  that  the  Speedwell  was  sold  ^  at 
London  (Arber,  as  noted,  says  "  on  joint-account "  ^),  and  was 
"  refitted,"  her  old  trim  being  restored,  and  that  she  after- 
wards made  for  her  new  owners  many  and  very  prosperous 
voyages.  Aside  from  this,  nothing  is  known  ^  of  the  subse- 
quent history  of  this  historic  craft,  which,  from  early  May  to 
late  September  of  1620,  was  so  important  a  factor  in  the 
great  Pilgrim  movement  to  America,  and  was  a  prolific  source 
of  trouble,  cost,  and  disappointment  to  the  Pilgrims  them- 
selves. 


1.  Bradford,  Historic,  Dearie's  ed.  p.  70.  "For  after  she  was 
sold  and  put  into  her  old  trim  she  made  many  voyages,  and  per- 
formed her  service  very  sufficiently  to  the  great  profit  of  her  own- 
ers." 

2.  Arber,  The  Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  341,^5/^. 

3.  Goodwin,  Pilgrim  Republic,  p.  56,  says  :  "  A  vessel  of  this  name 
was  sailing  between  England  and  Boston  in  1656."  There  were 
others  of  the  name  among  the  small  trading  vessels  of  England  in 
the  next  twenty-five  years,  but  it  is  not  possible  to  establish  the  iden- 
tity of  any  one  of  them. 


S>pccDtocirg 

3log 


44 


CHAPTER  III 

The  May-Flower's  Charter  and  the 
Adventurers 

I  HE  ship  May-Flower  was  evidently  char- 
tered about  the  middle  of  June,  1620,  at 
London,  by  Masters  Thomas  Weston  and 
Robert  Cushman  acting  together  in  be- 
half of  the  Merchant  Adventurers  (chiefly 
of  London)  and  the  English  congregation 
'Separatists"  (the  "Pilgrims"),  at  Leyden  in  Holland, 
who,  with  certain  of  England  associated,  proposed  to  plant  a 
colony  in  America. 

Professor  Arber,  when  he  says,'  in  speaking  of  Cushman 
and  Weston,  "  the  hiring  of  the  May-Flower,  when  they 
did  do  it,  was  their  act  alone,  and  the  Leyden  church  had 
nothing  to  do  with  it,"  seems  to  forget  that  Cushman  and  his 
associate  Carver  had  no  other  function  or  authority  in  their 
conjunction  with  Weston  and  Martin,  except  to  represent 
the  Leyden  congregation.  Furthermore,  it  was  the  avowed 
wish  of  Robinson  (see  his  letter  dated  June  14,  1620,  to  John 
Carver),  that  Weston  "  may  [should]  presently  succeed  in 
hiring"  [a  ship],  which  was  equivalent  to  hoping  that 
Carver  and  Cushman  —  Weston's  associates  representing 
Leyden  —  would  aid  in  so  doing.  Moreover,  Bradford  ^ 
expressly  states  that :    "  Articles  of  Agreement,   drawn  by 


1.  The  Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  389. 

2.  Historie,  Mass.  ed.  p.  54. 


'The  May- Flower's  Charter 


themselves  were,  by  their  [the  Leyden  congregation's]  said 
messenger  [Carver]  sent  into  England,  who  together  with 
Robert  Cushman  were  to  receive  moneys  and  make  provi- 
sions, both  for  shipping,  and  other  things  for  the  voyage." 

Up  to  Saturday,  June  lo,  nothing  had  been  effected  in 
the  way  of  providing  shipping  for  the  migrating  planters  — 
though  the  undertaking  had  been  four  months  afoot  —  be- 
yond the  purchase  and  refitting,  in  Holland,  by  the  Leyden 
people  themselves,  of  a  pinnace  of  sixty  tons  (the  Speed- 
well) intended  as  consort  to  a  larger  ship  —  and  the  hiring 
of  a  "  pilott "  to  refit  her,  as  we  have  seen. 

The  Leyden  leaders  had  apparently  favored  purchasing  also 
the  larger  vessel  still  needed  for  the  voyage,  hoping,  perhaps, 
to  interest  therein  at  least  one  of  their  friends.  Master  Ed- 
ward Pickering,  a  merchant  of  Holland,  himself  one  of  the 
Adventurers,  while  Master  Weston  had,  as  appears,  inclined 
to  hire.  From  this  disagreement  and  other  causes,  perhaps 
certain  sinister  reasons,  Weston  had  become  disaffected,  the 
enterprise  drooped,  the  outlook  was  dubious,  and  several 
formerly  interested  drew  back,  until  shipping  should  be  pro- 
vided and  the  good  faith  of  the  enterprise  be  thus  assured. 

It  transpires  from  Robinson's  letter  dated  June  14,  before 
quoted  (in  which  he  says :  "  For  shipping,  Master  Weston, 
it  should  seem  is  set  upon  hiring  "),  that  Robinson's  own  idea 
was  to  purchase,  and  he  seems  to  have  dominated  the  rest. 
There  is  perhaps  a  hint  of  his  reason  for  this  in  the  following 
clause  of  the  same  letter,  where  he  writes :  "  I  do  not  think 
Master  Pickering  [the  friend  previously  named]  will  ingage, 
except  in  the  course  of  buying  ['  ships  ?  '  —  Arber  interpo- 
lates] as  in  former  letters  specified."  If  he  had  not  then 
"  ingaged "  (as  Robinson  intimates),  as  an  Adventurer,  he 
surely  did  later,  contrary  to  the  pastor's  prediction,  and  the 
above  may  have  been  a  bit  of  special  pleading.  Robinson 
naturally  wished  to  keep  their  affairs,  so  far  as  possible,  in 
known  and  supposedly  friendly  hands,  and  had  possibly 
some  assurances  that,  as  a  merchant,  Pickering  would  be  will- 
ing to  invest  in  a  ship  for  which  he  could  get  a  good  charter  for 
an  American  voyage.     He  proved  rather  an  unstable  friend. 

Robinson  is  emphatic,  in  the  letter  cited,  as  to  the  impera- 


45 


Purcfjasing 
bfi.  ll?iring 


46 


'The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


tive  necessity  that  shipping  should  be  immediately  provided, 
2C^e  Pilgrttn0'  if  the  enterprise  was  to  be  held  together  and  the  funds  sub- 
3ni;irt^  for  a  scribed  were  to  be  secured.  He  evidently  considered  this 
^W  the  only  guaranty  of  good  faith  and  of  an  honest  intention 

to  immediately  transport  the  colony  over  sea,  that  would  be 
accepted.  After  saying,  as  already  noted,  that  those  behind- 
hand with  their  payments  refuse  to  pay  in  "  till  they  see  ship- 
ping provided  or  a  course  taken  for  it,"  he  adds,  referring 
to  Master  Weston :  "  That  he  should  not  have  had  either 
shipping  ready  before  this  time,  or  at  least  certain  [i.  e.  defi- 
nite] means  and  course,  and  the  same  known  to  us,  for  it; 
or  have  taken  other  order  otherwise ;  cannot  in  [according 
to]  my  conscience  be  excused." ' 

Bradford  also  states  ^  that  "  one  Master  Thomas  Weston, 
a  merchant  of  London,  came  to  Leyden  about  the  same 
time  [apparently  while  negotiations  for  emigration  under 
their  auspices  were  pending  with  the  Dutch,  in  February  or 
March,  1 620] ,  who  was  well  acquainted  with  some  of  them 
and  a  furtherer  of  them  in  their  former  proceedings  .  .  .  and 
persuaded  them  .  .  .  not  to  meddle  with  the  Dutch,"  etc. 
This  Robinson  confirms  in  his  letter  to  Carver  before  re- 
ferred to,  saying :  "  You  know  right  well  we  depended  on 
Master  Weston  alone,  .  .  .  and  when  we  had  in  hand  an- 
other course  with  the  Dutchman,  broke  it  off  at  his  motion."^ 
On  the  morning  of  the  10th  of  June,  1620,  Robert  Cush- 
man,  one  of  the  Leyden  agents  at  London,  after  writing  to 
his  associate,  Master  John  Carver,  then  at  Southampton,^ 
and  to  the  Leyden  leaders  —  in  reply  to  certain  censorious 


1.  Robinson's  letter  to  John  Carver,  June  14/24,  1620. 

2.  Historic,  P-  42. 

3.  See,  also,  J.  R.  Brodhead's  History  of  New  Tork,  pp.  123-126. 

4.  Carver  was  evidently  chiefly  busy  at  Southampton.  Robin- 
son's letter  of  June  14,  in  which  he  regrets  that  "you  have  not  been 
at  London  all  this  while,"  and  Cushman's  letter  of  June  10  to 
Carver,  as  also  his  to  Cushman,  all  indicate  his  absence  from  London, 
but  Bradford  states  of  the  discussion  at  Southampton,  after  the 
Speedwell's  arrival  {op.  cit.  p.  60),  "that  Master  Carver  pleaded  he 
was  employed  here  [Southampton]  and  knew  not  well  what  the 
others  had  done  at  London." 


The  May-Flower's  Charter 


47 


letters  received  by  him  from  both  these  sources  —  although 
disheartened  by  the  difficulties  and  prospects  before  him, 
sought  Master  Weston,  and  by  an  urgent  appeal  so  effec- 
tively wrought  upon  him,  that,  two  hours  later,  coming  to 
Cushman,  he  promised  "  he  would  not  yet  give  it  [the  under- 
taking] up." 

Cushman's  patience  and  endurance  were  evidently  nearly 
"  at  the  breaking  point,"  for  he  says  in  his  letter  of  Sunday, 
June  11,  when  success  had  begun  to  crown  his  last  grand 
effort :  "  And,  indeed,  the  many  discouragements  I  find  here 
[in  London]  together  with  the  demurs  and  retirings  there 
[at  Leyden]  had  made  me  to  say,  '  I  would  give  up  my 
accounts  to  John  Carver  and  at  his  coming  [from  Southamp- 
ton] acquaint  him  fully  with  all  courses  [proceedings]  and 
so  leave  it  quite,  with  only  the  poor  clothes  on  my  back.' 
But  gathering  up  myself  by  further  consideration,  I  resolved 
yet  to  make  one  trial  more,"  etc. 

It  was  this  "  one  trial  more  "  which  meant  so  much  to  the 
Pilgrims ;  to  the  cause  of  Religion ;  to  America ;  and  to 
Humanity.  It  will  rank  with  the  last  heroic  and  successful 
efforts  of  Robert  the  Bruce  and  others,  which  have  become 
historic. 

The  effect  of  Cushman's  appeal  upon  Weston  cannot  be 
doubted.  It  not  only  apparently  influenced  him  at  the  time, 
but,  after  reflection  and  the  lapse  of  hours,  it  brought  him  to 
his  associate  to  promise  further  loyalty,  and,  what  was  much 
better,  to  act.  The  real  animus  of  Weston's  backwardness, 
it  is  quite  probable,  lay  in  the  designs  of  Gorges,  which  were 
probably  not  yet  fully  matured,  or,  if  so,  involved  delay  as 
an  essential  part. 

"  And  so,"  Cushman  states,  "  advising  together,  we  resolved 
to  hire  a  ship."  They  evidently  found  one  that  afternoon, 
"of  sixty  last"'  (120  tons)  which  was  called  "a  fine  ship," 
and  which  they  "took  liking  of  [Old  English  for  trial  (Dry- 
den),  equivalent  to  refusal]  till  Monday."     The  same  after- 


I.  "Sixty  last."  The  term  "last,"  according  to  Brande,  is  "a 
measure  or  weight  varying  in  different  countries  and  with  respect  to 
different  articles,  but  usually  estimated  at  4000  lbs." 


spafitfr 
CttSljntan'g 
0OOD  Worb 


48 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


a  pilgrim 
SDap 


noon  they  "  hired  another  pilot  .  .  .  one  Master  Clarke  " 
—  of  whom  further. 

It  seems  certain  that  by  the  expression,  "  we  have  hired 
another  pilot  here,  one  Master  Clarke,"  etc.;  that  Cushman 
was  reckoning  the  "  pilott  "  Reynolds  —  whom  he  had  hired 
and  sent  over  to  them  in  Holland,  as  shown  —  as  the  first, 
and  now  Clarke  as  "  another."  It  nowhere  appears  that,  up 
to  this  date,  any  other  than  these  two  had  been  hired,  nor 
had  there  been  until  then,  any  occasion  for  more  than  one. 

If  Cushman  had  been  engaged  in  such  important  negotia- 
tions as  these  before  he  wrote  his  letters  to  Carver  and  the 
Leyden  friends,  on  Saturday  morning,  he  would  certainly 
have  mentioned  them.  As  he  named  neither,  it  is  clear  that 
they  had  not  then  occurred.  It  is  equally  certain  that  Cush- 
man's  appeal  to  Weston  was  not  made,  and  his  renewed 
activity  aroused,  until  after  these  letters  had  been  dispatched, 
and  nothing  of  the  kind  could  have  been  done  without 
Weston. 

His  letter-writing  of  June  lo  was  obviously  in  the  morn- 
ing, as  proven  by  the  great  day's  work  Cushman  performed 
subsequently.  He  must  have  written  his  letters  early  and 
have  taken  them  to  such  place  as  his  messenger  had  suggested. 
(Who  his  messenger  was  does  not  appear,  but  it  was  not  John 
Turner,  as  suggested  by  Arber,*  for  he  did  not  arrive  till  that 
night.)  Cushman  must  then  have  looked  up  Weston  and 
had  an  hour  or  more  of  earnest  argument  with  him,  for  he 
says :  "  at  the  last  [as  if  some  time  was  occupied]  he  gathered 
himself  up  a  little  more  "  [i.  e.  yielded  somewhat].  Then 
came  an  interval  of  "  two  hours,"  at  the  end  of  which  Wes- 
ton came  to  him^  and  they  "advised  together,"  —  which  took 
time.  It  was  by  this  evidently  somewhat  past  noon,  at  least 
four  or  five  hours  having  been  consumed.  They  then  went 
to  look  for  a  ship  and  found   one,  which,  from  Cushman's 


1.  Arber,  The  Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers^  p.  315. 

2.  Ibid.  It  would  be  highly  interesting  to  know  whether,  in  the 
two  hours  which  intervened  between  Cushman's  call  on  Weston  and 
the  latter's  return  call,  Weston  consulted  Gorges  and  got  his  instruc- 
tions. It  is  certain  that  he  came  prepared  to  act,  and  that  vigor- 
ously, which  he  had  not  previously  been. 


The  May-Flower's  Charter 


49 


remark,  "  but  a  fine  ship  it  is,"  they  must  (at  least  super- 
ficially) have  examined.  While  hunting  for  the  ship  they 
seem  to  have  come  across,  and  to  have  hired,  John  Clarke 
the  "  pilot,"  with  whom  they  necessarily,  as  with  the  ship's 
people,  spent  some  time.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the 
approach  of  dusk  cut  short  their  examination  of  the  ship, 
which  they  hence  "  took  liking  of  [refusal  of]  till  Monday." 
It  is  therefore  evident  that  the  "  refusal "  of  the  "  sixty  last " 
ship  was  taken,  and  the  "  pilot  "  Clarke  was  "  hired,"  on  Sat- 
urday afternoon,  June  lo,  as  on  Sunday,  June  1 1,  Cushman 
informed  the  Leyden  leaders  of  these  facts  by  letter,  as 
above  indicated,  and  gave  instructions  as  to  the  Speedwell's 
"pilott,"  Master  Reynolds. 

Rev.  Thomas  Prince,  the  chronologist,  argues  that  this  letter 
was  written  on  the  loth,  though  unmistakably  dated  the  i  ith. 
He  says:  "June  ii,  O.  S.,  is  Lord's  day,  and  therefore  'tis 
likely  the  date  of  this  letter  should  be  June  loth,  the  same 
with  the  date  of  the  letter  following  "  (that  to  John  Carver 
of  June  lo).  But  Professor  Arber,  who  evidently  follows  his 
lead,  says  "  the  date  must  be  \jic\  an  error,  for  two  reasons." 

The  first  of  these  is  simply,  in  effect,  that  if  writing  on 
Sunday,  Cushman  would  have  been  more  likely  to  say,  "  till 
to-morrow  "  than  "  till  Monday,"  in  stating  the  time  to  which 
their  refusal  of  the  ship  ran.  It  is  without  weight,  and  it 
would  be  a  complete  reply  to  claim  that  Cushman  very 
properly  quoted  the  refusal  of  the  day  before,  in  the  exact 
language  in  which  it  was  made.  It  very  probably  was  in 
writing  and  lay  before  him  as  he  wrote. 

Arber's  second  reason  is  also  that  of  Prince,  better  stated. 
He  says :  "  It  is  unlikely  that  one  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers 
would  have  written  a  business  letter  on  a  Sunday,  unless 
under  some  extraordinary  occasion."  The  weakness  of  this 
reason  lies  in  the  "  unless."  There  was  "  extraordinary  occa- 
sion," not  less  vital  to  the  cause  of  his  fellow  Pilgrims  and 
his  God  than  that  which  sent  the  reverent  Governor  Carver 
aboard  the  May-Flower  in  Plymouth  harbor,  to  cast  up 
accounts  on  the  Sabbath  with  the  dying  treasurer,  Martin. 
Cushman  could  at  last  send  word  to  the  sorely  tried  and 
despairing  souls  at  Leyden  —  "many  of  whom  had  sold  their 


Cusljman's 

S>unDa^ 

Jlcttfr 


50 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Cugl)ntan'0 
S>umiap 


properties  "  and  "  knew  not  what  to  do ; "  all  of  whom  were 
waiting  and  hoping  for  some  word  of  cheer,  —  "  Deliverance 
draweth  nigh !  "  His  messenger  was  to  leave  "on  Tuesday," 
and  he  knew  that  till  then,  with  the  matter  of  the  ship 
and  other  concerns  on  hand,  every  hour  must  be  fully  occu- 
pied. He  held  to  the  precept  of  the  Master,  that  it  was 
"  lawful  to  do  good  on  the  Sabbath  day."  Cushman  was 
both  a  "  preacher  and  an  Elder,"  but  he  did  not  "  go  behind 
the  door,"  on  an  act  that  his  judgment  and  his  conscience 
approved,  and  he  undoubtedly  dated  his  letter  when  he 
wrote  it. 

To  recapitulate :  we  have  seen  that  he  wrote  to  the  Leyden 
chiefs  and  Carver  on  Saturday  morning  (the  loth),  and  doubt- 
less the  letters  were  dispatched,  as  both  of  them  appear  in 
evidence  in  Bradford's  chronicles,  necessarily  from  different 
sources.  We  know  that  the  entire  day  on  Saturday  was  con- 
sumed by  Cushman  in  his  labors  with  Weston  and  about  the 
docks.  We  know  (as  he  says  he  received  his  letter  from  the 
Leyden  brethren  "yesterday,"  the  loth)  that  it  could  only 
have  been  late  in  the  day  on  Saturday,  for  he  had  been  absent 
since  writing  his  Leyden  letter  on  the  moming  of  Saturday, 
at  which  time  none  of  the  events  of  which  he  writes  on  the 
nth  could  have  occurred.  It  is  plain,  also,  that  if  "yester- 
day" meant  the  loth,  as  the  written  date,  "June  nth,"  enti- 
tles us  to  believe,  —  and  there  is  absolutely  nothing  to  con- 
tradict it  and  everything  to  confirm,  —  all  these  happenings 
must  have  occurred  on  Saturday,  and  before  he  received  the 
letter  of  the  Leyden  brethren  from  their  messenger.  Turner. 
It  is  not  probable  that  he  wrote  two  letters  to  Leyden  in  one 
day,  especially  under  the  circumstances,  the  latter  before 
the  acts  it  records  had  been  performed,  or  that  if  he  wrote 
his  second  letter  late  at  night,  he  would  date  it  the  next  day 
and  that  Sunday.  We  are  therefore  able  to  fix,  nearly  to  an 
hour,  the  "  turning  of  the  tide  "  in  the  affairs  of  the  Pilgrim 
movement  to  America. 

It  is  also  altogether  probable  that  the  Pilgrims  and  hu- 
manity at  large  are  still  further  (indirectly)  indebted  to  Cush- 
man's  "  one  more  trial "  and  resultant  Saturday  afternoon's 
work,  for  the  May-Flower  (though  not  found  that  day),  and 


The  May-Flower's  Charter 


51 


her  able  commander  Jones,  who,  whatever  his  faults,  safely 
brought  the  Pilgrims  through  stormy  seas  to  their  "promised 
land." 

Obligations  of  considerable  and  rapidly  cumulative  cost 
had  now  been  incurred,  making  it  imperative  to  go  forward 
to  embarkation  with  all  speed,  and  primarily,  to  secure  the 
requisite  larger  ship.  Evidently  Weston  and  Cushman 
believed  they  had  found  one  that  would  serve,  when  on  Sat- 
urday, they  "took  liking,"  as  we  have  seen,  of  the  "fine  ship  " 
of  120  tons,  "till  Monday." 

No  less  able  authorities  than  Charles  Deane,  Goodwin,  and 
Brown,  with  others,  have  mistakenly  concluded  that  this  ship 
was  the  May-Flower,  and  have  so  stated  in  terms.  As  editor 
of  Bradford's  history*  "  Of  Plimoth  Plantation,"  Mr.  Deane 
(in  a  footnote  to  the  letter  of  Cushman  written  Sunday, 
June  1 1),  after  quoting  the  remark,  "But  it  is  a  fine  ship," 
mistakenly  adds,  "The  renowned  Mayflower.  —  Ed.,"  thus 
committing  himself  to  the  common  error  in  this  regard. 
John  Brown,  in  his  "  Pilgrim  Fathers  of  New  England,"  * 
confuses  the  vessels,  stating  that,  "  when  all  was  ready  for 
the  start,  a  pilot  came  over  to  conduct  the  emigrants  to 
England,  bringing  also  a  letter  from  Cushman  announcing 
that  the  Mayflower,  a  vessel  of  one  hundred  and  eighty 
tons,  Thomas  Jones,  Master,  would  start  from  London  to 
Southampton  in  a  week  or  two,"  etc.  As  we  have  seen, 
these  statements  are  out  of  their  relation.  No  pilot  went 
for  that  purpose  and  none  carried  such  a  letter  (certainly 
none  from  Cushman),  as  alleged.  Cushman's  letter,  sent  as 
we  know  by  John  Turner,  announced  the  finding  of  an  en- 
tirely different  vessel,  which  was  neither  of  180  tons  burden, 
nor  had  any  relation  to  the  May-Flower  or  her  future  historic 
freight.  Neither  was  there  in  his  letter  any  time  of  starting 
mentioned,  or  of  the  port  of  Southampton  as  the  destination 
of  any  vessel  to  go  from  London,  or  of  Jones  as  captain. 
Such  loose  statements  are  the  bane  of  history.  Goodwin," 
usually  so  accurate,  stumbles  unaccountably  in  this  matter  — 
which  has  been  so  strangely  misleading  to  other  competent 


iLctttr 


I.   Page  188. 


2.    Pilgrim  Republic,  p.  46. 


52 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


men  —  and  makes  the  sadly  perverted  statement  that,  "  In 
June,  John  Turner  was  sent,  and  he  soon  returned  with  a 
petulant  \5ic\  letter  from  Cushman,  which,  however,  an- 
nounced that  the  ship  Mayflower  had  been  selected  and  in 
two  weeks  would  probably  leave  London  for  Southampton." 
He  adds,  with  inexcusable  carelessness  in  the  presence  of 
the  words  "sixty  last"  (which  his  dictionary  would  have  told 
him,  at  a  glance,  was  120  tons),  that :  "  This  vessel  (Thomas 
Jones,  master)  was  rated  at  a  hundred  and  eighty  tons.  .  .  . 
Yet  she  was  called  a  fine  ship,"  etc.  It  is  evident  that,  like 
Brown,  he  confused  the  two  vessels,  with  Cushman's  letter 
before  his  eyes,  from  failure  to  compute  the  "sixty  last."  He 
moreover  quotes  Cushman  incorrectly.  The  great  disparity 
in  size,  however,  should  alone  render  this  confusion  impos- 
sible, and  Cushman  is  clear  as  to  the  tonnage  ("sixty  last"), 
regretting  that  the  ship  found  is  not  larger,'  while  Bradford 
and  all  other  chroniclers  agree  that  the  May-Flower  was  of 
"  9  score  "  tons  burden.^ 

It  is  also  evident  that  for  some  reason  this  smaller  ship 
(found  on  Saturday  afternoon)  was  not  taken,  probably  be- 
cause the  larger  one,  the  May-Flower,  was  immediately 
offered  to  and  secured  by  Masters  Weston  and  Cushman, 
and  very  probably  with  general  approval.  Just  how  the 
May-Flower  was  obtained  may  never  be  certainly  known. 
It  was  only  on  Saturday,  June  10,  as  we  have  seen,  that 
Master  Weston  had  seriously  set  to  work  to  look  for  a  ship; 
and  although  the  refusal  of  one  —  not  wholly  satisfactory  — 
had  been  prudently  taken  that  day,  it  was  both  natural  and 
politic  that  as  early  as  possible  in  the  following  week  he 


2Ll)E 

anD  spastcr 
lonc0  founD 


1.  Cushman,  in  stating  her  size,  says,  "  for  a  greater  we  cannot 
get  except  it  be  too  great,"  clearly  indicating  that  he  realized  her 
under  size  and  regretted  it,  which  he  would  have  had  no  occasion  to 
do  with  a  ship  of  180  tons  burden.  See  Cushman's  letter  of  June 
11/21,  1620.     Bradford,  Historie,  Mass.  ed.  p.  67. 

2.  Goodwin  explains  the  disparity  in  tonnage  by  suggesting  that 
180  tons  was  "equal  to  about  120  tons  of  the  present  rating," 
which  is  itself  a  mistake,  and  in  no  way  explains  the  wide  difference 
between  Cushman's  (Saturday)  ship  of  "  60  last "  and  Bradford's 
May-Flower  of  "9  score"  tons. 


The  May-Flower's  Charter 


53 


should  make  first  inquiry  of  his  tellow-merchants  among  the 
Adventurers,  whether  any  of  them  had  available  such  a  ship 
as  was  requisite,  seeking  to  find,  if  possible,  one  more  nearly 
of  the  desired  capacity  than  that  of  which  he  had  taken  the 
"refusal"  on  Saturday.  It  appears  altogether  probable  that, 
in  reply  to  this  inquiry,  Thomas  Goffe,  Esq.,  a  fellow- 
Adventurer  and  shipping-merchant  of  London,  offered  the 
May-Flower,  which,  there  is  ample  reason  to  believe,  then 
and  for  ten  years  thereafter,  belonged  to  him.* 

It  is  quite  likely  that  Clarke,  the  newly  engaged  "  pilot," 
learning  that  his  employers  required  a  competent  commander 
for  their  ship,  brought  to  their  notice  the  master  of  the  ship 
(the  Falcon)  in  which  he  had  made  his  recent  voyage  to 
Virginia,  Captain  Jones,  who,  having  powerful  friends  at  his 
back  in  both  Virginia  Companies  (as  later  appears),  and  large 
experience,  was  able  to  approve  himself  to  the  Adventurers. 
It  is  also  probable  that  Thomas  Weston  engaged  him  him- 
self, on  the  recommendation  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  at  the 
instance  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges. 

As  several  weeks  would  be  required  to  fit  the  ship  for  her 
long  voyage  on  such  service,  and  as  she  sailed  from  London 
July  15,  her  charter-party  must  certainly  have  been  signed 
by  June  20,  1620.  The  Speedwell,  as  appears  from  various 
sources  (Bradford,  Winslow  et  als^,  sailed  from  Delfshaven, 
Saturday,  July  22.  She  is  said  to  have  been  four  days  on 
the  passage  to  Southampton,  reaching  there  Wednesday, 
July  26.  Cushman,  in  his  letter  of  Thursday,  August  17, 
from  Dartmouth  to  Edward  Southworth,"  says,  "  We  lay  at 
Southampton  seven  days  waiting  for  her "  (the  Speedwell), 
from  which  it  is  evident,  both  that  Cushman  came  on  the 
May-Flower  from  London,  and  that  the  May-Flower  must 
have  left  London  at  least  ten  days  before  the  26th  of  July, 
the  date  of  the  Speedwell's  arrival.  As  given  traditionally, 
it  was  on  the  15th,  or  eleven  days  before  the  Speedwell's 
arrival  at  Southampton. 


99ap'i?lotDcr 
aiiD  Sl9a0trr 
31oncs  founo 


1.  Bradford  says  {op.  cit.  p.  58) :  "  Another  [ship]  was  hired  at  Lon- 
don, of  burden  about  9  score  "  [tons].    This  was  the  May-Flower. 

2.  Bradford,  op.  cit.  p.  71. 


54 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


of  tljf  Cljartf  r? 


By  whom  the  charter-party  of  the  May-Flower  was  signed 
will  probably  remain  matter  of  conjecture,  though  we  are  not 
without  intimations  of  some  value  regarding  it.  Captain  John 
Smith  tells  us  *  that  the  Merchant  Adventurers  (presumably 
one  of  the  contracting  parties)  "were  about  seventy,  .  .  . 
not  a  Corporation,  but  knit  together  by  a  voluntary  combi- 
nation in  a  Society  without  constraint  or  penalty.  They 
have  a  President  and  Treasurer  every  year  newly  chosen  by 
the  most  voices,  who  ordereth  the  affairs  of  their  Courts  and 
meetings  ;  and  with  the  assent  of  most  of  them,  undei  taketh 
all  the  ordinary  business,  but  in  more  weighty  affairs,  the  assent 
of  the  whole  Company  is  required!'"^ 

It  would  seem  from  the  foregoing  —  which,  from  so  intel- 
ligent a  source  at  a  date  so  contemporaneous,  ought  to  be 
reliable  —  that,  not  being  an  incorporated  body,  it  would  be 
essential  that  all  the  Adventurers  (which  Smith  expressly 
states  was  their  rule)  should  "  assent "  by  their  signatures, 
which  alone  could  bind  them  to  so  important  a  business 
document  as  this  charter-party.  It  was  certainly  one  of  their 
"  more  weighty  affairs,"  and  it  may  well  be  doubted,  also,  if 
the  owner  of  the  vessel  (even  though  one  of  their  number) 
would  accept  less  than  the  signatures  of  all,  when  there  was 
no  legal  status  by  incorporation  or  copartnership  to  hold 
them  collectively. 

If  the  facts  were  indeed  as  stated  by  Smith,  —  whose  know- 
ledge of  what  he  affirmed  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt,  —  there 
can  be  little  question  that  the  contract  for  the  service  of  the 
May-Flower  was  signed  by  the  entire  number  of  the  Adven- 
turers on  the  one  part.  If  so,  its  covenants  would  be  equally 
binding  upon  each  of  them  except  as  otherwise  therein  stip- 
ulated, or  provided  by  the  law  of  the  realm.  In  such  case, 
the  charter-party  of  the  May-Flower,  with  the  autograph  of 
each  Merchant  Adventurer  appended,  would  constitute,  if  it 
could  be  found,  one  of  the  most  interesting  and  valuable  of 
historical  documents.  That  it  was  not  signed  by  any  of  the 
Leyden  congregation — in   any  representative  capacity — is 


1.  Smith,  G^n^ra// //ii/»r/V,  lib.  vi.  fol.  247.     London,  1624. 

2.  The  italics  are  mine. — A.  A. 


The  May-Flower's  Charter 


well-nigh  certain.  Their  contracts  were  with  ttie  Adventurers 
alone,  and  hence  they  were  not  directly  concerned  in  the 
contracts  of  the  latter,  their  "  agents  "  being  but  co-workers 
with  the  Adventurers  (under  their  partnership  agreements), 
in  finding  shipping,  collecting  moneys,  purchasing  supplies, 
and  in  generally  promoting  the  enterprise.  That  they  were 
not  signing-parties  to  this  contract,  in  particular,  is  made  very 
certain  by  the  suggestion  of  Cushman's  letter  of  Sunday, 
June  11,  to  the  effect  that  he  hoped  that  "our  friends  there 
[at  Leyden]  if  they  be  quitted  of  the  ship-hire  [as  then 
seemed  certain,  as  the  Adventurers  would  hire  on  general 
account]  will  be  induced  to  venture  [invest]  the  more." 
There  had  evidently  been  a  grave  fear  on  the  part  of  the 
Leyden  people  that  if  they  were  ever  to  get  away,  they  would 
have  to  hire  the  necessary  ship  themselves. 

There  is  just  the  shadow  of  a  doubt  thrown  upon  the  accu- 
racy of  Smith's  statement  as  to  the  non-corporate  status  of  the 
Adventurers,  by  the  loose  and  unwieldy  features  which  must 
thereby  attach  to  their  business  transactions,  to  which  it  seems 
probable  that  merchants  like  Weston,  Andrews,  Beauchamp, 
Shirley,  Pickering,  Goffe,  and  others  would  object,  unless 
the  law  at  that  time  expressly  limited  and  defined  the  rights 
and  liabilities  of  members  in  such  voluntary  associations. 
Neither  evidences  of  (primary)  incorporation,  or  of  such  legal 
limitation,  have,  however,  rewarded  diligent  search.  There 
was  evidently  some  more  definite  and  corporate  form  of 
ownership  in  the  properties  and  values  of  the  Adventurers, 
arrived  at  later.  A  considerable  reduction  in  the  number  of 
proprietors  was  effected  before  1 624  —  in  most  cases  by  the 
purchase  of  the  interests  of  certain  ones  by  their  associates  — 
for  we  find  their  holdings  spoken  of  in  that  year  as  "  six- 
teenths," and  these  shares  to  have  sometimes  been  attached 
for  their  owners'  debts.  A  letter  of  Shirley,  Brewer  et  ah., 
to  Bradford,  Allerton  et  als.,  dated  London,  April  7,  1624,' 
says :  "  If  it  had  not  been  apparently  sold,  Mr.  Beauchamp, 
who  is  of  the  company  also,  unto  whom  he  [Weston]  oweth 
a  great  deal  more,  had  long  ago  attached  it  (as  he  did  other's 


ss 


of  tl)E  Ctjartcr:; 
Part? 


I.   Bradford's  Letter  Book,  yl/a«.  Hist.  Coll..,  ist  series,  vol.  iii.  p.  27. 


56 


'The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


2Dl)E  a^crcljant 
aobenturcrg 


i6ths)"  etc.  It  is  exceedingly  difficult  to  reconcile  these 
unquestionable  facts  with  the  equal  certainty  that,  at  the 
"  Composition "  of  the  Adventurers  with  the  Planters  in 
1 626,  there  were  forty-two  who  signed  as  of  the  Adventurers. 
The  weight,  however,  of  evidence  and  of  probability  must 
be  held  to  support  the  conclusion  that  in  June,  1620,  the 
organization  was  voluntary,  and  that  the  charter-party  of  the 
May-Flower  was  signed  —  "  on  the  one  part "  —  by  each  of 
the  enrolled  Adventurers  engaged  in  the  Leyden  congrega- 
tion's colonization  scheme.  Goodwin^  alone  pretends  to  any 
certain  knowledge  of  the  matter,  but  although  a  veracious 
and  usually  reliable  writer,  he  is  not  infallible,  as  already 
shown,  and  could  hardly  have  had  access  to  the  original 
documents,  —  which  alone,  in  this  case,  could  be  relied  on 
to  prove  his  assertion  that  "  Shortly  articles  were  signed  by 
both  parties,  Weston  acting  for  the  Adventurers."^  Not  a 
particle  of  confirmatory  evidence  has  anywhere  been  found 
in  Pilgrim  or  contemporaneous  literature  to  warrant  this  state- 
ment, after  exhaustive  search,  and  it  must  hence,  until  sus- 
tained by  proof,  be  regarded  as  a  personal  inference  rather 
than  a  verity.  If  the  facts  were  as  appears,  they  permit  the 
hope  that  a  document  of  so  much  prima  facie  importance 
may  have  escaped  destruction,  and  will  yet  be  found  among 
the  private  papers  of  some  of  the  last  survivors  of  the  Ad- 
venturers, though  with  the  acquisition  of  all  their  interests 
by  the  Pilgrim  leaders  such  documents  would  seem,  of  right, 
to  have  become  the  property  of  the  purchasers,  and  to  have 
been  transferred  to  the  Plymouth  planters. 

This  all-important  and  historic  body  —  the  company  of 
Merchant  Adventurers  —  is  entitled  to  more  than  passing 
notice.  Associated  to  "  finance  "  the  projected  transplanta- 
tion of  the  Leyden  congregation  of  "  Independents  "  to  the 
"  northern  parts  of  Virginia,"  under  such  patronage  and  pro- 
tection of  the  English  government  and  its  chartered  Com- 
panies as  they  might  be  able  to  secure,  they  were  no  doubt 


1.  Pilgrim  Republic,  p.  44. 

2.  It  is,  of  course,  possible  that  all  signed  a  power  of  attorney 
authorizing  some  one  or  more  of  their  number  to  act  for  them, 
though  there  is  no  evidence  of  this. 


The  May-Flower's  Charter 


57 


primarily  brought  together  by  the  efforts  ot  one  of  their  num- 
ber, Thomas  Weston,  Esq.,  the  London  merchant  previously 
named,  though  for  some  obscure  reason  Master  John  Pierce 
(also  one  of  them)  was  their  "  recognized "  representative 
in  dealing  with  the  (London)  Virginia  Company  and  the 
Council  for  the  Affairs  of  New  England,  in  regard  to  their 
Patents. 

Bradford  states  that  Weston  "  was  well  acquainted  with 
some  of  them  [the  Leyden  leaders]  and  a  furtherer  of  them 
in  their  former  proceedings,"  *  and  this  fact  is  more  than 
once  referred  to  as  ground  for  their  gratitude  and  generosity 
toward  him,  though  where,  or  in  what  way,  his  friendship 
had  been  exercised,  cannot  be  learned,  — perhaps  in  the  dif- 
ficulties attending  their  escape  from  "  the  north  country  "  to 
Holland.  It  was  doubtless  largely  on  this  account,  that 
his  confident  assurances  of  all  needed  aid  in  their  plans  for 
America  were  so  relied  upon ;  that  he  was  so  long  and  so 
fully  trusted ;  and  that  his  abominable  treachery  and  later 
abuse  ^  were  so  patiently  borne. 

We  are  indebted  to  the  celebrated  navigator,  Captain  John 
Smith,  of  Virginia  fame,  always  the  friend  of  the  New  Eng- 
land colonists,  for  most  of  what  we  know  of  the  organiza- 
tion and  purposes  of  this  Company.  His  ample  statement,^ 
worthy  of  repetition  here,  recites,  that  "the  Adventurers 
which  raised  the  stock  to  begin  and  supply  this  Plantation, 
were  about  seventy :  some.  Gentlemen ;  some,  Merchants ; 
some,  handicraftsmen ;  some  adventuring  great  sums,  some, 
small;  as  their  estates  and  affections  served.  .  .  .  These 
dwell  most  about  London.  They  are  not  a  corporation  but 
knit  together,  by  a  voluntary  combination,  in  a  Society,  with- 
out constraint  or  penalty ;  aiming  to  do  good  and  to  plant 
Religion."  Their  organization,  officers,  and  rules  of  con- 
duct, as  given  by  Smith,  have  already  been  quoted.  It  is 
to  be  feared  from  the  conduct  of  such  men  as  Weston,  Pierce, 


1.  Bradford,  Historic^  Dearie's  ed.  p.  43. 

2.  Bradford,  op.  cit.  pp.  108,  120-125,  134;  Goodwin,  a/>.  cit.  pp. 

235,  238- 

3.  ^mixh,  Generall  Historie^honAon.,  1624. 


2Cbc  spcrtJjant 


58 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Cljt  S^crtljant 
aobcnturtrfi! 


Andrews,  Shirley,  Thornell,  Greene,  Pickering,  Allden,  and 
others,  that  profitable  investment,  rather  than  desire  "  to  do 
good  and  to  plant  Religion,"  was  their  chief  interest.  That 
the  higher  motives  mentioned  by  Smith  governed  such  tried 
and  steadfast  souls  as  Bass,  Brewer,  Collier,  Fletcher,  GofFe, 
Hatherly,  Ling,  Mullens,  Pocock,  Thomas,  and  a  i^vi  others, 
there  can  be  no  doubt.^ 

No  complete  list  of  the  original  "  seventy  "  has  ever  been 
found,  and  we  are  indebted  for  the  names  of  forty-two,  of  the 
fifty  who  are  now  known,  to  the  final  "  Composition  "  made 
with  the  Pilgrim  colonists,  through  the  latter's  representa- 
tives, November  15/25,  1626,  as  given  by  Bradford,^  and  to 
private  research  for  the  rest. 

The  list  of  original  members  of  the  company  of  Mer- 
chant Adventurers,  as  ascertained  to  date,  is  as  follows.  More 
extended  mention  of  them  appears  in  the  notes  appended  to 
this  list. 


Robert  Allden, 
Emanuel  Altham, 
Richard  Andrews, 
Thomas  Andrews, 
Lawrence  Anthony, 
Edward  Bass, 
John  Beauchamp, 
Thomas  Brewer, 
Henry  Browning, 
William  Collier, 
Thomas  Coventry, 


Thomas  Fletcher, 
Thomas  Goffe, 
Peter  Gudburn, 
*William  Greene, 
Timothy  Hatherly, 
Thomas  Heath, 
William  Hobson, 
Robert  Holland, 
Thomas  Hudson, 
Robert  Keayne, 
Eliza  Knight, 


1.  Weston  wrote  Bradford,  April  10,  1622,  "I  perceive  and 
know  as  well  as  another  ye  disposition  of  your  adventurers,  whom 
ye  hope  of  gaine  hath  drawne  on  to  this  they  have  done ;  and  yet  I 
fear  ye  hope  will  not  draw  them  much  further."  While  Weston's 
character  was  utterly  bad,  and  he  had  then  alienated  his  interest  in 
both  Pilgrims  and  Adventurers,  his  judgment  of  men  was  evidently 
good. 

2.  Bradford's  Letter  Book,  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  ist  series,  vol.  iii.  p. 

48. 

3.  Those  thus  marked  (*)  did  not  sign  the  "  Composition  "of  16  26. 


The  May-Flower's  Charter 


John  Knight, 

Miles  Knowles, 

John  Ling, 
*Christopher  Martin, 
(Treasurer)  pro  tern. 

Thomas  Millsop, 

Thomas  Mott, 
*William  Mullens, 

Fria  Newbald, 

William  Pennington, 

William  Penrin. 
*Edward  Pickering, 
*John  Pierce, 

John  Pocock, 

Daniel  Poynton, 

William  Quarles, 


John  Rcvell, 
Newman  Rookes, 
Samuel  Sharpe, 
James  Shirley 
(Treasurer), 

*William  Thomas, 
John  Thornell 

(or  Thorned), 
Matthew  Thornell 

(or  Thornhill), 
Joseph  Tilden, 
Thomas  Ward, 

*John  White, 

*John  Wincob  (?), 
Thomas  Weston, 

*Richard  Wright  (?). 


Shirley,  in  a  letter  to  Governor  Bradford,*  mentions  a  Mr. 
Fogge  and  a  Mr.  Coalson,  in  a  way  to  indicate  that  they 
might  have  been,  like  himself.  Collier,  Thomas,  Hatherly, 
Beauchamp,  and  Andrews,  also  of  the  original  Merchant 
Adventurers,  but  no  proof  that  they  were  such  has  yet  been 
discovered.  It  has  been  suggested  that  Sir  Edwin  Sandys 
was  one  of  the  number,  at  the  inception  of  the  enterprise, 
but  —  though  there  is  evidence  to  indicate  that  he  stood  the 
friend  of  the  Pilgrims  in  many  ways,  possibly  lending  them 
money,  etc.  —  there  is  no  proof  that  he  was  ever  one  of  the 
Adventurers.  It  is  more  probable  that  certain  promoters  of 
Higginson's  and  Winthrop's  companies,  some  ten  years  later, 
were  early  financial  sponsers  of  the  May-Flower  Pilgrims. 
Some  of  them  were  certainly  so,  and  It  is  likely  that  others 
not  known  as  such,  in  reality,  were.  Bradford  suggests,^  in 
a  connection  to  indicate  the  possibility  of  his  having  been 
an  "Adventurer,"  the  name  of  a  "Mr.  Denison,"  of  whom 
nothing  more  is  known.  George  Morton  of  London,  mer- 
chant, and  friend  of  the  leaders  from  the  inception,  and  later 
a  colonist,  is  sometimes  mentioned  as  probably  of  the  list, 
but  no  evidence  of  the  fact   as    yet   appears.     Sir  George 


59 


2DI)E  a5frtl)ant 
automturcrs 


I.   Bradford's  Letter  Book. 


2.    Op.  cit.  p.  343. 


6o 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


2DIjE  aprrtljant 


Farrer  and  his  brother  were  among  the  first  of  the  Adven- 
turers, but  withdrew  themselves  and  their  subscriptions  very 
early,  on  account  of  some  dissatisfaction. 

It  is  impossible,  in  the  space  at  command,  to  give  more 
than  briefest  mention  of  each  of  these  individual  Adven- 
turers. 

AUden.  Was  at  one  time  unfriendly  to  the  Pilgrims, — 
Bradford  calls  him  "  one  of  our  powerfuUest  oppos- 
ers,"  —  but  later  their  ally.  Little  is  known  of  him. 
He  appears  to  have  been  of  London. 

Altham.  Was  Master  of  the  pinnace  Little  James,  belong- 
ing chiefly  to  Fletcher,  and  apparently  expected  to 
command  her  on  her  voyage  to  New  Plymouth  in 
1623,  as  consort  of  the  Anne,  but  for  some  reason 
did  not  go,  and  William  Bridge  went  as  her  Master, 
in  his  stead. 

Andrews  (Richard).  Was  one  of  the  wealthiest  and  most 
liberal  of  the  Adventurers.  He  was  a  haberdasher  of 
Cheapside,  London,  and  an  Alderman  of  the  city. 
He  became  an  early  proprietor  and  liberal  benefactor 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Company,  but  most  illogi- 
cally  gave  the  debt  due  him  from  Plymouth  Colony 
(;^54o)  to  the  stronger  and  richer  Bay  Colony.  He 
had  been,  however,  unjustly  prejudiced  against  the 
Pilgrims,  probably  through  the  deceit  of  Pierce, 
Weston,  Shirley,  and  AUerton. 

Andrews  (Thomas).  A  Lord  Mayor  of  London,  reputed  a 
brother  of  the  last-named.  Never  very  active  in  the 
Adventurers'  affairs,  but  friendly,  so  far  as  appears. 

Anthony.     Little  or  nothing  is  known  concerning  him. 

Bass.  Was  one  of  the  enduring  friends  of  the  struggling 
Colony  and  loaned  them  money  when  they  were  in 
dire  straits  and  the  prospect  of  recovery  was  not  good. 


The  May-Flower's  Charter 


6i 


He  was  of  London,  and  considerable  is  known  con- 
cerning him. 

Beauchamp.  Was  one  of  the  most  active  of  the  Company 
for  many  years.  Generally  to  be  relied  upon  as  the 
Colony's  friend,  but  not  without  some  sordid  self- 
seeking.  Apparently  a  wealthy  citizen  and  "  Salter  " 
of  London. 

Brewer.  Is  too  well-known  as  long  the  partner  of  Brewster 
in  the  conduct  of  the  "  hidden  press  "  at  Leyden,  and 
as  a  sufferer  for  conscience'  sake,  to  require  identifica- 
tion. He  was  a  wealthy  man,  a  scholar,  writer,  printer, 
and  publisher.  Was  of  the  University  of  Leyden, 
but  removed  to  London  after  the  departure  of  the 
chief  of  the  Pilgrims.  Was  their  stanch  friend,  a 
loyal  defender  of  the  faith,  and  spent  most  of  his  later 
life  in  prison,  under  persecution  of  the  Bishops. 

Browning.  Does  not  appear  to  have  been  active,  and  little 
is  known  of  him. 

Collier.  Was  a  stanch  and  steadfast  friend.  Finally  cast  in 
his  lot  with  the  Pilgrims  at  New  Plymouth  and  be- 
came a  leading  man  in  the  government  there.  His 
life  is  well  known.     He  was  a  "  brewer." 

Coventry.  Appears  only  as  a  signer,  and  nothing  is  known 
of  him. 

Fletcher.  Was  a  well-to-do  merchant  of  London,  a  warm 
friend  and  a  reliance  of  the  Pilgrims.  The  loss  of  the 
Little  James  was  a  severe  blow  to  him  financially. 

Greene.  Appears  to  have  been  a  merchant  and  a  partner  in 
Holland  (and  perhaps  at  London)  of  Edward  Picker- 
ing. They  were  well  acquainted  personally  with  the 
Pilgrims,  and  should  have  been  among  their  most 
liberal  and  surest  friends.     Facts  indicate,  however, 


^irtjcntutcrfi 


62 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


2DtjE  Spcrrtiant 
airtjmturers! 


that  they  were  sordid  in  their  interest  and  not  entirely 
just. 

Goffe.  Was  a  London  merchant  and  ship-owner,  as  else- 
where appears.  He  was  not  only  a  Merchant  Ad- 
venturer, but  a  patentee  and  deputy-governor  of  the 
Massachusetts  Company,  and  an  intimate  friend  of 
Winthrop.  He  lost  heavily  by  his  New  England 
ventures.  There  is,  as  shown  elsewhere,  good  reason 
to  believe  that  he  was  the  owner  of  the  May-Flower 
on  her  historic  voyage,  as  also  when  she  came  over  in 
Higginson's  and  Winthrop's  fleets,  ten  years  later. 

Gudburn.     Appears  only  as  a  signer,  so  far  as  known. 

Hatherly.  Was  a  well-to-do  friend  of  the  Pilgrims,  and  after 
many  complaints  had  been  made  against  them  among 
the  "  Purchasers  "  —  arising  out  of  the  rascality  of 
Shirley  and  Allerton  —  went  to  New  England  on  a 
mission  of  inquiry.  He  was  perfectly  convinced  of 
the  Pilgrims'  integrity  and  charmed  with  the  country. 
He  made  another  visit,  and  removed  thither  in  1633, 
to  remain.  He  became  at  once  prominent  in  the 
government  of  New  Plimoth  Colony. 

Heath.  Does  not  appear  to  have  been  active,  and  naught  is 
known  of  him. 

Hobson.  Is  known  only  as  a  signer  of  the  "Composi- 
tion." 

Holland.  Was  a  friend  and  ally  of  the  Pilgrims,  and  one  of 
their  correspondents.  He  is  supposed  to  have  been 
of  the  ancient  house  of  that  name  and  to  have  lived 
in  London. 

Hudson.     Was  not  active,  and  appears  as  a  signer  only. 

Keayne.     Was  a  well-to-do  citizen  of  the  vicinity  of  London, 


The  May-Flower's  Charter 


63 


a  friend,  in  a  general  way,  of  the  Pilgrims.  He  came 
to  Boston  with  Winthrop.  Was  prominent  in  the 
Massachusetts  Colony.  Was  the  founder  and  first 
commander  of  the  early  Artillery  Company  of  Bos- 
ton, the  oldest  military  organization  of  the  United 
States,  and  died  at  Boston,  leaving  a  large  estate  and 
a  very  remarkable  will,  of  which  he  made  Governor 
Winslow  an  "overseer."  He  was  an  erratic,  but 
valuable,  citizen. 

Knight  (Eliza).  Seems  to  have  been  the  only  woman  of 
the  Adventurers,  so  far  as  they  are  known,  but  no- 
thing is  known  of  her.  It  has  been  suggested  that 
the  given  name  has  been  wrongly  spelled  and  should 
be  "  Elizur,"  —  a  man's  name,  —  but  the  "  Compo- 
sition "  gives  the  signature  as  Eliza,  clearly,  as  pub- 
lished. 

Knight  (John).  Finds  no  especial  mention.  He  was  prob- 
ably a  relative  of  Eliza. 

Knowles.    Appears  only  as  a  signer  of  the  "  Composition." 

Ling.  Was  a  wealthy  friend  of  the  colonists  and  always 
true  to  them.  He  lost  his  property  and  was  in  pov- 
erty when  the  Pilgrims  (though  not  yet  well  on  their 
feet),  in  grateful  remembrance  of  his  fidelity,  sent  him 
a  generous  gift. 

Martin.  Was  the  first  treasurer  of  the  colonists  and  also  a 
May-Flower  Pilgrim.  Mention  of  him  appears  later. 
He  was  no  credit  to  the  Company,  and  his  early  death 
probably  prevented  much  vexation. 

Millsop.     Appears  only  as  a  signer  of  the  "  Composition." 

Mott.  Has  no  especial  mention,  but  is  believed  to  have  sent 
some  of  his  people  to  Plymouth  Colony  at  an  early 
day. 


SDtje  SPerrtant 
^Dbenturrrs 


64 


^he  May-Flower  {^  Her  Log 


Mullens.  Was,  as  appears  elsewhere,  a  well-conditioned 
tradesman  of  Surrey,  England,  who  was  both  an 
Adventurer  and  a  May-Flower  Pilgrim,  and  Martin 
and  himself  appear  to  have  been  the  only  ones  who 
enjoyed  that  distinction.  He  died,  however,  soon 
after  the  arrival  at  Plymouth.  That  he  was  an 
Adventurer  is  but  recently  discovered  by  the  author, 
but  there  appears  no  room  for  doubt  as  to  the  fact. 
His  record  was  brief,  but  satisfactory,  in  its  relation 
to  the  Pilgrims. 

Newbald.     Finds  no  especial  mention. 

Pennington.  Appears  only  as  a  signer.  It  is  a  London 
name. 

Penrin.  Appears  only  as  a  signer  of  the  "Composi- 
tion." 

Pickering.  Is  introduced  to  us  first  as  a  Leyden  merchant, 
through  John  Robinson's  letters.  He  appears  to  have 
been  a  shrewd,  cold-blooded  calculator,  like  his  part- 
ner-Adventurer, Greene,  not  interested  especially  in 
the  Pilgrims,  except  for  gain,  and  soon  deserting  the 
Adventurers.  His  family  seem  to  have  been  in  favor 
with  Charles  II.     (See  Pepys's  "  Diary.") 

Pierce  (John).  Although  recognized  by  the  Virginia  Com- 
panies and  Council  for  New  England,  as  the  represent- 
ative of  the  Adventurers,  he  has  only  been  recently 
generally  reckoned  a  chief  man  of  the  Adventurers. 
A  Protean  friend  of  the  Pilgrims,  never  reliable, 
ever  pretentious,  always  self-seeking,  and  of  no  help. 
He  was  finally  ruined  by  the  disasters  to  his  ship,  the 
Paragon,  which  cost  him  all  his  interests.  Having 
attempted  treacherously  to  secure  to  himself  the  Patent 
granted  in  the  Colony's  interest,  he  was  compelled 
by  the  Council  to  surrender  its  advantages  to  the 
Adventurers  and  colonists. 


The  May-Flower's  Charter 


65 


. 


Pocock.  Was  a  stanch  and  firm  supporter  of  the  Pilgrims 
and  tlieir  interests,  at  all  times,  and  to  the  end.  He 
was  also  a  financial  supporter  and  deputy-governor 
of  the  Massachusetts  Company,  under  Winthrop.  A 
correspondent  of  Bradford.     A  good  man. 

Peyton.  Finds  no  especial  mention.  He  appears  as  a 
signer  only. 

Quarles.  Appears  only  as  a  signer  of  the  "Composi- 
tion." 

Revell.  Was  a  very  wealthy  citizen,  merchant,  and  ship- 
owner of  London,  and  a  good  man.  He  became  also 
ardently  interested  in  Winthrop's  Company.  Was 
an  "  assistant "  and  one  of  the  five  "  undertakers  " 
chosen  to  go  to  New  England  to  reside.  He  went 
to  New  England  on  the  Jewell  of  Winthrop's  fleet, 
and  was  part  owner  of  the  Lady  Arbella.  He  evi- 
dently, however,  did  not  like  the  life,  and  returned 
after  a  few  weeks'  stay. 

Rookes.     Appears  only  as  a  signer. 

Sharpe.  Was  also  a  friend  of  both  Pilgrim  and  Puritan. 
He  came  to  New  England  in  1629,  and  settled  first 
at  Salem,  in  the  Massachusetts  Company.  He  died 
in  1658,  having  long  been  a  ruling  elder  of  the 
church  there.  He  met  with  many  enemies,  but  was 
a  valuable  man  and  an  able  one.  He  was  Governor 
Cradock's  New  England  agent. 

Shirley.  Requires  little  mention  here.  The  perfidious 
friend  of  the  Pilgrims,  —  perhaps  originally  true  to 
them,  —  he  sunk  everything  for  hope  of  gain.  He 
was  treasurer  of  the  Adventurers,  one  of  their  most 
active  and  intelligent  men,  but  proved  a  rascal  and  a 
canting  hypocrite.  He  was  a  "citizen  and  gold- 
smith "  of  London. 


Clje  ascrtljant 
BDt3cnturfr0 


66 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


W^t  sprrrijant 


Thomas.  Has  nowhere  been  enumerated  in  any  list  of  the 
Adventurers  (though  occasionally  mentioned  as  such 
by  recent  writers),  which  is  strange,  as  repeated  letters 
of  his  to  Bradford,  and  other  data,  show  him  to  have 
been  one  of  the  best  and  truest  of  them  all.  He  sold 
his  interests  before  the  "  Composition "  and  became 
a  colonist  after  1630.  He  was  the  fifth  of  the  Ad- 
venturers to  come  to  New  England  to  remain,  and 
cast  in  his  lot  with  the  Pilgrims  at  New  Plimoth  — 
Martin,  Mullens,  Collier,  and  Hatherly  preceding 
him.  A  wealthy  and  well-informed  man,  he  became 
a  power  in  the  government.  Probably  Welsh  by 
birth,  he  was  a  London  merchant  when  the  Adven- 
turers were  organized.  His  home  at  Marshfield, 
Massachusetts,  has  since  become  additionally  famous 
as  the  home  of  Daniel  Webster. 

Thornell  (John).  Is  sometimes  confounded  with  another 
Adventurer,  Matthew  Thornhill,  as  his  name  is  some- 
times so  spelled.  There  is  reason  to  believe  they 
were  related.     He  was  not  a  friend  to  the  Pilgrims. 


Thornhill  (or  Thornell),  (Matthew), 
cerning  him. 


Little  is  known  con- 


Tilden.  Was  of  an  old  family  in  Kent,  "a  citizen  and 
girdler  of  London,"  as  his  will  declares,  his  brother 
(Nathaniel)  later  coming  to  New  England  and  set- 
tling near  Hatherly  at  Scituate.  Nathaniel's  son 
Joseph  —  named  for  his  uncle  —  was  made  his  ex- 
ecutor and  heir.  The  uncle  was  always  a  firm  friend 
of  the  Pilgrims.  Mr.  Tilden's  will  is  given  by 
Waters  ("Genealogical  Gleanings,"  vol.  i.  p.  71), 
and  is  of  much  interest. 

Ward.     Appears  only  as  a  signer. 

White.  Probably  the  Rev.  John  White,  a  stanch  friend 
of  the  Pilgrims,    although  not  a  "Separatist,"  and 


"The  May-Flower's  Charter 


intimately  connected  with  the  upbuilding  of  New  Eng- 
land. His  record  was  a  broad  and  noble  one.  Good- 
win says:  "Haven  thinks  White  was  that  Dorchester 
(Mass.)  clergyman  reputed  to  be  the  author  of  the 
'  Planters'  Plea.' "  Probably,  but  not  certainly,  William 
White  of  the  Pilgrims  was  also  an  Adventurer. 

Wincob  (?).  Was  a  gentleman  of  the  family  of  the  Coun- 
tess of  Lincoln,  and  the  one  in  whose  name  the  first 
patent  in  behalf  of  the  Adventurers  and  Pilgrims 
(which,  however,  was  never  used)  was  taken.  It  is 
only  recently  that  evidences  which,  though  not  con- 
clusive, are  yet  quite  indicative,  have  caused  his 
name  to  be  added  to  the  list,  though  there  is  still 
a  jneasure  of  doubt  whether  it  belongs  there. 

Weston.  Requires  little  mention  here.  Once  a  friend  of 
the  Pilgrims  and  unmistakably  the  organizer  of  the 
Adventurers,  he  became  a  graceless  ingrate  and  rascal. 
An  instrument  of  good  at  first,  he  became  a  heartless 
and  designing  enemy  of  the  Planters.  He  was  a 
"citizen  and  merchant  [ironmonger]  of  London."  It 
is  altogether  probable  that  he  was  originally  a  tool  of 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  was  led  by  him  to  influ- 
ence the  Leyden  brethren  to  break  off  negotiations 
with  the  Dutch.     He  died  poor,  at  Bristol,  England. 

Wright.  Perhaps  came  to  New  Plimoth  and  married  a 
daughter  of  the  May-Flower  Pilgrim,  Francis  Cooke. 
If  so,  he  settled  at  Rehoboth  and  became  its  leading 
citizen.  He  may  possibly  have  been  the  settler  of 
that  name  in  the  Bay-Colony,  and  the  weight  of  evi- 
dence rather  favors  the  latter  supposition. 

Of  the  Adventurers,  Collier,  Hatherly,  Keayne,  Mullens, 
Revell,  Pierce,  Sharpe,  Thomas,  and  Weston,  probably 
Wright  and  White,  possibly  others,  came  to  America  for 
longer  or  shorter  periods.  Several  of  them  were  back  and 
forth  more  than  once.  The  records  show  that  Andrews, 
GofFe,    Pocock,    Revell,    Sharpe,    and    White    were    subse- 


67 


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SDlje  fl^rrrijant 


quently  members  of  the  Massachusetts  (Winthrop's)  Com- 
pany. 

Professor  Arber*  finds  but  six  of  the  Pilgrim  Merchant 
Adventurers  who  later  were  among  the  Adventurers  with 
Winthrop's  Company  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  viz. :  — 
Thomas  Andrews,  John  Pocock,  Samuel  Sharpe, 
Thomas  GofFe,       John  Revell,    John  White. 

He  should  have  added  at  least,  the  names  of  Richard 
Andrews  and  Robert  Keayne,  and  probably  that  of  Richard 
Wright. 

Of  their  number.  Collier,  Hatherly,  Martin,  Mullens, 
Thomas,  and  (possibly)  Wright  were  Plymouth  colonists  — 
Martin  and  Mullens,  as  noted,  being  May-Flower  Pil- 
grims. Nathaniel  Tilden,  a  brother  of  Joseph  Tilden  of  the 
Adventurers,  came,  as  previously  mentioned,  to  the  Colony 
from  Kent,  settling  at  Scituate.  Joseph,  being  apparently 
unmarried,  made  his  nephew,  Joseph  of  Scituate,  his  resid- 
uary legatee,  and  his  property  mostly  came  over  to  the 
Colony. 

Collier,  Hatherly,  and  Thomas  all  located  within  a  few 
miles  of  one  another,  were  all  wealthy  and  prominent  men  in 
the  government  of  the  Colony,  were  intimate  friends,  —  the 
first  and  last  especially,  —  and  lent  not  a  little  dignity  and 
character  to  this  new  dependency  of  King  James  the  First. 
The  remaining  twenty  or  thereabouts  whose  names  are  not 
surely  known  —  though  a  few  of  them  are  pretty  safely  con- 
jectured, some  being  presumably  of  the  Holland  Pilgrims 
and  their  friends  —  were  probably  chiefly  small  contributors, 
whose  rights  were  acquired  from  time  to  time  by  others  of 
larger  faith  in  the  enterprise,  or  greater  sympathy  or  means. 
Not  all,  however,  who  had  ceased  to  hold  their  interests  when 
the  "  Composition  "  was  made  with  AUerton  in  behalf  of  the 
colonists,  in  1626,  were  of  these  small  holders.  Weston  was 
forced  out  by  stress  of  circumstances ;  Thomas  moved  to  New 
England ;  Pierce  was  ruined  by  his  ventures  by  sea ;  Martin 
and  Mullens  died  in  1621;  Pickering  and  Greene  got  out 
early,  fi-om  distrust  as  to  profits ;  Wincob  alone,  of  this  class, 
was  a  small  investor,  if  he  was  one  at  all. 


I.    The  Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  322. 


The  May- Flower's  Charter 


69 


By  far  the  greater  portion  of  the  sums  invested  by  the 
Adventurers  in  behalf  of  the  Colony  is  represented  by  those 
whose  names  are  known,  those  still  unknown  representing, 
doubtless,  numbers  rather  than  amounts.  It  is,  however, 
interesting  to  note,  that  more  than  four  sevenths  of  the  ori- 
ginal number,  as  given  by  Captain  John  Smith,  continued 
to  retain  their  interests  till  the  "Composition"  of  1626.  It 
is  to  be  hoped  that  it  may  yet  be  possible  to  increase  con- 
siderably, if  not  to  perfect,  the  list  of  these  coadjutors  of  the 
Pilgrims  —  the  Merchant  Adventurers  —  the  contracting 
"  party  of  the  second  part,"  to  the  charter-party  of  the  May- 
Flower. 

Who  the  Owner  of  the  May-Flower  was,  or  who  his 
representative,  the  "  party  of  the  first  part,"  to  the  charter- 
party  of  the  Pilgrim  ship,  cannot  be  declared  with  absolute 
certainty,  though  naturally  a  matter  of  absorbing  inter- 
est. There  is,  however,  the  strongest  probability,  as  before 
intimated,  that  Thomas  Goffe,  Esq.,  one  of  the  Merchant 
Adventurers,  and  always  a  stanch  friend  of  the  Pilgrims,  was 
the  owner  of  the  historic  vessel,  —  and  as  such  has  inter- 
woven his  name  and  hers  with  the  histories  of  both  the  Pil- 
grim and  Puritan  hegiras  from  Old  to  New  England.  He 
was,  as  previously  stated,  a  wealthy  "merchant  and  ship- 
owner of  London,"  and  not  only  an  Adventurer  with  the 
Leyden  Pilgrims,  but  —  nearly  ten  years  later  —  a  patentee 
of  the  Massachusetts  Company  and  one  of  its  charter  offi- 
cers. 

We  are  told  in  the  journal  of  Governor  Winthrop  of  that 
Company  —  then  on  board  the  Lady  Arbella,  the  "Admi- 
ral "  or  flagship  of  his  fleet,  riding  at  Cowes,  ready  to  set  sail 
for  New  England  —  that  on  "  Easter  Monday  (March  29), 
1630,  the  Charles,  the  May-Flower,  the  William  and 
Francis,  the  Hopewell,  the  Whale,  the  Success,  and  the 
Trial,"  of  his  fleet,  were  "  still  at  Hampton  [Southampton] 
and  are  not  ready."  Of  these  seven  ships  it  is  certain  that 
Mr.  Goffe  owned  at  least  two,  as  Governor  Winthrop  —  in 
writing,  some  days  later,  of  the  detention  of  his  son  Henry 
and    his    friend  Mr.  Pelham,  who,  going  ashore,  failed  to 


2LI)e  (©iuncr 
oftl)e 


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ofttjc 


return  to  the  governor's  ship  before  she  sailed  from  Cowes, 
and  so  went  to  the  fleet  at  Southampton  for  passage  —  says: 
"  So  we  have  left  them  behind  and  suppose  they  will  come 
after  in  one  of  Mr.  Goffe's  ships."  ^  It  is  clear,  therefore,  that 
Mr.  GofFe,  who  was  an  intimate  friend  and  business  associate 
of  Governor  Winthrop,  as  the  latter's  correspondence  amply 
attests,  and  was  a  charter  deputy-governor  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Company,  and  at  this  time  "an  assistant,"  was  the 
owner  of  at  least  two  (probably  not  more)  of  these  seven 
belated  ships  of  the  governor's  fleet,  riding  at  Southampton. 
Bearing  in  mind  that  the  May-Flower  and  the  Whale  were 
two  of  those  ships,  it  becomes  of  much  importance  to  find 
that  these  two  ships,  evidently  sailing  in  company  (as  if  of 
one  owner),  arrived  together  in  the  harbor  of  Charlestown, 
New  England,  on  Thursday,  July  l,  having  on  board  one 
of  them  the  governor's  missing  son,  Henry  Winthrop. 

If  he  came  —  as  his  father  expected  and  as  appears  cer- 
tain—  "in  one  of  Mr.  GofFe's  ships,"  then  evidently,  either 
the  May-Flower  or  the  Whale,  or  both,  belonged  to  Mr. 
GofFe.  That  both  were  GofFe's  is  rendered  probable  by  the 
fact  that  Governor  Winthrop  —  writing  of  the  vessels  as  if 
associated  and  a  single  interest  —  states  that  "  most  of  their 
cattle  [on  these  ships]  were  dead,  whereof  a  mare  and  horse 
of  mine."  This  probability  is  increased,  too,  by  the  facts 
that  the  ships  evidently  kept  close  company  across  the  At- 
lantic (as  if  under  orders  of  a  common  owner,  and  as  was 
the  custom,  for  mutual  defence  and  assistance,  if  occasion 
required),  and  that  Winthrop  who,  as  we  above  noted,  had 
large  dealings  with  GofFe,  seems  to  have  practically  freighted 
both  these  ships  for  himself  and  friends,  as  his  freight-bills 
attest.  They  would  hence,  so  far  as  possible,  naturally  keep 
together  and  would  discharge  their  cargoes  and  have  their 
accountings  to  a  single  consignee,  taken  as  nearly  together 
as  practicable.  Both  these  ships  came  to  Charlestown,  —  as 
only  one  other  did,  —  and  both  were  freighted,  as  noted,  by 
one  party. 

Sadly  enough,  the  young  man,  Henry  Winthrop,  was 
drowned  at  Salem  the  very  day  after  his  arrival,  and  before 


I.   Italics  the  author's. 


The  May-Flower's  Charter 


71 


that  of  either  of  the  other  vessels:  the  Hopewell,  or  Wil- 
liam AND  Francis  (which  arrived  at  Salem  the  3d) ;  or  the 
Trial  or  Charles  (which  arrived  — -  the  first  at  Charlestown, 
the  last  at  Salem  —  the  5th)  ;  or  the  Success  (which  arrived 
the  6th) ;  making  it  certain  that  he  must  have  come  in 
either  the  May-Flower  or  the  Whale. 

If,  as  appears,  Goffe  owned  them  both,  then  his  ownership 
of  the  May-Flower  in  1630  is  assured,  while  all  autliorities 
agree  without  cavil  that  the  May-Flower  of  Winthrop's  fleet 
in  that  year  (1630)  and  the  May-Fi.ower  of  the  Pilgrims 
were  the  same. 

In  the  second  "  General  Letter  of  Instructions  "  from  the 
Massachusetts  Company  in  England  —  dated  London,  May 
28,  1629  —  to  Governor  Endicott  and  his  Council,  a  dupli- 
cate of  which  is  preserved  in  the  First  Book  of  the  Suffolk 
Registry  of  Deeds  at  Boston,  the  historic  vessel  is  described 
as  "  The  May-Flower,  of  Yarmouth  —  William  Pierse, 
Master,"  and  Higginson,  in  his  "Journal  of  a  Voyage 
[1629]  to  New  England,"*  says,  "The  fifth  ship  is  called 
the  May-Flower  carrying  passengers  and  provisions."  Yar- 
mouth was  hence  undoubtedly  the  place  of  register,  and  the 
hailing  port  of  the  May-Flower,  —  she  was  very  likely  built 
there,  —  and  this  would  remain  the  same,  except  by  legal 
change  of  register,  wherever  she  was  owned,  or  from  what- 
ever port  she  might  sail.  Weston  and  Cushman,  according 
to  Bradford,  found  and  hired  her  at  London,  and  her  prob- 
able owner,  Thomas  Goffe,  Esq.,  was  a  merchant  of  that 
city.  Dr.  Young-  remarks:  "The  Mayflower  of  Higgin- 
son's  fleet  is  the  renowned  vessel  that  brought  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers  to  Plymouth  in  1620."  Hon.  James  Savage^  says: 
"  The  Mayflower  had  been  a  name  of  renown  without 
forming  part  of  this  fleet  [Winthrop's,  1630],  because  in 
her  came  the  devoted  planters  of  Plimouth  [1620]  and  she 
had  also  brought   in   the   year   preceding   [1629]   some  of 


1.  Young,  Chronicles  of  the  First  Planters  of  the   Colony  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  p.  216. 

2.  Op.  cit.  p.  275. 

3.  Winthrop's  History  of  New  England,  Savage's  ed.  vol.  i.  p.  I. 


SClje  ©toncc 
of  t!)c 
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oftlje 

spap^iflotDer 


Higginson's  company  to  Salem."  Goodwin*  says:  "In  1629 
she  [the  Pilgrim  May-Flower]  came  to  Salem  with  a  com- 
pany of  the  Leyden  people  for  Plymouth,  and  in  1630 
was  one  of  the  large  fleet  that  attended  John  Winthrop, 
discharging  her  passengers  at  Charlestown."  Dr.  Young 
remarks  in  a  footnote  : "'  "  Thirty-five  of  the  Leyden  congre- 
gation with  their  families  came  over  to  Plymouth  via  Salem, 
in  the  May-Flower  and  Talbot." 

In  view  of  such  positive  statements  as  these,  from  such 
eminent  authorities  and  others,^  and  of  the  collateral  facts  as 
to  the  probable  ownership  of  the  May-Flower  in  1630,  and 
on  her  earlier  voyages  herein  presented,  the  doubt  expressed 
by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Blaxland  in  his  "  Mayflower  Essays,"  whether 
the  ship  bearing  her  name  was  the  same,  on  these  three  sev- 
eral voyages,  certainly  does  not  seem  justified. 

Captain  William  Pierce,  who  commanded  the  May- 
Flower  in  1 629,  when  she  brought  over  part  of  the  Leyden 
company,  was  the  very  early  and  intimate  friend  of  the  Pil- 
grims—  having  brought  over  the  Anne  with  Leyden  passen- 
gers in  1623  —  and  sailed  exclusively  in  the  employ  of  the 
Merchant  Adventurers,  or  some  of  their  number,  for  many 
years,  which  is  of  itself  suggestive. 

To  accept,  as  beyond  serious  doubt,  Mr.  GofFe's  ownership 
of  the  May-Flower,  when  she  made  her  memorable  voyage 
to  New  Plimoth,  one  need  only  to  compare,  and  to  inter- 
pret logically,  the  significant  facts;  —  that  he  was  a  ship-owner 
of  London  and  one  of  the  body  of  Merchant  Adventurers 
who  set  her  forth  on  her  Pilgrim  voyage  in  1620;  and  that 
he  stood,  as  her  evident  owner,  in  similar  relation  to  the 
Puritan  company  which  chartered  her  for  New  England, 
similarly  carrying  colonists,  self-exiled  for  religion's  sake,  in 
1629  and  again  in  1630.  This  conviction  is  greatly  strength- 
ened by  the  fact  that  Mr.  GofFe  continued  one  of  the  Pilgrim 
Merchant  Adventurers,  until  their  interests  were  transferred 
to  the  colonists  by  the  "Composition"  of  1626,  and  three 


1.  Pilgrim  Republic,  p.  156. 

2.  Chronicles  of  the  Pilgrim   Fathers,  p.  216.      Young  is   in  en  or 
about  these  "  families ;  "  there  were  but  35  in  all. 

3.  Hutchinson  Papers,  p.  33,  and  Hazard  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  278. 


The  May-Flower's  Charter 


73 


of  tt)C 
S^a^.'jflolDcr 


years  later  (1629)  sent  by  tlie  May-Flower,  on  her  second 
New  England  voyage,  although  under  a  Puritan  charter, 
another  company  from  the  Leyden  congregation.  The 
(cipher)  letter  of  the  "  Governor  and  deputies  of  the  New 
England  Company  for  a  plantation  in  Massachusetts  Bay  "  to 
Captain  John  Endicott,  written  at  Gravesend,  England,  the 
1 7th  of  April,  1 629,^  says :  "  If  you  want  any  Swyne  wee  have 
agreed  with  those  of  Ne[w]  Plimouth  that  they  deliver  you 
six  Sowes  with  pigg  for  which  they  a[re]  to  bee  allowed  9  lb. 
in  accompt  of  what  they  [the  Plymouth  people]  owe  unto 
Mr.  Goffe  [our]  deputie  [Governor]."  It  appears  from  the 
foregoing  that  the  Pilgrims  at  New  Plymouth  were  in  debt 
to  Mr.  Goffe  in  1629,  presumably  for  advances  and  passage 
money  on  account  of  the  contingent  of  the  Leyden  congre- 
gation, brought  over  with  Higginson's  company  to  Salem, 
on  the  second  trip  of  the  May-Flower.  Mt.  Goffe's  inti- 
mate connection  with  the  Pilgrims  was  certainly  unbroken 
from  the  organization  of  their  Merchant  Adventurers  in 
1619/20,  through  the  entire  period  of  ten  years,  to  1630. 
There  is  every  reason  to  believe,  and  none  to  doubt,  that 
his  ownership  of  the  May-Flower  of  imperishable  renown 
remained  equally  unbroken  throughout  these  years,  and  that 
his  signature  as  her  owner  was  appended  to  her  Pilgrim 
charter-party  in  1620. 

Whoever  the  signatories  of  her  charter-party  may  have 
been,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  good  ship  May-Flower, 
in  charge  of  her  competent,  if  treacherous.  Master,  Captain 
Thomas  Jones,  and  her  first  "  pilot,"  John  Clarke,  lay  in  the 
Thames  near  London  through  the  latter  part  of  June  and 
the  early  part  of  July,  in  the  summer  of  1620,  undergoing  a 
thorough  overhauling,^  under  contract  as  a  colonist-transport. 


1.  First  Book  of  Records  of  Suffolk  County  (Mass.),  Reg.  of  Deeds, 
lib.  i.— viii.,  translation. 

2.  The  confidence  of  "  the  Master  and  others "  [probably  the 
mates  and  carpenter]  of  the  May-Flower,  as  mentioned  by  Brad- 
ford in  connection  with  the  serious  injury  to  the  ship's  deck-beam 
in  mid-ocean,  when,  as  he  states,  "  they  affirmed  that  they  knew  the 
ship  to  be  strong  and  firm  under  water,"  indicates  that  she  must  have 
had  at  their  hands  a  very  thorough  overhauling  —  as  was  meet  —  at 


74 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


SDIjf  %tvmA 
of  tl)C 


for  a  voyage  to  the  tar-ofF  shores  of  "  the  northern  parts  of 
Virginia." 

In  whatever  of  old  English  verbiage,  with  quaint  terms 
and  cumbersome  repeHtion,  the  stipulations  of  this  contract 
were  concealed,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  they  purported 
and  designed  to  "  ingage  "  that  "  the  Good  ship  May-Flower 
of  Yarmouth,  of  9  score  tuns  burthen,  whereof  for  the  present 
viage  Thomas  Joanes  is  Master,"  should  make  the  "  viage " 
as  a  colonist-transport,  "from  the  city  of  London  in  His 
Majesty's  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain,"  etc.,  "  to  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  mouth  of  Hudson's  River,  in  the  northern 
parts  of  Virginia  *  and  return,  calling  at  the  Port  of  South- 
ampton, outward  bound,  to  complete  her  lading,  the  same 
of  all  kinds,  to  convey  to,  and  well  and  safely  deliver  at,  such 
port  or  place,  at  or  about  the  mouth  of  Hudson's  River, 
so-called,  in  Virginia  aforesaid,  as  those  in  authority  of  her 
passengers  shall  direct,"  etc.,  with  provision  as  to  her  return 
lading,  through  her  supercargo,  etc. 

It  is  probable  that  the  exact  stipulations  of  the  contract 
will  never  transpire,  and  we  can  only  roughly  guess  at  them, 
by  somewhat  difficult  comparison  with  the  terms  on  which 
the  Lady  Arbella,  the  "Admiral,"  or  flagship,  of  Win- 
throp's  fleet,  was  chartered  in  1630,  for  substantially  the  like 
voyage  (of  course,  without  expectation  or  probabihty,  of  so 


London,  before  she  received  cargo.     All  of  which  must  have  taken 


time. 


I .  Morton's  New  England's  Memorial.,  p.  1 2,  ed.  1669,  says :  "  They 
obtained  letters  patent  for  the  northern  part  of  Virginia  "  (Wyncob's 
and  Pierce's  Patents) ;  and  again,  "  Their  intention  and  his  [Jones] 
engagement  was  to  Hudson's  River."  Bradford  (^Historie,  Mass.  ed. 
p.  93)  says :  "  After  some  deliberation  had  among  themselves  and  with 
ye  Master  of  ye  ship,  they  Tacked  aboute,  and  resolved  to  stand  for 
ye  southward,  (ye  winde  and  weather  being  faire),  to  find  some  place 
aboute  Hudson's  River  for  their  habitations  ; "  and  again,  "  And  thus 
we  made  our  course  south-south-west,  preparing  to  go  to  a  river  ten 
leagues  to  the  south  of  the  Cape,"  —  undoubtedly  the  Hudson.  Mr. 
James  Grahame,  in  his  History  of  the  United  States,  also  states  that 
the  "  destination  of  the  Ley  den  people  on  the  May-Flower  was  the 
Hudson  River." 


'The  May-Flower's  Charter 


7S 


long  a  stay  on  the  New  England  coast),  though  the  latter 
was  much  the  larger  ship.  The  contract  probably  named 
an  "  upset "  or  total  sum  for  the  "  round  voyage,"  as  was  the 
case  with  the  Lady  Arbella,  though  it  is  to  be  hoped  there 
was  no  "demurrage"  clause,  exacting  damage,  as  is  usual,  for 
each  day  of  detention  beyond  the  "  lay  days  "  allowed,  for 
the  long  and  unexpected  tarries  in  Cape  Cod  and  Plym- 
outh harbors  must  have  rolled  up  an  appalling  "  demurrage  " 
claim.     Winthrop   enters   among    his    memoranda,     "  The 

agreement  for    the  Arbella   ^750,   whereof is  to  be 

paid  in  hand  [i.  e.  cash  down]  the  rest  upon  certificate  of 
our  safe  arrival."^  The  sum  was  doubtless  considerably 
in  excess  of  that  paid  for  the  May-Flower,  both  because 
she  was  a  much  larger,  heavier-armed,  and  better-manned 
ship,  of  finer  accommodations,  and  because  ships  were,  in 
1 630,  in  far  greater  demand  for  the  New  England  trade  than 
in  1620,  Winthrop's  own  fleet  including  no  less  than  ten. 

The  adjustments  of  freight  and  passage  moneys  between 
the  Adventurers  and  colonists  are  matter  of  much  doubt 
and  perplexity,  and  are  not  likely  to  be  fully  ascertained. 
The  only  light  thrown  upon  them  is  by  the  tariffs  for  such 
service  on  Winthrop's  fleet,  and  for  passage,  etc.,  on  different 
ships,  at  a  little  later  day.  It  is  altogether  probable  that  trans- 
portation of  all  those  accepted  as  colonists,  by  the  agents  of 
the  Adventurers  and  "  Planters,"  was  without  direct  charge 
to  any  individual,  but  was  debited  against  the  whole.  But 
as  some  had  better  quarters  than  others,  some  much  more 
and  heavier  furniture,  etc.,  while  some  had  bulky  and 
heavy  goods  for  their  personal  benefit  (such  as  William 
Mullen's  cases  of  "  boots  and  shoes,"  etc.),  it  is  fair  to  as- 
sume that  some  schedule  of  rates  for  "  tonnage,"  if  not  for 
individuals,  became  necessary,  to  prevent  complaints  and  to 
facilitate  accounts.  Winthrop  -  credits  Mr.  Goffe  —  owner 
of  two  of  the  ships  in  1 630  —  as  follows :  — 

"  For  ninety-six  passengers  at  ^4,  ^384. 

For  thirty-two  tons  of  goods  at  ^3  (per  ton). 

For  passage  for  a  man,  his  wife  and  servant, 
(3  persons)  £\(dl\o,  £^l  \o  each." 

I.   Winthrop's  yournal,  vol.  i.  p.  375.  2.    Ihid.  vol.  ii.  p.  339. 


of  t!)e 
Ctiartc^Part^ 


76 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


SDljc  Ccrms 

ofrtje 

Cl)artEr49artp 


Goodwin  shows  ^  the  cost  of  transportation  at  different 
times  and  under  varying  conditions.  "  The  expense  of  secur- 
ing and  shipping  Thos.  Morton  of '  Merry  Mount '  to  Eng- 
land, was  £\2  -J  o,"  but  just  what  proportion  the  passage 
money  bore  to  the  rest  of  the  account,  cannot  now  be  told. 
The  expense  of  Mr.  Rogers,  the  young  insane  clergyman 
brought  over  by  Isaac  AUerton,  without  authority,  was,  for 
the  voyage  out :  "  For  passage  ;^  i  o  o.  For  diet  for  eleven 
weeks  at  4s.  8d.  per  week,  total  ^3  1 1  4."  [A  rather  longer 
passage  than  usual.]  Constant  Southworth  came  in  the  same 
ship  and  paid  the  same,  £1^  114,  which  may  hence  be  assumed 
as  the  average  charge,  at  that  date,  for  a  first-class  passage. 
This  does  not  vary  greatly  from  the  tariff  of  to-day,  as,  reduced 
to  United  States  currency,  it  would  be  about  $18;  and  allow- 
ing the  value  of  sterling  to  be  about  four  times  this,  in  pur- 
chase ratio,  it  would  mean  about  $73.  The  expenses  of  the 
thirty-five  of  the  Leyden  congregation  who  came  over  in  the 
May-Flower  in  1629,  and  of  the  others  brought  in  the  Lion 
in  1630,  were  slightly  higher  than  these  figures,  but  the  cost 
of  the  trip  from  Leyden  to  England  was  included,  with  that 
of  some  clothing.  In  1650,  Judge  Sewall,  who  as  a  wealthy 
man  would  be  likely  to  indulge  in  some  luxury,  gives  his 
outlay  one  way,  as,  "Fare,  £2  3  o;  cabin  expenses,  £^  114; 
total,  £b  14  4." 


I.    Pilgrim  Republic,  pp.  320,  322,  331. 


77 


CHAPTER  IV 

The  May-Flower — The  Ship 
Herself 


NHAPPILY  the  early  chroniclers  familiar 
with  the  May-Flower  have  left  us  neither 
representation  nor  general  description  of 
her,  and  but  few  data  from  which  we  may 
reconstruct  her  outlines  and  details  for 
ourselves.  Tradition  chiefly  determines 
her  place  in  one  of  the  few  classes  into  which  the  merchant 
craft  of  her  day  were  divided,  her  tonnage  and  service  being 
almost  the  only  other  authentic  indices  to  this  class. 

Bradford  helps  us  to  little  more  than  the  statement,  that  a 
vessel,  which  could  have  been  no  other,  "  was  hired  at  Lon- 
don, being  of  burden  about  9  score  "  [tons],  while  the  same 
extraordinary  silence,  which  we  have  noticed  as  to  her  name, 
exists  as  to  her  description,  with  Smith,  Bradford,  Winslow, 
Morton,  and  the  other  contemporaneous  or  early  writers 
of  Pilgrim  history.  Her  hundred  and  eighty  tons  register 
indicates  in  general  her  size,  and  to  some  extent  her  probable 
model  and  rig. 

Long  search  for  a  reliable,  coetaneous  picture  of  one  of  the 
larger  ships  of  the  merchant  service  of  England,  in  the  Pil- 
grim period,  has  been  rewarded  by  the  discovery  of  the  excel- 
lent "cut"  of  such  a  craft,  taken  from  M.  Blundeville's  "New 
and  Necessarie  Treatise  of  Navigation,"  published  early  in 
the  seventeenth  century,  which  faces  page  78.  Appearing 
in  a  work  of  so  high  character,  published  by  so  competent 


i^o  3tit!)fntic 
pttturr0  or 
EDfscription 


78 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


il5o  aurtjfntic 
pictures  or 
SDfficription 


a  navigator  and  critic,  and  (approximately)  in  the  very  time 
of  the  Pilgrim  "exodus,"  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it 
quite  correctly,  if  roughly  and  insufficiently,  depicts  the  out- 
lines, rig,  and  general  cast  of  a  vessel  of  the  May-Flower 
type  and  time,  as  she  appeared  to  those  of  that  day,  familiar 
therewith. 

It  gives  us  a  ship  corresponding,  in  the  chief  essentials, 
to  that  which  careful  study  of  the  detail  and  minutise  of  the 
meagre  May-Flower  history  and  its  collaterals  had  already 
permitted  the  author  and  others  to  construct  mentally,  and 
one  which  confirms  in  general  the  conceptions  wrought  out 
by  the  best  artists  and  students  who  have  attempted  to  por- 
tray the  historic  ship  herself 

Captain  J.  W.  Collins,  whose  experience  and  labors  in  this 
relation  are  further  alluded  to,  and  whose  opinion  is  entitled 
to  respect,  writes  the  author  in  this  connection,  as  follows  : 
"  The  cut  from  Blundeville's  treatise,  which  was  published 
more  or  less  contemporaneously  with  the  Mayflower,  is,  in 
my  judgment,  misleading,  since  it  doubtless  represents  a  ship 
of  an  earlier  date,  and  is  evidently  \jtc\  reproduced  from  a 
representation  on  tapestry,  of  which  examples  are  still  to  be 
seen  (with  similar  ships)  in  England.  The  actual  builder's 
plans,  reproduced  by  Admiral  Paris,  from  drawings  still  pre- 
served, of  ships  of  the  Mayflower's  time,  seem  to  me  to 
offer  more  correct  and  conclusive  data  for  accurately  deter- 
mining what  the  famous  ship  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  was 
like."* 


I.  That  the  Blundeville  cut  is  of  a  ship  of  earlier  date  than  the 
May-Flower  is  quite  possible,  though  intrinsically  (except  the  crudity 
of  the  delineation)  there  is  nothing  to  indicate  this,  if  the  minute 
description  of  Captain  Collins's  model  (pp.  8i,  82)  is  to  determine, 
for  careful  examination  shows  that  nearly  every  essential  included  in 
that  description  appears  in  this  cut  ;  while  the  fact  that  the  cut 
was  printed  in  the  time  of  the  Pilgrim  ship,  as  representing,  on  the 
authority  of  an  accomplished  navigator,  a  vessel  of  her  class,  gives  it 
value  that  nothing  later  could  have.  Even  admitting  that  it  was 
copied  from  tapestry,  which  there  is  reason  to  doubt,  the  latter's 
fidelity  in  general,  to  the  object  represented,  is  not  impugned,  while 
there  is  some  ground  for  questioning  the  sources  of  authority  from 


Anew  andncccfTarie 

Treatife  of  Nauigadon  con- 

tainingallthe  chief ejl  prinaples 

of  that  Arte. 

Lately  colledled  out  ofthebeft    Mo- 

dirne  writers    thereof   by  M.     Blunciemle^    and  hy  him 
reduced  inrofu:h  a  plaineand  orderly  forme  of 
teaching  as  cucric  man  ofa  ii.canc  capacitie 
may  cafilyvndcrftandthefamc. 


I., 


Tlicy  t!)  Jt  t^oc  ilowne  to  the  Sex  in  rtiipj,  and  occupie  their 
bufinclVin  Tf.f  water?;  1  l.cle  nicnlec  the  workcjoftbc 
Lwd  tad  kit  wgnjcd  iq  ^c  dcepcPUliUcio^ 


A    SHIP    OF    THE    MAY-FLOWER    I'ERIOD 


The  May-Flower 


79 


Decidedly  one  of  the  larger  and  better  vessels  of  the  mer- 
chant class  of  her  day,  she  presumably  followed  the  preva- 
lent lines  of  that  class,  no  doubt  correctly  represented,  in  the 
main,  by  the  few  coeval  pictures  of  such  craft  which  have 
come  down  to  us.  No  one  can  state  with  absolute  authority 
her  exact  rig,  model,  or  dimensions;  but  there  can  be  no 
question  that  all  these  are  very  closely  determined  from  even 
the  meagre  data  and  the  prints  we  possess,  so  nearly  did  the 
ships  of  each  class  correspond  in  their  respective  features  in 
those  days.  There  is  a  notable  similarity  in  certain  points 
of  the  May-Flower,  as  she  has  been  represented  by  these 
different  artists,  which  is  evidence  upon  two  points :  first, 
that  all  delineators  have  been  obliged  to  study  the  type  of 
vessel  to  which  she  belonged  from  such  representations  of 
it  as  each  could  find,  as  neither  picture  nor  description  of  the 
vessel  herself  was  to  be  had ;  and  second,  that  as  the  result 
of  such  independent  study  nearly  all  are  substantially  agreed 
as  to  what  the  salient  features  of  her  type  and  class  were. 

A  model  of  a  ship  [3  masts]  of  the  May-Flower  type, 
and  called  in  the  Society's  catalogue  "  A  Model  of  the  May- 
flower, after  De  Bry,"  but  itself  labelled  "  Model  of  one  of 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh's  Ships,"  is  (mistakenly)  exhibited  by  the 
Pilgrim  Society  at  Plymouth.  It  is  by  no  means  to  be  taken 
as  a  correct  representation  of  the  Pilgrim  bark.  Few  of  the 
putative  pictures  of  the  May-Flower  herself  are  at  all  satis- 
factory, —  apart  from  the  environment  or  relation  in  which 
she  is  usually  depicted,  —  whether  considered  from  an  histor- 
ical, a  nautical,  or  an  artistic  point  of  view.  The  only  one 
of  these  found  by  the  author  which  has  commanded  (general, 
if  qualified)  approval  is  that  entitled  "  The  May-Flower  at 
Sea,"  a  reproduction  of  which,  by  permission,  is  the  frontis- 
piece of  this  volume.  It  is  from  an  engraving  by  the  master 
hand  of  W.  J.  Linton,  from  a  drawing  by  Granville  Perkins, 
and  appeared  in  the  "  New  England  Magazine  "  for  April, 


which  Admiral  Paris  obtained  his  dimensions  and  laid  down  his  ship; 
his  plates  being  prepared  more  than  a  century  after  the  May-Flower's 
time,  though  doubtless  in  the  main  correct.  No  traces  of  original 
drawings  can  anywhere  be  found.  In  fact  there  is  substantial  accord 
between  the  two  representations  upon  essentials. 


iI5o  0utl)cntic 
IDicturrs  or 
E>c0criptton 


8o 


'The  May- Flower  £^  Her  Log 


anD  ]^ig 


1898,  as  it  has  elsewhere.  Its  comparative  fideUty  to  fact, 
and  its  spirited  treatment,  alike  commend  it  to  those  familiar 
with  the  subject,  as  par  excellence  the  modern  artistic  picture 
of  the  May-Flower,  although  somewhat  fanciful,  and  its  rig, 
as  Captain  Collins  observes,  "  is  that  of  a  ship  a  century  later 
than  the  May-Flower  ;  a  square  topsail  on  the  mizzen,"  he 
notes,  "  being  unknown  in  the  early  part  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  and  a  jib  on  a  ship  equally  rare."  Halsall's  picture 
of  "  The  Arrival  of  the  May-Flower  in  Plymouth  Har- 
bor," owned  by  the  Pilgrim  Society,  of  Plymouth,  and  hung 
in  the  Society's  Hall,  while  presenting  several  historical  inac- 
curacies, undoubtedly  more  correctly  portrays  the  ship  herself, 
in  model,  rig,  etc.,  than  do  most  of  the  well-known  paintings 
which  represent  her.  It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  the 
artist,  in  woeful  ignorance,  or  disregard,  of  the  recorded  fact 
that  the  ship  was  not  troubled  with  either  ice  or  snow  on  her 
entrance  (at  her  successful  second  attempt)  to  Plymouth 
harbor,  should  have  covered  and  environed  her  with  both. 

Answering,  as  the  May-Flower  doubtless  did,  to  her  type, 
she  was  certainly  of  rather  "blocky,"  though  not  unshapely, 
build,  with  high  poop  and  forecastle,  broad  of  beam,  short  in 
the  waist,  low  "  between  decks,"  and  modelled  far  more  upon 
the  lines  of  the  great  nautical  prototype,  the  water-fowl,  than 
the  requirements  of  speed  have  permitted  in  the  carrying 
trade  of  more  recent  years.  That  she  was  of  the  "  square 
rig  "  of  her  time  —  when  apparently  no  use  was  made  of  the 
"fore-and-aft"  sails  which  have  so  wholly  banished  the  former 
from  all  vessels  of  her  size  —  goes  without  saying.  She  was 
too  large  for  the  lateen  rig,  so  prevalent  in  the  Mediterranean, 
except  upon  her  mizzenmast,  where  it  was  no  doubt  em- 
ployed. 

The  chief  differences  which  appear  in  the  several  "coun- 
terfeit presentments  "  of  the  historic  ship  are  in  the  number 
of  her  masts  and  the  height  of  her  poop  and  her  forecastle. 
A  few  make  her  a  brig  or  "  snow "  of  the  oldest  pattern, 
while  others  depict  her  as  a  full-rigged  ship,  sometimes  hav- 
ing the  auxiliary  rig  of  a  small  "jigger  "  or  "  dandy-mast," 
with  square  or  lateen  sail,  on  peak  of  stern,  or  on  the  bow- 
sprit, or  both,  though  usually  her  mizzenmast  is  set  well  aft 


The  May-Flower 


upon  the  poop.  There  is  no  reason  tor  thinking  that  the 
former  of  these  auxiharies  existed  upon  the  May-Flower, 
though  quite  possible.  Her  180  tons  measurement  indicates, 
by  the  general  rule  of  the  nautical  construction  of  that  period, 
a  length  of  from  go  to  100  feet,  "  from  taffrail  to  knighthead," 
with  about  24  feet  beam,  and  with  such  a  hull  as  this,  three 
masts  would  be  far  more  likely  than  two.  The  fact  that  she 
is  always  called  a  "ship"  —  to  which  name,  as  indicating  a 
class,  three  masts  technically  attach  —  is  also  somewhat  sig- 
nificant, though  the  term  is  often  genetically  used.  Mrs. 
Jane  G.  Austin*  calls  the  May-Flower  a  "brig,"  but  there 
does  not  appear  anywhere  any  warrant  for  so  doing. 

At  the  Smithsonian  Institution  (National  Museum)  at 
Washington,  D.  C,  there  is  exhibited  a  model  of  the  May- 
Flower,  constructed  from  the  ratio  of  measurements  given 
in  connection  with  the  sketch  and  working  plans  of  a  British 
ship  of  the  merchant  (May-Flower)  class  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  as  laid  down  by  Admiral  Fran9ois  Edmond  Paris,  of 
France,  in  his  "  Souvenirs  de  Marine."  The  hull  and  rigging 
of  this  model  were  carefully  worked  out  by,  and  under  the 
supervision  of.  Captain  Joseph  W.  Collins  (long  in  the  ser- 
vice of  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  in  nautical  and  kindred 
matters,  and  now  a  member  of  the  Massachusetts  Commis- 
sion of  Inland  Fisheries  and  Game),  but  were  calculated  on 
the  erroneous  basis  of  a  ship  of  120  instead  of  180  tons 
measurement.  This  model,  which  is  upon  a  scale  of  \  inch 
to  1  foot,  bears  a  label  designating  it  as  "  The  '  Mayflower  ' 
of  the  Puritans  "  \sic\  and  giving  the  following  description 
(written  by  Captain  Collins)  of  such  a  vessel  as  the  Pilgrim 
ship,  if  of  120  tons  burthen,  as  figured  from  such  data  as 
that  given  by  Admiral  Paris,  must,  approximately,  have 
been.     (See  photographs  of  the  model  presented  herewith.) 

"  A  wooden,  carvel-built,  keel  vessel,  with  full  bluff  bow, 
strongly  raking  below  water  line ;  raking  curved  stem ;  large 
open  head ;  long  round  (nearly  log-shaped)  bottom ;  tumble- 
in  top  side ;  short  run ;  very  large  and  high  square  stern ; 
quarter  galleries;  high  forecastle,  square  on  forward  end, 
with  open  rails  on  each  side ;  open  bulwarks  to  main  [spar] 


81 


Jl?cr  Class, 
Cppr,  SBoDcl, 
anD  IStg 


I.    Standish  of  Standish,  pp.  5,  1 1 3,  221. 


82 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


anD  Htg 


and  quarter-decks ;  a  succession  of  three  quarter-decks  or 
poops,  the  after  one  being  nearly  9  feet  above  main  [spar] 
deck ;  two  boats  stowed  on  deck ;  ship-rigged,  with  pole 
masts  [i.  e.  masts  in  one  piece];  without  jibs;  square  sprit- 
sail  (or  water  sail  under  bowsprit)  ;  two  square  sails  on  fore 
and  main  masts,  and  lateen  sail  on  mizzenmast. 

"  Dimensions  of  Vessel.  Length,  over  all,  knightheads  to 
tafFrail,  82  feet;  beam,  22  feet;  depth,  14  feet;  tonnage,  120; 
bowsprit,  outboard,  40  feet  6  inches;  spritsail  yard,  34  feet 
6  inches ;  foremast,  main  deck  to  top,  39  feet ;  total  length, 
main  [spar]  deck  to  truck,  67  feet  6  inches;  fore-yard,  47 
feet  6  inches ;  foretopsail  yard,  34  feet  l  \  inches ;  mainmast, 
deck  to  top,  46  feet;  total,  deck  to  truck,  81  feet;  main 
yard,  53  feet ;  maintopsail  yard,  38  feet  6  inches ;  mizzen- 
mast, deck  to  top,  34  feet;  total,  deck  to  truck,  60  feet  6 
inches ;  spanker  yard,  54  feet  6  inches ;  boats,  one  on  port 
side  of  deck,  17  feet  long  by  5  feet  2  inches  wide;  one  on 
starboard  side,  13  feet  6  inches  long  by  4  feet  9  inches  wide." 

The  above  description  "  worked  out "  by  Captain  Collins, 
and  in  conformity  to  which  his  putative  model  of  the  "  May- 
Flower"  was  constructed,  rests,  of  course,  for  its  correctness, 
primarily,  upon  the  assumptions  (which  there  is  no  reason  to 
question)  that  the  "  plates  "  of  Admiral  Paris,  his  sketches, 
working  plans,  dimensions,  etc.,  are  reliable,  and  that  Cap- 
tain Collins's  mathematics  are  correct,  in  reducing  and  ap- 
plying the  Admiral's  data  to  a  ship  of  120  tons.  That 
there  would  be  some  considerable  variance  from  the  descrip- 
tion given,  in  applying  these  data  to  a  ship  of  60  tons  greater 
measurement  (i.  e.  of  180  tons),  goes  without  saying,  though 
the  changes  would  appear  more  largely  in  the  hull  dimensions 
than  in  the  rigging.  That  the  description  given,  and  its 
expression  in  the  model  depicted,  present,  with  considerable 
fidelity,  a  ship  of  the  May-Flower's  class  and  type,  in  her 
day,  —  though  of  sixty  tons  less  register,  and  amenable  to 
changes  otherwise,  —  is  altogether  probable,  and  taken  to- 
gether, they  afford  a  fairly  accurate  idea  of  the  general  appear- 
ance of  such  a  craft.^ 


I.  Of  the  photographs  given  herewith,  Captain  Collins   writes: 
"  These  photographs  of  the  models  of  the  May-Flower  will  in- 


Stcr/t  ■i'iezc,  without  ordiicince 


Broadside,  zvithout  ordiuunc 

MODEL    OF    A    SHIP    OF   THE    MAY-FLOWER    PERIOD,    CLASS, 
AND    APPROXIMATE    SIZE 


The  May-Flower 


In  addition  to  mention  of  the  enlargements  which  the 
increased  tonnage  certainly  entails,  the  following  features  of 
the  description  seem  to  call  for  remark. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  the  vessels  of  this  class  had  "  open 
bulwarks  to  the  main  [spar]  deck,"  or  "  a  succession  of  three 
quarter-decks  or  poops."  Many  models  and  prints  of  ships 
of  that  period  and  class  show  but  two.  It  is  probable  that 
if  the  jib  was  absent,  as  Captain  Collins  beheves  (though  it 
was  evidently  in  use  upon  some  of  the  pinnaces  and  shallops 
of  the  time,  and  its  utility  therefore  appreciated),  there  was 
a  small  squaresail  on  a  "  dandy  "  mast  on  the  bowsprit,  and 
very  possibly  the  "  sprit "  or  "  water-sail "  he  describes.  The 
length  of  the  vessel  as  given  by  Captain  Collins,  as  well  as 
her  beam,  being  based  on  a  measurement  of  but  1 20  tons,  are 
both  doubtless  less  than  they  should  be,  the  depth  probably 
also  varying  slightly,  though  there  would  very  likely  be  but 
few  and  slight  departures  otherwise  from  his  proximate  fig- 
ures. The  long-boat  would  be  more  likely  to  be  lashed 
across  the  hatch  amidships  than  stowed  on  the  port  side  of 
the  deck,  unless  in  use  for  stowage  purposes,  as  previously 
suggested.  Captain  Collins  very  interestingly  notes  in  a  let- 
ter to  the  author,  concerning  the  measurements  indicated  by 
his  model :  "  Here  we  meet  with  a  difficulty,  even  if  it  is  not 
insurmountable.  This  is  found  in  the  discrepancy  which  ex- 
ists between  the  dimensions  —  length,  breadth,  and  depth  — 
requisite  to  produce  a  certain  tonnage,  as  given  by  Admiral 
Paris  and  the  British  Admiralty.  Whether  this  is  due  to  a 
difference  in  estimating  tonnage  between  France  (or  other 
countries)  and  Great   Britain,  I  am  unable  to  say,  but  it  is  a 


dicate  beyond  question  the  general  characteristics  of  form  and  rig  of 
ships  contemporaneous  with  the  famous  vessel  which  is  represented. 
This  assertion  is  confidently  made,  for  the  models  were  carefully 
built  under  my  personal  supervision,  from  builder's  plans  published 
by  Admiral  Paris,  and  were  rigged  from  plans  by  the  same  author, 
which  clearly  showed  every  detail.  At  the  time  the  National  Mu- 
seum [May-Flower]  model  was  made,  the  weight  of  evidence 
at  hand  seemed  to  indicate  that  she  [the  May-Flower]  was  of  120 
tons,  but  the  statement  of  Bradford  that  she  was  '  nine  score  '  [tons] 
seems  to  place  this  matter  beyond  question." 


83 


$)cr  Clafifi, 
anD  Hig 


84 


ne  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


ano  Ktg 


somewhat  remarkable  fact  that  the  National  Museum  model, 
which  was  made  for  a  vessel  of  1 20  tons,  as  given  by  Admi- 
ral Paris  [who  was  a  Frenchman],  has  almost  exactly  the 
proportions  of  length,  depth,  and  breadth  that  an  English 
ship  of  180  tons  would  have,  if  we  can  accept  as  correct  the 
lists  of  measurements  from  the  Admiralty  records  published 
by  Charnock.  ...  In  the  third  volume  of  Charnock's  '  His- 
tory of  Marine  Architecture,'  p.  274,  I  find  that  a  supply- 
transport  of  175  tons,  built  in  1759,  and  evidently  a  merchant 
ship  originally,  or  at  least  a  vessel  of  that  class,  was  79.4 
feet  long  (tonnage  measure),  22.6  feet  beam,  and  11. 6|  feet 
deep."  The  correspondence  is  noticeable  and  of  much  inter- 
est, but  as  the  writer  comments,  all  depends  upon  whether 
or  not  "the  measurement  of  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth 
century  materially  differed  in  Great  Britain  from  what  it  was 
in  the  early  part  of  the  previous  century." 

Like  all  vessels  having  high  stems  and  sterns,  she  was 
unquestionably  "  a  wet  ship,"  —  upon  this  voyage  especially 
so,  as  Bradford  shows,  from  being  overloaded,  and  hence 
lower  than  usual  in  the  water. 

Captain  John  Smith  says  :  *  "  But  being  pestered  [vexed] 
nine  weeks  in  this  leaking,  unwholesome  ship,  lying  wet  in 
their  cabins ;  most  of  them  grew  very  weak  and  weary  of 
the  sea."  Bradford  says,  quoting  the  master  of  the  May- 
Flower  and  others :  "  As  for  the  decks  and  upper  works 
they  would  caulk  them  as  well  as  they  could,  .  .  .  though 
with  the  working  of  the  ship,  they  would  not  long  keep 
staunch."  She  was  probably  not  an  old  craft,  as  her  captain 
and  others  declared  they  "  knew  her  to  be  strong  and  firm 
under  water ; "  "  and  the  weakness  of  her  upper  works  was 
doubtless  due  to  the  strain  of  her  overload,  in  the  heavy 
weather  of  the  autumnal  gales.  Bradford  ^  says :  "  They  met 
with  many  contrary  winds  and  fierce  storms  with  which  their 
ship  was  shrewdly  shaken  and  her  upper  works  made  very 
leaky."     That  the  confidence  of  her  master  in  her  soundness 


1.  New  England's  Trials.,  2d  ed.,  1622. 

2.  Bradford,  Historic.,  p.  75. 

3.  Ibid. 


The  May-Flower 


85 


below  the  water-line  was  well  placed,  is  additionally  proven 
by  her  excellent  voyages  to  America,  already  noted,  in  1629 
and  1630,  when  she  was  ten  years  older. 

That  she  was  somewhat  "  blocky  "  above  water  was  doubt- 
less true  of  her,  as  of  most  of  her  class ;  but  that  she  was  not 
unshapely  below  the  water-line  is  quite  certain,  for  the  re- 
markable return  passage  she  made  to  England  (in  ballast) 
shows  that  her  lower  lines  must  have  been  good.'  She  made 
the  run  from  Plymouth  to  London  on  her  return  voyage  in 
just  thirty-one  days,  a  passage  that  even  with  the  "clipper- 
ships"  of  later  days  would  have  been  respectable,  and  tor 
a  vessel  ot  her  model  and  rig  was  exceptionally  good.  She 
was  "  light "  (in  ballast),  as  we  know  from  the  correspond- 
ence of  Weston  and  Bradford,  the  letter  of  the  former  to 
Governor  Carver  —  who  died  before  it  was  received  —  up- 
braiding him  for  sending  her  home  "empty."  The  terrible 
sickness  and  mortality  of  the  whole  company,  afloat  and 
ashore,  had,  of  course,  made  it  impossible  to  freight  her  as 
intended  with  "clapboards"  [stave-stock],  sassafras  roots, 
peltry,  etc. 

No  vessels  of  her  class  of  that  day  were  without  the  high 
poop  and  its  cabin  possibilities,  —  admirably  adapting  them 
to  passenger  service,  —  and  the  larger  had  the  high  and 
roomy  topgallant  forecastles  so  necessary  for  their  larger 
crews.  The  breadth  of  beam  was  always  considerably  greater 
in  that  day  than  earlier,  or  until  much  later,  necessitated  by 
the  proportionately  greater  height  ("  topsides  "),  above  water, 
at  stem  and  stern.  The  encroachments  of  her  high  poop  and 
forecastle  left  but  short  waist-room ;  her  waist-ribs  limited  the 
height  of  her  "between  decks ;"  while  the  "perked  up"  lines 
of  her  bow  and  stern  produced  the  resemblance  noted,  to  the 
croup  and  neck  of  the  wild  duck.  That  she  was  low  "  be- 
tween decks  "  is  demonstrated  by  the  fact  that  it  was  neces- 
sary to  "cut  down  "  the  Pilgrims'  shallop  —  an  open  sloop,  of 
certainly  not  over  30  feet  in  length,  some  10  tons  burden,  and 


I.  According  to  Admiral  Paris,  as  interpreted  by  Collins,  ships  of 
her  class  had  bow  lines  under  water,  closely  akin  to  the  "  dish  "  or 
"  scoop  "  shape  of  some  of  our  most  modern  speed  craft. 


t>tx  Class, 
jtl'JJC,  spoDfl, 
anD  Kig 


86 


^he  May-Flower  ^  Her  Loo- 


SccommoDa- 
tions 


not  very  high  "  freeboard  " —  "  to  stow  "  *  her  under  the  May- 
Flower's  spar  deck.  That  she  was  "  square-rigged  "  follows,  as 
noted,  from  the  fact  that  it  was  the  only  rig  in  use  for  ships 
of  her  class  and  size,  and  that  she  had  "  topsails  "  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  the  "  top-saile  haUiards  "  were  pitched  over- 
board with  John  Rowland,  and  saved  his  life.  Bradford^  says : 
"A  lustie  yonge  man  (called  John  Rowland)  coming  upon 
some  occasion  above  ye  grattings,  was  with  a  seele  of  ye 
shipe  throwne  into  ye  sea :  but  it  pleased  God  yt  he  caught 
hould  of  ye  top-saile  halliards  which  hunge  over  board  & 
rane  out  at  length  yet  he  held  his  hould  .  .  .  till  he  was 
haled  up,"  etc. 

Rowland  had  evidently  just  come  from  below  upon  the 
poop-deck  (as  there  would  be  no  "grattings"  open  in  the 
waist  to  receive  the  heavy  seas  shipped).  The  ship  was 
clearly  experiencing  "heavy  weather"  and  a  great  lurch 
("  seele  ")  which  at  the  stern,  and  on  the  high,  swinging,  tilt- 
ing poop-deck  would  be  most  severely  felt,  undoubtedly 
tossed  him  over  the  rail.  The  topsail  halliards  were  prob- 
ably trailing  alongside  and  saved  him,  as  they  have  others 
under  like  circumstances. 

Whether  or  not  the  May-Flower  had  the  "  round  house  "  ^ 
under  her  poop-deck,  —  a  sort  of  circular-end  deck-house, 
more  especially  the  quarters,  by  day,  of  the  officers  and  fa- 
vored passengers  ;  common,  but  apparently  not  universal,  in 
vessels  of  her  class,  —  we  have  no  positive  knowledge,  but  the 


1.  Bradford  and  Winslow  say  [Alourt's  Relation  ;  Young's  Chronicles^ 
p.  125):  "We  unshipped  our  shallop  and  drew  her  on  land  to  mend 
and  repair  her,  having  been  forced  to  cut  her  down  in  bestowing  her  be- 
tween the  decks."  See,  also,  Bradford,  Historic^  p.  80.  (Italics  the 
author's.) 

2.  Bradford,  Historie,  Mass.  ed.  p.  92. 

3.  The  Mariner's  Dictionary,  etc.  (Washington,  D.  C,  1805,  Wil- 
liam Doane),  gives  the  following  definition  of  the  term  "round-house," 
which,  however,  certain  known  historical  facts  render  dubitable  and 
unsatisfactory,  in  some  respects  :  — 

"  Round-house,  a  name  given  in  East  Indiamen  and  other  large 
merchant  ships,  to  a  cabin  or  apartment,  built  in  the  after  part  of  the 
quarter-deck  and  having  the  poop  for  its  roof;  this  apartment  is 
frequently  called  the  '  coach  '  in  British  ships  of  war." 


The  May-Flower 


87 


presumption  is  that  she  had,  as  passenger  ships  Hke  the 
Paragon  (of  only  140  tons),  and  others  of  less  tonnage,  seem 
to  have  been  so  fitted.' 

It  is  plain  that,  in  addition  to  the  larger  cabin  space  and 
the  smaller  cabins,  —  "staterooms,"  nowadays,- — common  to 
ships  of  the  May-Flower's  size  and  class,  the  large  num- 
ber of  her  passengers,  and  especially  of  women  and  chil- 
dren, made  it  necessary  to  construct  other  cabins  between 
decks.  Whether  these  were  put  up  at  London,  or  South- 
ampton, or  after  the  Speedwell's  additional  passengers  were 
taken  aboard  at  Plymouth,  does  not  appear.  The  great 
majority  of  the  men  and  boys  were  doubtless  provided  with 
bunks  only,  "•  between  decks,"  but  it  seems  that  John  Billing- 
ton  had  a  cabin  there.  Bradford  narrates  of  the  gunpowder 
escapade  of  young  Francis  Billington,  that,  "  there  being  a 
fowling-piece  charged  in  his  father's  cabin  [though  why  so 
inferior  a  person  as  Billington  should  have  a  cabin  when 
there  could  not  have  been  enough  for  better  men,  is  a  query], 
shot  her  off  in  the  cabin,  there  being  a  little  barrel  of  powder 
halt-tuU  scattered  in  and  about  the  cabin,  the  fire  being  within 
four  feet  of  the  bed,  between  the  decks,  .  .  .  and  many 
people  [gathered]  about  the  fire,"  etc.^ 

Whatever  other  deductions  may  be  drawn  from  this  very 
badly  constructed  and  ambiguous  paragraph  of  Bradford,  two 
things  appear  certain,  —  one,  that  Billington  had  a  "  cabin  " 
of  his  own  "  between  decks ;  "  and  the  other,  that  there  was 
a  "  fire  between  decks,"  which  "  many  people  "  were  gath- 
ered "  about."  We  can  quite  forgive  the  young  scamp  for 
the  jeopardy  in  which  he  placed  the  ship  and  her  company, 
since  it  resulted  in  giving  us  so  much  data  concerning  the 
May-Flower's  "  interior."  Captain  John  Smith's  remark, 
already  quoted,  as  to  the  May-F lower's  people  "  lying  wet 
in  their  cabins,"  is  a  hint  of  much  value  from  an  expe- 
rienced navigator  of  that  time,  as  to  the  "interior"  construc- 
tion of  ships  and  the  bestowal  of  passengers  in  them,  in  that 
day,  doubtless  applicable  to  the  May-Flower. 


1.  Young",  Chronicles  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers^  p.  349. 

2.  Goodwin,  Pilgrim  Republic^  p.  82. 

3.  Mourt's  Relation,  p.  82;   Young,  op,  cit.  p.  349. 


ilccommoDa-' 
tton0 


88 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


While  it  was  feasible,  when  lying  quietly  at  anchor  in  a 
land-locked  harbor,  with  abundance  of  fire-wood  at  hand,  to 
have  a  fire,  about  which  they  could  gather,  even  if  only  upon 
the  "  sand-hearth  "  of  the  early  navigators,  when  upon  bois- 
terous seas,  in  mid-ocean,  "  lying  ...  in  their  cabins "  was 
the  only  means  of  keeping  warm  possible  to  voyagers. 

In    "Good    Newes   from   New  England,"    we    find   the 

lines :  — 

"  Close  cabins  being  now  prepared, 
With  bred,  bief,  beire,  and  fish, 
The  passengers  prepare  themselves, 
That  they  might  have  their  wish." 


anD  ilocbersf 


Her  magazine,  carpenter's  and  sailmaker's  lockers,  etc., 
were  doubtless  well  forward  under  her  forecastle,  easily  acces- 
sible from  the  spar-deck,  as  was  common  to  merchant  vessels 
of  her  class  and  size.  Dr.  Young,  in  his  "  Chronicles  of  the 
Pilgrim  Fathers  "  (p.  86,  note\  says :  "  This  vessel  was  less  than 
the  average  size  of  the  fishing-smacks  that  go  to  the  Grand 
Banks.  This  seems  a  frail  bark  in  which  to  cross  a  stormy 
ocean  of  three  thousand  miles  in  extent.  Yet  it  should  be 
remembered  that  two  of  the  ships  of  Columbus  on  his  first 
daring  and  perilous  voyage  of  discovery,  were  light  vessels, 
without  decks,  little  superior  to  the  small  crafi:  that  ply  on 
our  rivers  and  along  our  coasts.  .  .  .  Frobisher's  fleet  con- 
sisted of  two  barks  of  twenty-five  tons  each  and  a  pinnace 
of  ten  tons,  when  he  sailed  in  1 576  to  discover  a  north-west 
passage  to  the  Indies.  Sir  Francis  Drake,  too,  embarked  on 
his  voyage  for  circumnavigating  the  globe,  in  1577,  with  five 
vessels,  of  which  the  largest  was  of  one  hundred,  and  the 
smallest  fifteen  tons.  The  bark  in  which  Sir  Humphrey 
Gilbert  perished  was  often  tons  only."  The  Little  James, 
which  the  Company  sent  to  Plymouth  in  July,  1623,  was 
"  a  pinnace  of  only  forty-four  tons,"  and  in  a  vessel  of  fifty 
tons  (the  Speedwell),  Martin  Pring,  in  1603,  coasted  along 
the  shores  of  New  England.  Goodwin  ^  says :  "  In  1 587 
there  were  not  in  all  England's  fleet  more  than  five  merchant 
vessels  exceeding  two  hundred  tons."  The  Sparrow-Hawk 
wrecked  on  Cape  Cod  in  1626  was  only  40  feet  "  over  all." 

I.   Pilgrim  Republic,  p.  46. 


The  May-Flower 


89 


The  Dutch  seem  to  have  built  larger  vessels.  Winthrop 
records  that  as  they  came  down  the  Channel,  on  tlieir  way 
to  New  England  (1630),  they  passed  the  wreck  of  "a  great 
Dutch  merchantman  of  a  thousand  tons." 

The  May-Flower's  galley,  with  its  primitive  conditions 
for  cooking,  existed  rather  as  a  place  for  the  preparation  of 
food  and  the  keeping  of  utensils,  than  for  the  use  of  fire. 
The  arrangements  for  the  latter  were  exceedingly  crude,  and 
were  limited  to  the  open  "  hearth-box  "  filled  with  sand,  the 
chief  cooking  appliance  being  the  tripod-kettle  of  the  early 
navigators.  This  might  indeed  be  set  up  in  any  part  of  the 
ship  where  the  "  sand-hearth  "  could  also  go,  and  the  smoke 
be  cared  for.  It  not  infrequently  found  space  in  the  fore- 
castle, between  decks,  and,  when  fine  weather  prevailed, 
upon  the  open  deck,  as  in  the  open  caravels  of  Columbus, 
a  hundred  years  before.  The  bake-kettle  and  the  frying-pan 
held  only  less  important  places  than  the  kettle  for  boiling. 
It  must  have  been  rather  a  burst  of  the  imagination  that 
led  Mrs.  Austin,  in  "  Standish  of  Standish,"  to  make  Peter 
Browne  remind  poor  half-frozen  Goodman  —  whom  he  is 
urging  to  make  an  effort  to  reach  home,  when  they  had 
been  lost,  but  had  got  in  sight  of  the  May-Flower  in  the 
harbor  —  of  "  the  good  fires  aboard  of  her."  Moreover,  on 
January  22,  when  Goodman  was  lost,  the  company  had 
occupied  their  "  common-house  "  on  shore. 

Her  ordnance  doubtless  comprised  several  heavy  guns  (as 
such  were  then  reckoned),  mounted  on  the  spar-deck  amid- 
ships, with  lighter  guns  astern  and  on  the  rail,  and  a  piece 
of  longer  range  and  larger  calibre  upon  the  forecastle.  Such 
was  the  general  disposal  of  ordnance  upon  merchant  vessels 
of  her  size  in  that  day,  when  an  armament  was  a  sine  qua  non. 
Governor  Winslow  in  his  "  Hypocrisie  Unmasked,"  1646 
(p.  91),  says,  in  writing  of  the  departure  of  the  Pilgrims 
from  Delfshaven,  upon  the  Speedwell  :  "  The  wind  being 
fair  we  gave  them  a  volley  of  small  shot  and  three  pieces 
of  ordnance,"  by  which  it  seems  that  the  Speedwell,  of  only 
sixty  tons,  mounted  at  least  "  three  pieces  of  ordnance  "  — 
as,  from  the  form  of  expression,  there  seem  to  have  been 
"  three  pieces,"  rather  than  three  discharges  of  the  same  piece. 


(J^iDnantc 


go 


'The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


^oatfii 


The  inference  is  warranted  that  the  May-Flower,  being  three 
times  as  large,  would  carry  a  considerably  heavier  and  pro- 
portionate armament.  The  Lady  Arbella,  Winthrop's  ship, 
a  vessel  of  350  tons,  carried  "  twenty-eight  pieces  of  ord- 
nance ; "  but  as  "  Admiral "  of  the  fleet,  at  a  time  when  there 
was  a  state  of  war  with  others,  and  much  piracy,  she  would 
presumably  mount  more  than  a  proportionate  weight  of 
metal,  especially  as  she  convoyed  smaller  and  lightly  armed 
vessels,  and  carried  much  value.  There  is  no  reason  to  sup- 
pose that  the  May-Flower,  in  her  excessively  crowded  con- 
dition, mounted  more  than  eight  or  ten  guns,  and  these  chiefly 
of  small  calibre. 

Her  boats  included  her  "  long-boat,"  with  which  the  ex- 
perience of  her  company  in  "  Cape  Cod  harbor  "  have  made 
us  familiar,  and  perhaps  other  smaller  boats,  —  besides  the 
Master's  "skiff"  or  "gig,"  —  of  whose  existence  and  neces- 
sity there  are  numerous  proofs.  "  Monday  the  27,"  Bradford 
and  Winslow  state,^  "  it  proved  rough  weather  and  cross 
winds,  so  as  we  were  constrained,  some  in  the  shallop  and 
others  in  the  long-boat,"  etc.  Bradford  states,^  in  regard  to 
the  repeated  springings-a-leak  of  the  Speedwell:  "So  the 
Master  of  the  bigger  ship,  called  Master  Jones,  being  con- 
sulted with ;  "  and  again,^  "  The  Master  of  the  small  ship 
complained  his  ship  was  so  leaky  ...  so  they  [Masters 
Jones  and  Reynolds]  came  to  consultation  again,"  etc.  It  is 
evident  that  Jones  was  obliged  to  visit  the  Speedwell  to 
inspect  her  and  to  consult  with  the  leaders,  who  were  aboard 
her.  For  this  purpose,  as  for  others,  a  smaller  boat  than  the 
"  long-boat "  would  often  serve,  while  the  number  of  passen- 
gers and  crew  aboard  would  seem  to  demand  still  other 
boats.  Winthrop*  notices  that  their  Captain  (Melborne) 
frequently  "  had  his  skiff  heaved  out,"  in  the  course  of  their 
voyage.  The  Master's  small  boat,  called  the  "  skiff  "  or 
"  §^S'"  ^^^'  '^^  doubt,  stowed  (lashed)  in  the  waist  of  the 
ship,  while  the  "  long-boat "  was  probably  lashed  on  deck 


1.  Mourt's  Relation;  Young's  Chronicles,  pp.  137,  138. 

2.  Bradford,  Historie,  p.  68. 

3.  Op.  cit.  p.  68.  4.    Op.  cil. 


The  May-Flower 


forward,  being  hoisted  out  and  in,  as  the  practice  ot  those 
days  was,  by  "  whips,"  from  the  yardarms.  It  was  early  the 
habit  to  keep  certain  of  the  live-stock,  poultry,  rabbits,  etc., 
in  the  unused  boats  upon  deck,  and  it  is  possible  that  in  the 
crowded  state  of  the  May-Flower  this  custom  was  followed. 
Bradford '  remarks  that  their "  goods  or  common  store  .  .  . 
were  long  in  unlading  [at  New  Plimoth]  for  want  of  boats." 
It  seems  hardly  possible  that  the  Admiralty  authorities,  — 
though  navigation  laws  were  then  few,  crude,  and  poorly 
enforced,  —  or  that  the  Adventurers  and  Pilgrim  chiefs  them- 
selves, would  permit  a  ship  carrying  some  130  souls  to  cross 
the  Atlantic  in  the  stormy  season,  without  a  reasonable  boat 
provision.  The  capacity  of  the  "  long-boat  "  we  know  to 
have  been  about  twenty  persons,  as  nearly  that  number  is 
shown  by  Bradford  and  Winslow  ^  to  have  gone  in  her  on 
the  early  expeditions  from  the  ship,  at  Cape  Cod.  She  would 
therefore  accommodate  only  about  one  sixth  of  the  ship's  com- 
pany. As  the  "  gig  "  would  carry  only  five  or  six  persons,  — 
while  the  shallop  was  stowed  between  decks  and  could  be  of 
no  service  in  case  of  need  upon  the  voyage, — the  inference  is 
warranted  that  other  boats  were  carried,  which  fail  of  specific 
mention,  or  that  she  was  wofully  lacking.  The  want  of  boats 
for  unlading,  mentioned  by  Bradford,  suggests  the  possibility 
that  some  of  the  ship's  quota  may  have  been  lost  or  destroyed 
on  her  boisterous  voyage,  though  no  such  event  appears  of 
record,  or  is  suggested  by  any  one.  In  the  event  of  wreck,  the 
Pilgrims  must  have  trusted,  like  the  Apostle  Paul  and  his  asso- 
ciates when  cast  away  on  the  island  of  Melita,  to  get  to  shore, 
"  some  on  boards  and  some  on  broken  pieces  of  the  ship." 

Her  steering-gear,  rigging,  and  the  mechanism  for  "  get- 
ting her  anchors,"  "  slinging,"  "  squaring,"  and  "  cockbilling" 
her  yards  ;  for  "  making  "  and  "  shortening  "  sail ;  "  heaving 
out "  her  boats  and  "  handling  "  her  cargo,  were  of  course 
all  of  the  crude  and  simple  patterns  and  construction  of  the 
time,  usually  so  well  illustrating  the  ancient  axiom  in  phy- 
sics, that  "  what  is  lost  [spent]  in  power  is  gained  in  time." 


1.  Historie^  Mass.  ed.  p.  no. 

2.  Mourt's  Relation. 


91 


ISatbltng 


92 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


The  compass-box  and  hanging-compass,  invented  by  the 
Compafis;  anD  Enghsh  cleric,  William  Barlow,  but  twelve  years  before  the 
^nc^ord  Pilgrim  voyage,  was  almost  the  only  nautical  appliance  pos- 

sessed by  Captain  Jones,  of  the  May-Flower,  in  which  no 
radical  improvement  has  since  been  made.  Few  charts  of 
much  value  —  especially  of  western  waters  —  had  yet  been 
drafted,  but  the  rough  maps  and  diagrams  of  Cabot,  Smith, 
Gosnold,  Pring,  Champlain  and  Dermer,  Jones  was  too  good 
a  navigator  not  to  have  had.  In  speaking  of  the  landing  at 
Cape  Cod,  the  expression  is  used  by  Bradford  in  "  Mourt's 
Relation,"  "  We  went  round  all  points  of  the  compass,"  prov- 
ing that  already  the  mariner's  compass  had  become  familiar 
to  the  speech  even  of  those  not  using  it  professionally. 

That  the  ship  was  "  well-found  "  in  anchors  (with  solid 
stocks),  hemp  cables,  "  spare  "  spars,  "  boat-tackling  "  and 
the  heavy  "  hoisting-gear  "  of  those  days,  we  have  the  evi- 
dence of  recorded  use. 

"  The  May-Flower,"  writes  Captain  Collins,  "  would  have 
had  a  hemp  cable  about  9  inches  in  circumference.  Her 
anchors  would  probably  weigh  as  follows  :  sheet  anchor  (or 
'  best  bower ')  500  to  600  lbs. ;  stream  anchor  350  to  400 
lbs. ;  the  spare  anchors  same  as  the  stream  anchor. 

"  Charnock's  illustrations  show  that  the  anchors  used  in  the 
'May-Flower'  period  were  shaped  very  much  like  the  so- 
called  Cape  Ann  anchor  now  made  for  our  deep-sea  fishing 
vessels.  They  had  the  conventional  shaped  flukes,  with 
broad  pointed  palms,  and  a  long  shank,  the  upper  end  pass- 
ing through  a  wooden  stock.  [Torr  shows  in  his  diagrams 
some  of  the  anchors  of  that  period  with  the  space  between 
the  shank  and  flukes  nearly  filled  up  in  the  lower  part  with 
metal.]  Such  an  anchor  has  the  maximum  of  holding- 
powers,  and  bearing  in  mind  the  elasticity  of  the  hemp 
cables  then  used,  would  enable  a  vessel  to  ride  safely  even 
when  exposed  to  heavy  winds  and  a  racing  sea." 

There  is  no  doubt,  according  to  the  British  Admiralty 
Office,  —  which  should  be  authority  upon  the  matter,  —  that 
the  flag  under  which  the  May-Flower,  and  all  other  vessels 
of  the  merchant  marine  of  Great  Britain,  sailed,  at  the  time 
she  left  England  (as  noted  concerning  the  Speedwell),  was 


The  May-Flower 


what  became  known  as  the  "  Union  Jack,"  as  decreed  by 
James  the  First,  in  1606,  supplanting  the  EngHsh  ensign, 
which  had  been  the  red  cross  of  St.  George  upon  a  white 
field.  The  new  flag  resulted  from  the  "  union  "  of  the  crowns 
and  kingdoms  of  England  and  Scotland,  upon  the  accession 
of  James  VI.  of  Scotland  to  the  English  throne,  as  James  I. 
of  England,  upon  the  death  of  Oueen  Elizabeth.  Its  design 
was  formed  by  superimposing  the  red  cross  of  St.  George 
upon  the  white  cross  of  St.  Andrew,  on  a  dark  blue  field ;  in 
other  words,  by  imposing  the  cross  of  St.  George,  taken  from 
the  English  ensign,  upon  the  Scotch  flag,  and  creating  there- 
by the  new  flag  of  Great  Britain. 

In  a  little  monograph  on  "  The  British  Flag  —  Its  Origin 
and  History,"  a  paper  read  by  its  author,  Jona.  F.  Morris, 
Esq.,  before  the  Connecticut  Historical  Society,  June  7, 
1881,  and  reprinted  at  Hartford  (1889),  Mr.  Morris,  who 
has  made  much  study  of  the  matter,  states  (p.  4) :  "  In  1 603, 
James  VI.  of  Scotland  was  crowned  James  I.  of  England. 
The  Scots,  in  their  pride  that  they  had  given  a  king  to  Eng- 
land, soon  began  to  contend  that  the  cross  of  St.  Andrew 
should  take  precedence  of  the  cross  of  St.  George,  that  ships 
bearing  the  flag  of  the  latter  should  salute  that  of  St.  Andrew. 
To  allay  the  contention,  the  King,  on  the  I2th  of  April, 
1606,  ordered  that  all  subjects  of  Great  Britain  travelling  by 
sea  shall  bear  at  the  maintop  the  red  cross  of  St.  George  and 
the  white  cross,  commonly  called  the  cross  of  St.  Andrew, 
joined  together  according  to  a  form  made  by  his  heralds : 
besides  this  all  vessels  belonging  to  South  Britain  or  Eng- 
land might  wear  the  cross  of  St.  George  at  the  peak  or  fore, 
as  they  were  wont,  and  all  vessels  belonging  to  North  Britain 
or  Scotland  might  wear  the  cross  of  St.  Andrew  at  the  fore- 
top,  as  they  had  been  accustomed ;  and  all  vessels  were  for- 
bidden to  wear  any  other  flag  at  their  peril.  The  new  flag 
thus  designed  by  the  heralds  and  proclaimed  by  this  order 
was  called  the  '  King's  Colors.'  For  a  long  period  the  red 
cross  had  been  the  colors  of  English  navigators,  as  well  as 
the  badge  of  English  soldiery.  .  .  .  No  permanent  English 
settlement  in  America  was  made  until  after  the  adoption  of 
the   'King's   Colors.'     Jamestown,  Plymouth,    Salem,    and 


93 


^n  iflag 


94 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


J^er  J^igtor^ 


Boston  were  settled  under  the  new  flag,  though  the  ships 
bringing  over  settlers,  being  English  vessels,  also  carried  the 
red  cross  as  permitted." 

Mr.  Barlow  Cumberland,  of  Toronto,  Canada,  has  also 
given,  in  a  little  monograph  entitled  "  The  Union  Jack " 
(published  by  William  Briggs  of  that  city,  1898),  an  admir- 
able account  of  the  history  of  the  British  jack,  which  con- 
firms the  foregoing  conclusions.  The  early  English  jack 
was  later  restored. 

Such,  roughly  sketched,  was  the  Pilgrim  ship,  the  re- 
nowned May-Flower,  as,  drafted  from  the  meagre  but  fairly 
trustworthy  and  suggestive  data  available,  she  appears  to  us 
of  to-day. 

In  even  the  little  we  know  of  the  later  history  of  the  ship, 
one  cannot  always  be  quite  sure  of  her  identity  in  the  records 
of  vessels  of  her  name,  of  which  there  have  been  many.  Dr. 
Nathaniel  B.  Shurtleff,  of  Boston,  says  that  "  a  vessel  bearing 
this  name  was  owned  in  England  about  fifteen  years  or  more 
before  the  voyage  of  our  forefathers,  but  it  would  be  impos- 
sible to  prove  or  disprove  its  identity  with  the  renowned 
May-Flower,  however  great  such  a  probability  might  be.  It 
is  known,  nevertheless,  that  the  identical  famous  vessel  after- 
wards hailed  from  various  English  ports,  such  as  London, 
Yarmouth,  and  Southampton,  and  that  it  was  much  used  in 
transporting  immigrants  to  this  country.  What  eventually 
became  of  it  and  what  was  the  end  of  its  career,  are  equally 
unknown  to  history."*  Goodwin '^  says:  "It  does  not  appear 
that  the  May-Flower  ever  revisited  Plymouth,  but  in  1629 
she  came  to  Salem,"  ^  with  a  company  of  the  Leyden  people 
for  Plymouth,  under  command  of  Captain  William  Peirce, 
the  warm  friend  of  the  Pilgrims,  and  in  1630  was  one  of  the 
large  fleet  that  attended  John  Winthrop,  under  a  different 
master,  discharging  her  passengers  at  Charlestown.  Nothing 
is  certainly  known  of  her  after  that  time.  In  1648  a  ship 
[hereinafter  mentioned  by  Hunter]  named  the  May-Flower 


1.  Ne^v  England  Historic-Genealogical  Register,  vol.  i.  p. 

2.  Pilgrim  Republic,  pp.  156,  331. 

3.  HaT.ard  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  278. 


149. 


The  May-Flower 


95 


was  engaged  in  the  slave  trade,  an 


d  the  ill-informed  as  well 
as  the  ill-disposed  have  sometimes  sneeringly  alleged  that 
this  was  our  historic  ship ;  but  it  is  ascertained  that  the  slaver 
was  a  vessel  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  tons,  —  nearly  twice 
the  size  of  our  ship  of  happy  memory." 

In  1588  the  officials  of  Lynn  (England)  offered  the  "May- 
Flower"  (150  tons)  to  join  the  fleet  against  the  dreaded 
Spanish  Armada.  In  1657,  Samuel  Vassall,  of  London, 
complained  that  the  government  had  twice  impressed  his 
ship,  May-Flower,  which  he  had  fitted  out  with  sixty  men, 
"  for  the  Straits." 

Rev.  Joseph  Hunter,  author  of  "  The  Founders  of  New 
Plymouth,"  one  of  the  most  eminent  antiquarians  in  England, 
and  an  indefatigable  student  of  Pilgrim  history  among  British 
archives,  says :  ^  "  I  have  not  observed  the  name  of  May- 
Flower  [in  which  style  he  always  writes  it]  before  the  year 
1 583.  .  .  .  But  the  name  soon  became  exceedingly  popular 
among  those  to  whom  belonged  the  giving  of  the  names  to 
vessels  in  the  merchant-service.  Before  the  close  of  that  cen- 
tury [the  sixteenth]  we  have  a  May-Flower  of  Hastings ;  a 
May-Flower  of  Rie;  a  May-Flower  of  Newcastle:  a  May- 
Flower  of  Lynn ;  and  a  May-Flower  of  Yarmouth :  both 
in  1589.  Also  a  May-Flower  of  Hull,  1599 ;  a  May-Flower 
of  London  of  eighty  tons  burden,  1587,  and  1594,  of  which 
Richard  Ireland  was  the  master,  and  another  May-Flower  of 
the  same  port,  of  ninety  tons  burthen,  of  which  Robert  White 
was  the  master  in  1594,  and  a  third  May-Flower  of  London, 
unless  it  is  the  same  vessel  with  one  of  the  two  just  spoken 
of,  only  with  a  different  master,  William  Morecock.  In 
1587  there  was  a  May-Flower  of  Dover,  of  which  John 
Tooke  was  the  master.  In  1593  there  was  a  May-Flower 
of  Yarmouth  of  120  tons,  of  which  William  Musgrove  was 
the  master.  In  1608  there  was  a  May-Flower  of  Dart- 
mouth, of  which  Nicholas  Waterdonne  was  the  master ;  and 
in  1609  a  May-Flower  of  Middleburgh  entered  an  English 
port. 

"  Later  in  the  century  we  find  a  May-Flower  of  Ipswich, 


t^tx  l^ifitor^ 


I.   Hunter,  Founders  of  New  Plymouth,  p.  193. 


96 


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J^ir  J&istor^ 


and  another  of  Newcastle  in  1618;  a  May-Flower  of  York 
in  1621;  a  May-Flower  of  Scarborough  in  1630,  Robert 
Hadock  the  master ;  a  May-Flower  of  Sandwich  the  same 
year,  John  Ohver  the  master;  a  May-Flower  of  Dover, 
1633,  Walter  Finnis,  master,  in  which  two  sons  of  the  Earl 
of  Berkshire  crossed  to  Calais. 

"  Which  of  these  was  the  vessell  which  carried  over  the 
precious  [Pilgrim]  freight  cannot  perhaps  be  told  [appar- 
ently neither,  unless  perhaps  the  May-Flower  of  Yarmouth 
of  1 593,  in  which  case  her  tonnage  is  incorrectly  given],  but 
we  learn  from  Mr.  Sherley's  letter  to  Governor  Bradford ' 
that  the  same  vessel  was  employed  in  1629  in  passing  be- 
tween the  two  countries,  a  company  of  the  church  at  Ley- 
den,  who  had  joined  in  the  first  emigration,  intending  to  pass 
in  it  to  America ;  and  in  the  same  author  we  find  that  the 
vessel  arrived  in  the  harbour  of  Charles-town  [N.  E.]  on 
July  1,  1630. 

"There  was  a  May-Flower  which,  in  1648,  gained  an 
unenviable  notoriety  [as  a  slaver].  But  this  was  not  the 
May-Flower  which  had  carried  over  the  first  settlers,  it 
being  a  vessel  of  350  tons,  while  the  genuine  May-Flower 
was  of  only  180  tons." 

Of  the  first  of  her  two  known  visits,  after  her  voyage  with 
the  Pilgrim  company  from  Leyden,  Goodwin  says :  "  In 
August,  1629,  the  renowned  May-Flower  came  from  Eng- 
land to  Salem  under  Plymouth's  old  friend  [William]  Peirce, 
and  in  her  came  thirty-five  Leyden  people,  on  their  way  to 
Plymouth."  The  number  has  been  in  dispute,  but  the  large 
cost  of  bringing  them,  over  /500,  would  suggest  that  their 
families  must  have  also  come,  as  has  been  alleged,  but  for  the 
following  from  Governor  Bradford's  Letter  Book:  "These 
persons,"  he  says,  "were  in  all  thirty-five,  which  came  at  this 
time  unto  us  from  Leyden,  whose  charge  out  of  Holland  into 
England,  and  in  England  till  the  ship  was  ready,  and  then 
their  transportation  hither,  came  to  a  great  deal  of  money, 
for  besides  victuals  and  other  expenses,  they  were  all  newly 
apparelled."      Shirley,    one  of  the  Adventurers,  writing   to 


I.   Prince,  Annals,  p.  187. 


The  May-Flower 


97 


Governor  Bradford  in  1629,^  says:  "Here  are  now  many  of 
your  friends  from  Leyden  coming  over.  Widi  tliem  also  we  Upcr  J^iStor^ 
have  sent  some  servants,  or  in  the  ship  that  went  lately  (I 
think  called  the  Talbot),  and  this  that  these  come  in  is  the 
May-Flower."  All  that  Higginson's  journal  tells  of  her,  as 
noted,  is,  that  "  she  was  of  Yarmouth ;  "  was  commanded  by 
William  Peirce,  and  carried  provisions  and  passengers,  but 
the  fact  that  she  was  under  command  of  Captain  Peirce  of 
itself  tells  much.^  On  her  next  trip  the  May-Flower  sailed 
from  Southampton,  in  May,  1630,  as  part  of  Winthrop's 
fleet,  and  arrived  at  Charlestown  July  1.  She  was,  on  this 
voyage,  under  command  of  a  new  master  (perhaps  a  Captain 
Weatherby),  Captain  Peirce  having,  at  this  time,  command 
of  the  ship  Lyon,  apparently  in  the  service  of  Plymouth 
Colony.  A  vessel  of  this  name  [May-Flower]  was  sailing 
between  England  and  Boston  in  1656.^  Young'*  says  :  "  The 
May-Flower  is  a  ship  of  renown  in  the  history  of  the  colo- 
nization of  New  England.  She  was  one  of  the  five  vessels 
which,  in  1629,  conveyed  Higginson's  company  to  Salem, 
and  also  one  of  the  fleet  which,  in  1630,  brought  over  his 
colony  to  Massachusetts  Bay." 

October  6,  1652,  "Thomas  Webber,  Mr.  of  the  good 
shipp  called  the  Mayflower  of  the  burden  of  Two  hun- 
dred Tuns  or  there  abouts.  .  .  .  Rideing  at  Ancor  in  the 
Harber  of  Boston,"  sold  one-sixteenth  of  the  ship  "  for  good 
&  valluable  Consideracons  to  Mr.  John  Pinchon  of  Spring- 
field Mrchant."  The  next  day,  October  7,  1652,  the  same 
•'  Thomas  Webber,  Mr.  of  the  good  Shipp  called  the  May- 
flower of  Boston  in  New  England  now  bound  for  the  barba- 
does  and  thence  to  London,"  acknowledges  an  indebtedness 
to  Theodore  Atkinson,  a  wealthy  "hatter,  felt-maker,"  and  mer- 
chant of  Boston,  and  the  same  day  (October  7,  1652),  the  said 
"  Thomas  Webber,  Mar.  of  the  good  shipp  called  the  May- 
flower of  the  burthen  of  Two  hundred  tuns  or  thereabouts," 
sold  "  unto  Theodore  Atkinson  felt-maker  one-sixteenth  part 


1.  Bradford's  Letter  Book,  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  iii.  p.  65. 

2.  Suffolk  Deeds,  lib.  I.,  xv. 

3.  Goodwin,  Pilgrim  Republic,  p.  56. 

4.  Chronicles  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  99 


98 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Jtjer  J&ifitor^ 


as  well  of  said  Shipp  as  of  all  &  singular  her  masts  Sails 
Sail-yards  Ancors  Cables  Ropes  Cords  Gunns  Gunpowder 
Shott  Artillery  Tackle  Munition  apparrell  boate  skifFe  and 
furniture  to  the  same  belonging."  It  is  of  course  possible  that 
this  was  the  historic  ship,  though,  if  so,  reappearing  twenty- 
two  years  after  her  last  known  voyage  to  New  England. 
If  the  same,  she  was  apparently  under  both  new  master  and 
owner.  From  the  facts  that  she  is  called  "  of  Boston  in  New 
England "  and  was  trading  between  that  port,  "  the  Barba- 
does "  and  London,  it  is  not  impossible  that  she  may  have 
been  built  at  Boston  —  a  sort  of  namesake  descendant  of  the 
historic  ship — and  was  that  May-Flower  mentioned  as  be- 
longing, in  1657,  to  Mr.  Samuel  Vassall,  as  he  had  large 
interests  alike  in  Boston,  Barbadoes,  and  London.  Masters 
of  vessels  were  often  empowered  to  sell  their  ships  or  shares 
in  them. 

Although  we  know  not  where  her  keel  was  laid,  by  what 
master  she  was  built,  or  where  she  laid  her  timbers  when  her 
work  was  done,  by  virtue  of  her  grand  service  to  humanity, 
her  fame  is  secure,  and  her  name  written  "  among  the  few, 
the  immortal  names  that  were  not  born  to  die." 


99 


CHAPTER  V 

The  Officers  and  Crew  of  The 
May-Flower 


1 

HE  officers  and  crew  of  the  May-Flower 
were  obviously  important  factors  in  the 
success  of  the  Pilgrim  undertaking,  and  it 
is  of  interest  to  know  what  we  may  con- 
cerning them. 

We  have  seen  that  the  "pilot,"  John 
Clarke,  was  employed  by  Weston  and  Cushman,  even  before 
the  vessel  upon  which  he  was  to  serve  had  been  found,  and 
he  had  hence  the  distinction  of  being  the  first  man  "shipped" 
of  the  May-Flower's  complement.  It  is  evident  that  he 
was  promptly  hired  on  its  being  known  tliat  he  had  recently 
returned  from  a  voyage  to  Virginia  in  the  cattle-ship  Falcon, 
as  certain  to  be  of  value  in  the  colonists'  undertakings. 

Knowing  that  the  Adventurers'  agents  were  seeking  both 
a  ship  and  a  master  for  her,  it  was  the  natural  thing  for  the 
latter,  that  he  should  propose  the  Captain  under  whom  he 
had  last  sailed,  on  much  the  same  voyage  as  that  now  con- 
templated. It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  something  of  the 
uncertainty  which  for  a  time  existed  as  to  the  names  and 
features  of  the  Pilgrim  barks  attaches  to  the  names  and 
identity  of  their  respective  commanders.  The  "given"  name 
of  "  Master  "  Reynolds,  "  pilott  "  and  "  Master  "  of  the  Speed- 
well, does  not  appear,  but  the  assertion  of  Professor  Arber, 
though   positive   enough,   that   "the  Christian  name  of  the 


5?inDing  tfjc 
lasastcr  anD 
!3^ate 


lOO 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Captain  of  the  May-Flower  is  not  known,"  is  not  accepted 
by  other  authorities  in  Pilgrim  history,  though  it  is  true  that 
it  does  not  find  mention  in  the  contemporaneous  accounts  of 
the  Pilgrim  ship  and  her  voyage. 

There  is  no  roorn  for  doubt  that  the  Captain  of  the  Falcon 
—  whose  release  from  arrest  while  under  charge  of  piracy  the 
Earl  of  Warwick  procured,  that  he  might  take  command  of 
the  above-named  cattle-ship  on  her  voyage  to  Virginia,  as 
hereinafter  shown  —  was  Thomas  Jones.  The  identity  of 
this  man  and  "  Master  Jones "  who  assumed  command  of 
the  May-Flower  —  with  the  former  mate  of  the  Falcon, 
John  Clarke,  as  his  first  officer  —  is  abundantly  certified 
by  circumstantial  evidence  of  the  strongest  kind,  as  is  also 
the  fact  that  he  commanded  the  ship  Discovery  a  little 
later. 

With  the  powerful  backing  of  such  interested  friends  as  the 
Earl  of  Warwick  and  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  undoubtedly 
already  in  league  with  Thomas  Weston,  who  probably  made 
the  contract  with  Jones,  as  he  had  with  Clarke,  the  sugges- 
tion of  the  latter  as  to  the  competency  and  availability  of 
his  late  commander  would  be  sure  of  prompt  approval, 
and  thus,  in  all  probability.  Captain  Thomas  Jones,  who  finds 
his  chief  place  in  history  —  and  a  most  important  one  —  as 
Master  of  the  May-Flower,  came  to  that  service. 

In  1619,  as  appears  by  Neill,  the  Virginia  Company  had 
one  John  Clarke  in  Ireland,  "buying  cattle  for  Virginia." 
We  know  that  Captain  Jones  soon  sailed  for  Virginia  with 
cattle,  in  the  Falcon,  of  1 50  tons,  and  as  this  was  the  only  cattle- 
ship  in  a  long  period,  we  can  very  certainly  identify  Clarke 
as  the  newly-hired  mate  of  the  May-Flower,  who,  Cush- 
man  says  (letter  of  June  11/21,  1620),  "went  last  year  to 
Virginia  with  a  ship  of  kine."  As  1620  did  not  begin  until 
March  25,  a  ship  sailing  in  February  would  have  gone 
out  in  1619,  and  Jones  and  Clarke  could  easily  have  made 
the  voyage  in  time  to  engage  for  the  May-Flower  in  the 
following  June.  "  Six  months  after  Jones's  trip  in  the  latter  " 
(i.  e.  after  his  return  from  the  Pilgrim  voyage),  Neill  says, 
"  he  took  the  Discovery  (60  tons)  to  Virginia,  and  then 
northward,  trading  along  the  coast.     The  Council  for  New 


Officers  and  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


lOl 


England  compkiined  of  him  to  the  Virginia  Company  tor 
robbing  the  natives  on  this  voyage.  He  stopped  at  Plym- 
outh (1622),  and,  taking  advantage  of  the  distress  for  food 
he  found  there,  was  extortionate  in  his  prices.  In  July,  1625, 
he  appeared  at  Jamestown,  Virginia,  in  possession  of  a  Span- 
ish frigate,  which  he  said  had  been  captured  by  one  Powell, 
under  a  Dutch  commission,  but  it  was  thought  a  resumption 
of  his  old  buccaneering  practices.  Before  investigation  he 
sickened  and  died." 

That  Jones  was  a  man  of  large  experience,  and  fully  com- 
petent in  his  profession,  is  beyond  dispute.  His  disposition, 
character,  and  deeds  have  been  the  subject  of  much  discus- 
By  most  writers  he   is  held  to  have  been  a  man  of 


sion. 


coarse,  "  unsympathetic  "  nature,  "  a  rough  sea-dog,"  capable 
of  good  feeling  and  kindly  impulses  at  times,  but  neither 
governed  by  them  nor  by  principle.  That  he  was  a  "  high- 
wayman of  the  seas,"  a  buccaneer  and  pirate,  guilty  of  blood 
for  gold,  there  can  be  no  doubt.  Certainly  nothing  could 
justify  the  estimate  of  him  given  by  Professor  Arber,  that 
"  he  was  both  fair-minded  and  friendly  toward  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers,"  and  he  certainly  stands  alone  among  writers  of 
reputation  in  that  opinion.  Jones's  selfishness,'  threats,  boor- 
ishness,  and  extortion,  to  say  nothing  of  his  exceedingly  bad 
record  as  a  pirate,  both  in  East  and  West  Indian  waters, 
compel  a  far  different  estimate  of  him  as  a  man,  from  that  of 
Arber,  however  excellent  he  was  as  a  mariner. 

Professor  Arber  '^  dissents  from  Goodwin's  conclusion  ^  that 


1.  Bradford  himself — whose  authority  in  the  matter  will  not 
be  doubted — says  {Historie^  Mass.  ed.  p.  112):  "As  this  calamitie, 
the  general  sickness,  fell  among  ye  passengers  that  were  to  be  left 
here  to  plant,  and  were  hasted  ashore  and  made  to  drinke  water,  that 
the  sea-men  might  have  ye  more  bear  [beer]  and  one  in  his  sickness 
desiring  but  a  small  can  of  beare  it  was  answered  that  if  he  were  their 
own  father  he  should  have  none." 

Bradford  also  shows  («/>.  at.  p.  153)  the  rapacity  of  Jones,  when 
in  command  of  the  Discovery,  in  his  extortionate  demands  upon  the 
Plymouth  planters,  notwithstanding  their  necessities. 

2.  The  Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  392. 

3.  Pilgrim  Republic,  p.  208. 


SDasttr 
Ifjomaa 
moncs  anD 


I02 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


spastEt 
31oncfi  ano 


Captain  Jones  of  the  Discovery  was  the  former  Master  of 
the  May-Flower,  but  the  reasons  of  his  dissent  are  by  no 
means  convincing.  He  argues  that  Jones  would  not  have 
accepted  the  command  of  a  vessel  so  much  smaller  than  his 
last,  the  Discovery  being  only  one  third  the  size  of  the  May- 
Flower.  Master-mariners,  particularly  when  just  returned 
from  long  and  unsuccessful  voyages,  especially  if  in  bad 
repute,  —  as  was  Jones,  —  are  obliged  to  take  such  employ- 
ment as  offers,  and  are  often  glad  to  get  a  ship  much  smaller 
than  their  last,  rather  than  remain  idle.  Moreover,  in  Jones's 
case,  if,  as  appears,  he  was  inclined  to  buccaneering,  the 
smaller  ship  would  serve  his  purpose  —  as  it  seems  it  did  — 
satisfactorily.  Nor  is  the  fact  that  Bradford  speaks  of  him 
— although  previously  so  well  acquainted — as  "one  Captain 
Jones,"  to  be  taken  as  evidence,  as  Arber  thinks,  that  the 
Master  of  the  Discovery  was  some  other  of  the  name. 
Bradford  was  writing  history,  and  his  thought  just  then  was 
the  especial  Providence  of  God  in  the  lumely  relief  afforded 
their  necessities  by  the  arrival  of  the  ships  with  food,  without 
regard  to  the  individuals  who  brought  it,  or  the  fact  that  one 
was  an  acquaintance  of  former  years.  On  the  other  hand, 
Winslow — in  his  "Good  Newes  from  New  England" — 
records  the  arrival  of  the  two  ships  in  August,  1622,  and 
says,  "the  one  as  I  take  [recollect]  it,  was  called  the  Dis- 
covery, Captain  Jones  having  command  thereof,"  which  on 
the  same  line  of  argument  as  Arber's  might  be  read,  "  our 
old  acquaintance  Captain  Jones,  you  know  "  !  If  the  expres- 
sion of  Bradford  makes  against  its  being  Captain  Jones,  for- 
merly of  the  May-Flower,  Winslow's  certainly  makes  quite 
as  much  for  it,  while  the  fact  which  Winslow  recites,  viz. 
that  the  Discovery,  under  Jones,  was  sailing  as  consort  to  the 
Sparrow,  a  ship  of  Thomas  Weston,  —  who  employed  him 
for  the  May-Flower,  was  linked  with  him  in  the  Gorges 
conspiracy,  and  had  become  nearly  as  degenerate  as  he,  —  is 
certainly  significant.  There  are  still  better  grounds,  as  will 
appear  in  the  closely  connected  relations  of  Jones,  for  hold- 
ing with  Goodwin  rather  than  with  Arber  in  the  matter. 
The  standard  authority  in  the  case  is  the  late  Rev.  E.  D. 
Neill,  D.  D.,  for  some  years  United  States  consul  at  Dublin, 


Officers  and  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


who  made  very  considerable  research  into  all  matters  pertain- 
ing to  the  Virginia  Companies,  consulting  their  original 
records  and  "  transactions,"  the  Dutch  related  documents,  tlie 
"  Calendars  of  the  East  India  Company,"  etc'  Upon  him 
and  his  exhaustive  work  all  others  have  largely  drawn,  ■ — 
notably  Professor  Arber  himself,  —  and  his  conclusions  seem 
entitled  to  the  same  weight  here  which  Arber  gives  them  in 
other  relations.  Dr.  Neill  is  clearly  of  opinion  that  the  Cap- 
tains of  the  May-Flower  and  the  Discovery  were  identical, 
and  this  belief  is  shared  by  such  authorities  in  Pilgrim  litera- 
ture as  Young,  Prince,  Goodwin,  and  Davis,  and  against 
this  formidable  consensus  of  opinion,  Arber,  unless  better 
supported,  can  hardly  hope  to  prevail. 

The  question  of  Jones's  duplicity  and  fraud,  in  bringing 
the  Pilgrims  to  land  at  Cape  Cod  instead  of  the  "  neighbor- 
hood of  Hudson's  River,"  has  been  much  mooted  and  with 
much  diversity  of  opinion,  but  in  the  light  of  the  subjoined 
evidence  and  considerations  it  seems  well-nigh  impossible  to 
acquit  him  of  the  crime  —  for  such  it  was,  in  inception, 
nature,  and  results,  however  overruled  for  good. 

The  specific  statements  of  Bradford  and  others  leave  no 
room  for  doubt  that  the  May-Flower  Pilgrims  fully  in- 
tended to  make  their  settlement  somewhere  in  the  region  ot 
the  mouth  of  "  Hudson's  River."  Morton  -  states  in  terms 
that  Captain  Jones's  "  engagement  was  to  Hudson's  River." 
Presumably,  as  heretofore  noted,  the  stipulation  of  his  charter- 
party  required  that  he  should  complete  his  outward  voyage 
in  that  general  locality.  The  northern  limits  ot  the  patents 
granted  in  the  Pilgrim  interest,  whether  that  of  John  Wincob 
(or  Wincop)  sealed  June  9/19,  1619,^  but  never  used,  or  the 
first  one  to  John  Pierce,  of  February  2/12,  1620,*  were,  of 
course,  brought  within  the  limits  of  the  First  (London)  Vir- 


103 


1.  History  of  the  Virginia  Company  of  London^  with  Letters,  etc., 
Rev.  E.  D.  Neill,  D.D.,  Albany,  1869,  p.  261;  New  York  Histori- 
cal Magazine,  January,  1869;  New  England  Historic-Genealogical 
Register,  vol.  xxviii. 

2.  New  England's  Memorial,  p.  24. 

3.  Neill,  op.  cit.  p.  128. 

4.  Neill,  op.  cit.  p.  168. 


apastcr 

31onr6'fi! 

EDupUtit^ 


I04 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


SDupUcitB 


ginia  Company's  charter,  which  embraced,  as  is  well-known, 
the  territory  between  the  parallels  of  34°  and  41°  N.  lati- 
tude. The  most  northerly  of  these  parallels  runs  but  about 
twenty  miles  to  the  north  of  the  mouth  of  "  Hudson's  River." 
It  is  certain  that  the  Pilgrims,  after  the  great  expense,  labor, 
and  pains  of  three  years,  to  secure  the  protection  of  these 
Patents,  would  not  willingly  or  deliberately,  have  planted 
themselves  outside  that  protection,  upon  territory  where  they 
had  none,  and  where,  as  interlopers,  they  might  reasonably 
expect  trouble  with  the  lawful  proprietors.  Nor  was  there 
any  reason  why,  if  they  so  desired,  they  should  not  have  gone 
to  "  Hudson's  River  "  or  its  vicinity,  unless  it  was  that  they 
had  once  seemed  to  recognize  the  States  General  of  Holland 
as  the  rightful  owners  of  that  territory,  by  making  petition 
to  them,  through  the  New  Netherland  Company,^  for  their 
authority  and  protection  in  settling  there.  But  even  this  fact 
constituted  no  moral  or  legal  bar  to  such  action,  if  desirable : 
First,  because  it  appears  certain  that,  whatever  the  cause, 
they  "broke  off"  themselves  their  negotiations  with  the 
Dutch,  —  whether  on  account  of  the  inducements  offered  by 
Thomas  Weston,  or  a  doubt  of  the  ability  of  the  Dutch  to 
maintain  their  claim  to  that  region,  and  to  protect  them, 
or  both,  neither  appears  nor  matters. 

Second,  because  the  States  General  —  whether  with  know- 
ledge that  they  of  Leyden  had  so  "  broken  off,"  or  from  their 
own  doubts  of  their  ability  to  maintain  their  claim  on  the 
Hudson  region,  does  not  appear  —  rejected  the  petition  made 
to  them  in  the  Pilgrims'  behalf  It  is  probable  that  the  latter 
was  the  real  reason,  from  the  fact  that  the  petition  was  twice  ^ 
rejected. 

In  view  of  the  high  opinion  of  the  Leyden  brethren,  enter- 


1.  "The  Petition  of  the  Directors  of  the  Company  trading  to 
New  Netherland,  12  Feb.  1620,"  is  the  indorsement  upon  the  origi- 
nal petition  of  the  New  Netherland  Company,  in  behalf  of  the  Ley- 
den people,  as  appears  in  the  Holland  documents  edited  by  Dr.  E. 
B.  O'Callaghan  [Documents  relating  to  the  Colonial  History  of  the  State 
of  New  Tori,  vol.  i.  pp.  22,  23,  Albany). 

2.  O'Callaghan,  op.  cit.  p.  24.  Resolution  of  the  States  Gen- 
eral  on   the  Petition   of  the  New  Netherland   Company,  Saturday, 


Officers  and  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


105 


tained,  as  we  know,  by  the  Dutch,  it  is  clear  that  the  latter 
would  have  been  pleased  to  secure  them  as  colonists ;  while     %Z&tn 
if  at  all  confident  of  their  rights  to  the  territory,  they  must     31oncs'fif 
have  been  anxious  to  colonize  it  and  thus  confirm  their  hold,     S^wpuctt^ 
and  increase  their  revenues  as  speedily  as  possible,  and 

Third,  because  it  appears  upon  the  showing  of  the  peti- 
tion itself,  made  by  the  New  Netherland  Company  (to  which 
the  Leyden  leaders  had  looked,  doubtless  on  account  of  its 
pretensions,  for  the  authority  and  protection  of  the  States 
General,  as  they  afterward  did  to  the  English  Virginia 
Company  for  British  protection),  that  this  Company  had  lost 
its  own  charter'  by  expiration,  and  hence  had  absolutely 
nothing  to  offer  the  Leyden  people  beyond  the  personal  and 
associate  influence  of  its  members,  and  the  prestige  of  a  name 
that  had  once  been  potential.  In  fact,  the  New  Netherland 
Company  was  using  the  Leyden  congregation  as  a  leverage 
to  pry  for  itself  from  the  States  General  new  advantages, 
larger  than  it  had  previously  enjoyed.^ 

Moreover  it  appears  by  the  evidence  of  both  the  petition ' 
of  the  Directors  of  the  New  Netherland  Company  to   the 

April  II,  1620,  N.  S.:  "The  Petition  of  the  Directors  of  the  New 
Netherland  Company,  that  they,  for  the  peopling  of  the  said  Island 
of  New  Netherland  [or  Manhattan,  as  tJie  present  site  of  lower 
New  York  city  had  then  come  to  be  called]  may  be  assisted  with 
two  ships  of  war,  is  again  rejected."  It  is  clear  from  this  that  the 
same  petition  had  been  previously  denied.      (Italics  the  author's.) 

1.  In  the  petition  of  the  Directors  of  the  New  Netherland  Com- 
pany referred  to,  they  say  :  "  And  whereas  the  Petitioners'  Charter 
[dated  March  10,  1614]  has  expired,  so  that  every  one  is  now  at 
liberty  to  trade  there,"  etc.  It  seems  that  under  a  general  act  or 
order,  merchants  and  mariners  making  original  discoveries  in  foreign 
parts  were  allowed  four  trading  voyages  to  those  parts,  before  others 
were  permitted  to  trade  on  the  territory  recognized  as  their  discovery. 

2.  The  petition  of  the  Directors  of  the  New  Netherland  Com- 
pany called  for  "two  ships  of  war"  as  convoys,  to  protect  them  in 
transporting,  locating,  and  defending  the  Leyden  company.  The 
presence  of  these  ships  of  the  States  General,  protecting  their  colo- 
nists and  undertakings,  would  be  to  the  New  Netherland  Company 
far  better  even  than  their  former  charter-privileges. 

3.  O'Callaghan,  op.   cit.  pp.  22,  23. 


io6 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


spastrr 

31onE6'0 

SDupUcit^ 


Prince  of  Orange  (February  2/12,  1619/20),  and  the  letter* 
of  Sir  Dudley  Carleton,  the  British  ambassador  at  the  Hague, 
to  the  English  Privy  Council,  dated  February  5/15,  1621/22, 
that,  up  to  this  latter  date  the  Dutch  had  established  no 
colony-  on  the  territory  claimed  by  them  at  the  Hudson, 
and  had  no  other  representation  there  than  the  trading-post 
of  a  commercial  company  whose  charter  had  expired.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Leyden  leaders  knew,  from  their 
dealings  with  the  New  Netherland  Company,  and  the  study 
of  the  whole  problem  which  they  evidently  made,  that  this 
region  was  open  to  them  or  any  other  parties  for  habitation 
and  trade,  so  far  as  any  prior  grants  or  charters  under  the 
Dutch  were  concerned,  but  they  required  more  than  this. 

To  Englishmen,  the  English  claim  to  the  territory  at 
"Hudson's  River"  was  valid,  by  virtue  of  the  discovery  of 
the  Cabots,  under  the  law  of  nations  as  then  recognized,  not- 
withstanding Hudson's  more  particular  explorations  of  those 
parts  in  1609,^  in  the  service  of  Holland,  especially  as  no 
colony  or  permanent  occupancy  of  the  region  by  the  Dutch 
had  been  made. 

Professor  John  Fiske  *  shows  that  "  it  was  not  until  the 
Protestant  England  of  Elizabeth  had  come  to  a  life-and- 
death  grapple  with  Spain,  and  not  until  the  discovery  of 
America  had  advanced  much  nearer  completion,  so  that  its 
value  began  to  be  more  correctly  understood,  that  political 
and  commercial  motives  combined  in  determining  England 
to  attack  Spain  through  America,  and  to  deprive  her  of 
supremacy  in  the  colonial  and  maritime  world.  Then  the 
voyages  of  the  Cabots  assumed  an  importance  entirely  new, 
and  could  be  quoted  as  the  basis  of  a  prior  claim  on  the  part  of 


1.  Briti$h  State  Papers,  Holland,  Bundle  145.  Sir  Dudley  Carle- 
ton's  Letters. 

2.  Ibid.  "  They  have  certain  Factors  there,  continually  resident, 
trading  with  savages  .  .  .  but  I  cannot  learn  of  any  colony,  either 
already  planted  there  by  these  people,  or  so  much  as  intended." 
Sir  Dudley  Carleton's  Letters. 

3.  Hildreth,  History  of  the  United  States,  \o\.  i.  p.  136;  Mont- 
gomery, History  of  the  United  States,  p.  65. 

4.  The  Discovery  of  America,  vol.  ii.  p.  18. 


Officers  and  Crew  of  tbeMkY-Yhov^EK 


the  English  Crown,  to  lands  which  it  [through  the  Cabots] 
had  discovered." 

Having  in  mind  the  terrible  history  of  slaughter  and  repri- 
sal between  the  Spanish  and  French  (Huguenot)  settlers  in 
Florida'  in  1565-67,  the  Pilgrims  recognized  the  need  of  a 
strong  power  behind  them,  under  whose  segis  they  might 
safely  plant,  and  by  virtue  of  whose  might  and  right  they 
could  hope  to  keep  their  lives  and  possessions.  The  King 
of  England  had,  in  1606,  granted  charters  to  the  two  Vir- 
ginia Companies,  covering  all  the  territory  in  dispute,  and, 
there  could  be  no  doubt,  would  protect  these  grants  and 
British  proprietorship  therein,  against  all  comers.  Indeed, 
the  King  (James  I.)  by  letter  to  Sir  Dudley  Carleton,  his 
ambassador  at  the  Hague,  under  date  of  December  15,  1621, 
expressly  claimed  his  rights  in  the  New  Netherland  territory 
and  instructed  him  to  impress  upon  the  government  of  the 
States  General  his  Majesty's  claim,  —  "  who,  jure  prima  occu- 
pationis,  hath  good  and  sufficient  title  to  these  parts."  There 
can  be  no  question  that  the  overtures  of  Sandys,  Weston, 
and  others  to  make  interest  for  them  with  one  of  these  Eng- 
lish Companies,  agreed  as  well  with  both  the  preferences  and 
convictions  of  the  Leyden  Pilgrims,  as  they  did  with  the 
hopes  and  designs  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges. 

In  the  light  of  these  facts,  there  appears  to  have  been 
neither  legal  nor  moral  bar  to  the  evident  intention  of  the 
Pilgrims  to  settle  in  the  vicinity  of  "  Hudson's  River,"  if 
they  so  elected.  In  their  light,  also,  despite  the  positive 
allegations  of  the  truthful  but   not  always  reliable  Morton, 


107 


I.  Bancroft,  History  of  the  United  States,  vol.  i.  p.  68  ;  Fiske,  Discov- 
ery of  America,  vol.  ii.  p.  5 1 1  et  seq.  With  the  terrible  experience  of  the 
Florida  plantations  in  memory,  the  far-sighted  leaders  of  the  Leyden 
church  proposed  to  plant  under  the  shelter  of  an  arm  strong  enough 
to  protect  them,  and  we  find  the  Directors  of  the  New  Netherland 
Company  stating  that  the  Leyden  party  (the  Pilgrims)  can  be  induced 
to  settle  under  Dutch  auspices,  '•'■provided,  they  would  be  guarded  and 
preserved  from  all  violence  on  the  part  of  other  potentates,  by  the 
authority,  and  under  the  protection  of  your  Princely  Excellency  and 
the  High  and  Mighty  States  General."  Petition  of  the  Directors  of 
the  New  Netherland  Company  to  the  Prince  of  Orange. 


JTOastcr 

Clones'* 

H>iipltcit^ 


io8 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


31onfe's 


iI5o  EDutdj 
intrigue 


Congptrat^ 


his  charges  of  intrigue  between  the  Dutch  and  Master  Jones 
of  the  May-Flower,  to  prevent  the  settlement  of  his  ship's 
company  at  "  Hudson's  River,"  may  well  be  doubted. 
Writing  in  " New  England's  Memorial"  in  1669,  Morton 
says :  "  But  some  of  the  Dutch,  having  notice  of  their  inten- 
tions, and  having  thoughts  about  the  same  time  of  erecting 
a  plantation  there  likewise,  they  fraudulently  hired  the  said 
Jones,  by  delays  while  they  were  in  England,  and  now  under 
pretence  of  the  shoals  [the  dangers  of  the  Monomoy  Shoals 
off  Cape  Cod]  to  disappoint  them  in  going  thither."  He 
adds  :  "  Of  this  plot  between  the  Dutch  and  Mr.  Jones,  I  have 
had  late  and  certain  intelligence."  If  this  intelligence  was 
no  more  reliable  than  his  assertion  concerning  the  responsi- 
bility of  Jones  for  the  "  delays  while  they  were  in  England," 
it  may  well  be  discredited,  as  not  the  faintest  evidence  ap- 
pears to  make  him  responsible  for  those  delays,  and  they  are 
amply  accounted  for  without  him.  Without  questioning 
the  veracity  of  Morton  (while  suggesting  his  many  known 
errors,  and  that  the  lapse  of  time  made  it  easy  to  misinterpret 
even  apparently  certain  facts),  it  must  be  remembered  that 
he  is  the  original  sponsor  for  the  charge  of  Dutch  intrigue 
with  Jones,  and  was  its  sole  support  for  many  years.  All 
other  writers  who  have  accepted  and  indorsed  his  views  are 
of  later  date,  and  but  follow  him,  while  Bradford  and  Wins- 
low,  who  were  victims  of  this  Dutch  conspiracy  against  them, 
if  it  ever  existed,  were  entirely  silent  in  their  writings  upon 
the  matter,  which  we  may  be  sure  they  would  not  have 
been,  had  they  suspected  the  Dutch  as  prime  movers  in  the 
treachery. 

That  there  was  a  conspiracy  to  accomplish  the  landing  of 
the  May-Flower  planters  at  a  point  north  of  "  the  Hudson  " 
(in  fact,  north  of  the  bounds  defined  by  the  (first)  Pierce 
patent,  upon  which  they  relied),  i.  e.  north  of  41  °  N.  latitude, 
is  very  certain;  but  that  it  was  of  Dutch  origin,  or  based 
upon  motives  which  are  attributed  to  the  Dutch,  is  clearly 
erroneous.  While  the  historical  facts  indicate  an  utter  lack 
of  motive  for  such  an  intrigue  on  the  part  of  the  Dutch, 
either  as  a  government  or  as  individuals,  there  was  no 
lack  of  motive  on  the  part  of  certain  others,  who,  we  can  but 


Officers  and  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


109 


believe,  were  responsible  tor  the  conspiracy.  Moreover,  the 
chief  conspirators  were  such,  that,  even  if  the  plot  was  ulti- 
mately suspected  by  the  Pilgrims,  a  wise  policy — indeed, 
self-preservation  —  would  have  dictated  their  silence.  That 
the  Dutch  were  without  sufficient  motive  or  interest  has  been 
declared.  That  the  States  General  could  have  had  no  wish  to 
reject  so  exceptionally  excellent  a  body  of  colonists  as  sub- 
jects, and  as  tenants  to  hold  and  develop  their  disputed  terri- 
tory—  if  in  position  to  receive  them  and  guarantee  them 
protection  —  is  clear.  The  sole  objection  that  could  be 
urged  against  them  was  their  English  birth,  and  with  English 
regiments  garrisoning  the  Dutch  home  cities,  and  foreigners 
of  every  nation  in  the  States  General's  employ,  by  land 
and  by  sea,  such  an  objection  could  have  had  no  weight. 
Indeed,  the  Leyden  party  proposed,  if  they  effected  satis- 
factory arrangements  with  the  States  General  (as  stated  by 
the  Directors  of  the  New  Netherland  Company),  "  to  plant 
there  [at  "  Hudson's  River "]  a  new  commonwealth,  all 
under  the  order  and  command  of  your  Princely  Excellency 
and  their  High  Mightinesses  the  States  General."  The 
Leyden  Pilgrims  were  men  who  kept  their  agreements. 

The  Dutch  trading-companies,  who  were  the  only  parties 
in  the  Low  Countries  who  could  possibly  have  had  any 
motive  for  such  a  conspiracy,  were  at  this  time  themselves 
without  charters,  and  the  overtures  of  the  principal  company, 
made  to  the  government  in  behalf  of  themselves  and  the 
Leyden  brethren,  had  recently,  as  we  have  seen,  been  twice 
rejected.  They  had  apparently,  therefore,  little  to  hope  for 
in  the  near  future ;  certainly  not  enough  to  warrant  expendi- 
ture and  the  risk  of  disgraceful  exposure,  in  negotiations  with 
a  stranger  —  an  obscure  ship-master  —  to  change  his  course 
and  land  his  passengers  in  violation  of  the  terms  of  his 
charter-party;  —  negotiations,  moreover,  in  which  neither  of 
the  parties  could  well  have  had  any  guaranty  of  the  other's 
good  faith. 

But,  as  previously  asserted,  there  was  a  party  —  to  whom 
such  knavery  was  an  ordinary  affair — who  had  ample  motive, 
and  of  whom  Master  Thomas  Jones  was  already  the  very 
willing  and  subservient  ally  and  tool,  and  had  been  such  for 


S^afitcr 
Duplicity 


iI5o  SDutrtj 
31ntrtgue 


I  lO 


T'he  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


©uplicit^ 


years.  Singularly  enough,  the  motive  governing  this  party 
was  exactly  the  reverse  of  that  attributed  —  though  illogi- 
cal! y  and  without  reason  —  to  the  Dutch.  In  the  case  of 
the  latter,  the  alleged  animus  was  a  desire  to  keep  the  Pil- 
grim planters  away  from  their  "  Hudson's  River "  domain. 
In  the  case  of  the  real  conspirators,  the  purpose  was  to  secure 
these  planters  as  colonists  for,  and  bring  them  to,  the  more 
northern  territory  owned  by  them.  It  is  well  known  that 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  was  the  leading  spirit  of  the  "  Second 
Virginia  Company,"  as  he  also  became  (with  the  Earl  of 
Warwick  a  close  second)  of "  The  Council  for  the  Affairs  of 
New  England,"  of  which  both  men  were  made  "  Governors," 
in  November  of  1620,  when  the  Council  practically  super- 
seded the  "  Second  Virginia  Company."  The  Great  Charter 
for  "  The  Council  of  Affairs  of  New  England,"  commonly 
known  as  "  The  Council  for  New  England,"  issued  Tuesday, 
November  3/13,  1620,  and  it  held  in  force  till  Sunday,  June 
7/17,  1635. 

Although  not  its  official  head,  and  ranked  at  its  board  by 
dukes  and  earls.  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  was  —  as  he  had 
been  in  the  old  Plymouth  (or  Second)  Virginia  Company 
—  the  leading  man.  This  was  largely  from  his  superior 
acquaintance  with,  and  long  and  varied  experience  in.  New 
England  affairs.  The  "  Council "  was  composed  of  forty  pat- 
entees, and  Baxter  truly  states,  that  "  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges, 
at  this  time  [1621]  stood  at  the  head  of  the  Council  for  New 
England,  so  far  as  influence  went;  in  fact,  his  hand  shaped 
its  affairs."  ^  This  company,  holding  —  by  the  division  ot 
territory  made  under  the  original  charter-grants  —  a  strip  of 
territory  one  hundred  miles  wide,  on  the  North  American 
coast,  between  the  parallels  of  41°  and  45°  N.  latitude,  had 
not  prospered,  and  its  efforts  at  colonization  (on  what  is  now 
the  Maine  coast),  in  1607  and  later,  had  proved  abortive, 
largely  through  the  character  of  its  "  settlers,"  who  had  been, 
in  good  degree,  a  somewhat  notable  mixture  of  two  of  the 


I.  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  and  His  Province  of  Maine,  James 
Phinney  Baxter,  A.  M.,  Publications  of  the  Prince  Society,  Boston, 
1890,  p.  122. 


Officers  and  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


III 


worst  elements  ot  society,  —  convicts  and  broken-down 
"  gentlemen." 

"  In  1607,"  says  Goodwin,'  "Gorges  and  the  cruel  Judge 
Popham  planted  a  colony  at  Phillipsburg  (or  Sagadahoc, 
as  is  supposed),  by  the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec.  Two  ships 
came,  '  The  Gift  of  God  '  and  the  '  Mary  and  John,'  bring- 
ing a  hundred  persons.  Through  August  they  found  all 
delightful,  but  when  the  ships  went  back  in  December,  fifty- 
five  of  the  number  returned  to  England,  weary  of  their  expe- 
rience and  fearful  of  the  cold.  .  .  .  With  spring  the  ships 
returned  from  England ; "  but  by  this  time  the  remainder  were 
ready  to  leave,  "  so  every  soul  returned  with  Gilbert  [the 
Admiral].  .  .  .  For  thirty  years  Gorges  continued  to  push 
exploration  and  emigration  to  that  region,  but  his  ambition 
and  liberality  ever  resulted  in  disappointment  and  loss."  The 
annals  of  the  time  show  that  not  a  few  of  the  Sagadahoc 
colonists  were  convicts,  released  from  the  English  jails  to 
people  this  colony. 

Hakluyt^  says:  "In  1607  {this  should  read  i6o8\  dis- 
heartened by  the  death  of  Popham,  they  all  embarked  in  a 
ship  from  Exeter  and  in  the  new  pynnace,  the  '  Virginia,' 
built  in  the  colony,  and  sett  sail  for  England,  and  this  was 
the  end  of  that  northern  colony  upon  the  river  Sachadehoc 
[Kennebec]." 

No  one  knew  better  than  the  shrewd  Gorges  the  value  of 
such  a  colony  as  that  of  the  Leyden  brethren  would  be,  to 
plant,  populate,  and  develop  his  Company's  great  demesne. 
None  were  more  facile  than  himself  and  the  buccaneering 
Earl  of  Warwick,  to  plan  and  execute  the  bold,  but  —  as  it 
proved  —  easy  coup,  by  which  the  Pilgrim  colony  was  to  be 
stolen  bodily,  for  the  benefit  of  the  "  Second  Virginia  Com- 
pany "  and  its  successor,  "  the  Council  for  New  England," 
from  the  "  First  (or  London)  Company,"  under  whose  patent 
(to  John  Pierce)  and  patronage  they  sailed.  They  appar- 
ently did  not  take  their  patent  with  them,  —  it  would  have 
been  worthless  if  they  had, — and  they  were  destined  to  have 


1.  Pilgrim  Republic,  p.  148. 

2.  Hakluyt  Society's  Publications,  vol.  vi.  p. 


faster 

JloncfiCg 

©upUcit^ 


Stealing  t!)e 

pilgrim 

Colonp 


180. 


112 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


31ones'0 
SDuplicitp 


fetfaltng  tl)E 

pilgrim 

Colony 


no  small  trouble  with  Pierce,  before  they  were  established  in 
their  rights  under  the  new  patent  granted  him  (in  the  interest 
of  the  Adventurers  and  themselves),  by  the  "  Council  for 
New  England." 

Master  John  Wincob's  early  and  silent  withdrawal  from 
his  apparently  active  connection  with  the  Pilgrim  movement, 
and  the  evident  cancellation  of  the  first  patent  issued  to  him 
in  its  interest,  by  the  (London)  Virginia  Company,  have 
never  been  satisfactorily  explained.  Wincob  (or  Wincop), 
we  are  told,  "  was  a  religious  Gentleman,  then  belonging  to 
the  household  of  the  Countess  of  Lincoln,  who  intended  to 
go  with  them  [the  Pilgrims]  but  God  so  disposed  as  he 
never  went,  nor  they  ever  made  use  of  this  Patent,  which 
had  cost  them  so  much  labor  and  charge." '  Wincob,  it 
appears  by  the  minutes  of  the  (London)  Virginia  Company 
of  Wednesday,  May  26/June  5,  1619,  was  commended  to 
the  Company,  for  the  patent  he  sought,  by  the  fourth  Earl  of 
Lincoln,  and  it  was  doubtless  through  his  influence  that  it 
was  granted  and  sealed,  June  9/19,  1619.  But  while  Wincob 
was  a  member  of  the  household  of  the  Dowager  Countess 
of  Lincoln,  mother  of  the  fourth  Earl  of  Lincoln ;  John,  the 
eldest  son  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  had  married  the  Earl's 
daughter  (sister  ?),  and  hence  Gorges  stood  in  a  much  nearer 
relation  to  the  Earl  than  did  his  mother's  friend  and  depend- 
ant (as  Wincob  evidently  was),  as  well  as  on  a  much  more 
equal  social  footing. 

By  the  minutes  of  the  (London)  Virginia  Company  of 
Wednesday,  February  2/12,  1619/20,  it  appears  that  a  patent 
was  "  allowed  and  sealed  to  John  Pierce  and  his  associates, 
their  heirs  and  assigns,"  for  practically  the  same  territory  for 
which  the  patent  to  Wincob  had  been  given  but  eight 
months  before.  No  explanation  was  offered,  and  none  ap- 
pears of  record,  but  the  logical  conclusion  is,  that  the  first 
patent  had  been  cancelled,  that  Master  Wincob's  personal 
interest  in  the  Pilgrim  exodus  had  ceased,  and  that  the  Lin- 
coln patronage  had  been  withdrawn.  It  is  a  rational  conjec- 
ture that  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  through  the  relationship  he 
sustained  to  the  Earl,  procured   the  withdrawal  of  Wincob 


I.    Bradford,  Historie,  orig.  MS.  pp.  55-71. 


Oficersand  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


113 


and  his  patent,  knowing  that  the  success  of  his  (Gorges's) 
plot  would  render  the  Wincob  patent  worthless,  and  that 
the  theft  of  the  colony,  in  his  own  interest,  would  be  likely 
to  breed  "  unpleasantness "  between  himself  and  Wincob's 
sponsors  and  friends  among  the  Adventurers,  many  of  whom 
were  friends  of  the  Earl  of  Lincoln. 

The  Earl  of  Warwick,  the  man  of  highest  social  and 
political  rank  in  the  First  (or  London)  Virginia  Company, 
was,  at  about  the  same  time,  induced  by  Gorges  to  abandon 
his  (the  London)  Company  and  unite  with  himself  in  secur- 
ing from  the  Crown  the  charter  of  the  "  Council  of  Affairs 
for  New  England."  The  only  inducements  he  could  offer 
for  the  change  must  apparently  have  resided  in  the  promised 
large  results  of  plottings  disclosed  by  him  (Gorges),  but  he 
needed  the  influential  and  unscrupulous  Earl  for  the  promo- 
tion of  his  schemes,  and  won  him,  by  some  means,  to  an 
active  partnership,  which  was  doubtless  congenial  to  both. 
The  "  fine  Italian  hand  "  of  Sir  Ferdinando  hence  appears  at 
every  stage,  and  in  every  phase,  of  the  Leyden  movement, 
from  the  mission  of  Weston  to  Holland,  to  the  landing  at 
Cape  Cod,  and  every  movement  clearly  indicates  the  crafty 
cunning,  the  skilful  and  brilliant  manipulation,  and  the  dog- 
ged determination  of  the  man. 

That  Weston  was  a  most  pliant  and  efficient  tool  in  the 
hands  of  Gorges,  "  from  start  to  finish  "  of  this  undertaking, 
is  certainly  apparent.  Whether  he  was,  from  the  outset, 
made  fully  aware  of  the  sinister  designs  of  the  chief  con- 
spirator, and  a  party  to  them,  admits  of  some  doubt,  though 
the  conviction  strengthens  with  study,  that  he  was,  from  the 
beginning,  particeps  criminis.  If  he  was  ever  single-minded 
for  the  welfare  of  the  Leyden  brethren  and  the  Adventurers, 
it  must  have  been  for  a  very  brief  time  at  the  inception  of 
the  enterprise,  and  circumstances  seem  to  forbid  crediting 
him  with  honesty  of  purpose,  even  then.  The  weight  of 
evidence  indicates  that  he  both  knew,  and  was  fully  enlisted 
in,  the  entire  plot  of  Gorges  from  the  outset.  In  all  its  early 
stages  he  was  its  most  efficient  promoter,  and  seems  to  have 
given  ample  proof  of  his  compliant  zeal  in  its  execution. 
His  visit  to  the  Leyden  brethren  in  Holland  was,  apparently. 


spatter 
SDupUcitp 


pilgrim 
Colons 


114 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


DupUctt? 


©IfSton's 
SDrcatlierp 


wholly  instigated  by  Gorges,  as  the  latter  complacently  claims ' 
and  collateral  evidence  proves.  In  his  endeavor  to  induce 
the  leaders  to  "  break  off  with  the  Dutch,"  their  pending  nego- 
tiations for  settlement  at  "  Hudson's  River,"  he  evidently 
made  capital  of,  and  traded  upon,  his  former  kindness  to 
some  of  them  when  they  were  in  straits,  —  a  most  contemp- 
tible thing  in  itself,  yet  characteristic  of  the  man.  He  led 
the  Pilgrims  to  "break  off"  their  dealings  with  the  Dutch  by 
the  largest  and  most  positive  promises  of  greater  advantages 
through  him,  few  of  which  he  ever  voluntarily  kept  (as  we 
see  by  John  Robinson's  sharp  arraignment  of  him),  his  whole 
object  being  apparently  to  get  the  Leyden  party  into  his 
control  and  that  of  his  friends,  —  the  most  subtle  and  able 
of  whom  was  Gorges.  Bradford  recites  that  Weston  not 
only  urged  the  Leyden  leaders  "  not  to  meddle  with  ye 
Dutch,"  but  also,  "  not  too  much  to  depend  on  ye  Virginia 
\L,ondon\  Company"  but  to  rely  on  himself  and  his  friends.^ 
This  strongly  suggests  active  cooperation  with  Gorges,  on 
Weston's  part,  at  the  outset,  with  the  intent  (if  he  could  win 
them  by  any  means,  from  allegiance  to  the  First  (London) 
Virginia  Company),  to  lead  the  Leyden  party,  if  possible, 
into  Gorges's  hands  and  under  the  control  and  patronage  of 
the  Second  (or  Plymouth)  Virginia  Company.  Whatever 
the  date  may  have  been,  at  which  (as  Bradford  states)  the 
Leyden  people  "  heard,  both  by  Mr.  Weston  and  others,  yt 
sundrie  Honble :  Lords  had  obtained  a  large  grante  from  ye 
king  for  ye  more  northerly  parts  of  that  countrie,  derived 
out  of  ye  Virginia  patents,  and  wholly  secluded  from  theire 
Govemmente,  and  to  be  called  by  another  name,  viz.  New 
England,  unto  which  Mr.  Weston  and  the  chief  e  of  them  begane 
to  incline ; "  ^  Bradford  leaves  us  in  no  doubt  as  to  Weston's 
attitude  toward  the  matter  itself  It  is  certain  that  the  gov- 
ernor, writing  from  memory,  long  afterward,  fixed  the  time  at 
which  the  "  Honble :  Lords  had  obtained  "  their  "  large  grante" 
much  earlier  than  it  could  possibly  have  occurred,  as  we  know 
the  exact  date  of  the  patent  for  the  "  Council  for  New  Eng- 


1.  Gorges's  Brief e  Narration. 

2.  Italics  the  author's. 


Oficersand  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


115 


spatter 
H>upUcit? 


land,"  and  that  the  order  for  its  issue  was  not  given  till  just 
as  the  Pilgrims  left  Leyden ;  so  that  they  could  not  have 
known  of  the  actual  "  grante  "  till  they  reached  Southampton. 
The  essential  fact,  stated  on  this  best  of  authority,  is,  that 
"  Mr.  Weston  and  the  chiefe  of  them  [their  sponsors,  i.  e. 
Weston  and  Lord  Warwick,  both  in  league  with  Gorges] 
"  begane  to  incline  "  to  Gorges's  new  "  Council  for  New  Eng- 
land." Such  an  attitude  (evidently  taken  insidiously)  meant, 
on  Weston's  part,  of  necessity,  no  less  than  treachery  to  his 
associates  of  the  Adventurers ;  to  the  (London)  Virginia 
Company,  and  to  the  Leyden  company  and  their  allied 
English  colonists,  in  the  interest  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges 
and  his  schemes  and  of  the  new  "  Council "  that  Gorges 
was  organizing.  Weston's  refusal  to  advance  "a  penny" 
to  clear  the  departing  Pilgrims  from  their  port  charges  at 
Southampton ;  his  almost  immediate  severance  of  connec- 
tion with  both  the  colonists  and  the  Adventurers ;  and  his 
early  association  with  Gorges,  —  in  open  and  disgraceful 
violation  of  all  the  formers'  rights  in  New  England,  —  to  say 
nothing  of  his  exhibition  of  a  malevolence  rarely  exercised 
except  toward  those  one  has  deeply  wronged,  all  point  to  a 
complete  and  positive  surrender  of  himself  and  his  energies 
to  the  plot  of  Gorges,  as  a  full  participant,  from  its  inception. 
In  his  review  of  the  Anniversary  Address  of  Hon.  Charles 
Francis  Adams  (of  July  4,  1892,  at  Ouincy),  Daniel  W. 
Baker,  Esq.,  of  Boston,  says :  "  The  Pilgrim  Fathers  were 
influenced  in  their  decision  to  come  to  New  England  by 
Weston,  who,  if  not  the  agent  of  Gorges  in  this  particular 
matter,  was  such  in  other  matters  and  held  intimate  relations 
with  him." ' 

The  known  facts  favor  the  belief  that  Gorges's  cogitations 
on  colonial  matters  —  especially  as  stimulated  by  his  plot- 
tings  in  relation  to  the  Leyden  people  —  led  to  his  project  of 
the  grant  and  charter  for  the  new  "  Council  for  New  Eng- 
land," designed  and  constituted  to  supplant,  or  override,  all 
others.  It  is  highly  probable  that  this  grand  scheme,  —  duly 
embellished  by  the  crafty  Gorges,  —  being  unfolded  to  Wes- 
ton, with  suggestions  of  great  opportunities  for  Weston  him- 


2DrEacl)cr^ 


I.   New  England  Historic-Genealogical  Register^  vol.  xlvii.  p.  96. 


ii6 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


HDupUcitp 


&tfaltng  tfje 

pilgrim 

Colonp 


self  therein,  warmed  and  drew  him,  and  brought  him  to  full 
and  zealous  cooperation  in  all  Gorges's  plans,  and  that  from 
this  time,  as  Bradford  states,  he  '' began e  to  incline"  toward, 
and  to  suggest  to  the  Pilgrims,  association  with  Gorges  and 
the  new  "  Council."  Not  daring  openly  to  declare  his  change 
of  allegiance  and  his  perfidy,  he  undertook,  apparently,  at 
first,  by  suggestions,  e.  g.  "  not  to  place  too  much  depend- 
ence on  the  London  Company,  but  to  rely  on  himself  and 
friends ;  "  that  "  the  fishing  of  New  England  was  good,"  etc. ; 
and  making  thus  no  headway,  then,  by  a  policy  of  delay,  fault- 
finding, etc.,  to  breed  dissatisfaction,  on  the  Pilgrims'  part, 
with  the  Adventurers,  the  patent  of  Wincob,  etc.,  with  the 
hope  of  bringing  about  "  a  new  deal "  in  the  Gorges  interest. 

The  same  "  delays  "  in  sailing,  that  have  been  adduced  as 
proof  of  Jones's  complicity  with  the  Dutch,  would  have  been 
of  equal  advantage  to  these  noble  schemers,  and  if  he  had  any 
hand  in  them  —  which  does  not  appear  —  it  would  have  been 
far  more  likely  in  the  interest  of  his  long-time  patron,  the  Earl 
of  Warwick,  and  of  his  friends,  than  of  any  Dutch  conspira- 
tors. 

Once  the  colonists  were  landed  upon  the  American  soil, 
especially  if  late  in  the  season,  they  would  not  be  likely,  it 
doubtless  was  argued,  to  remove  ;  while  by  a  liberal  policy 
on  the  part  of  the  "  Council  for  New  England  "  toward  them 
—  when  they  discovered  that  they  were  upon  its  territory  — 
they  could  probably  be  retained.  That  just  such  a  policy 
was,  at  once  and  eagerly,  adopted  toward  them,  as  soon 
as  occasion  permitted,  is  good  proof  that  the  scheme  was 
thoroughly  matured  from  the  start.  The  record  of  the  action 
of  the  "  Council  for  New  England  "  —  which  had  become 
the  successor  of  the  Second  Virginia  Company  before  intel- 
ligence was  received  that  the  Pilgrims  had  landed  on  its 
domain  —  is  not  at  hand,  but  it  appears  by  the  record  of  the 
London  Company,  under  date  of  Monday,  July  16/26,  1621, 
that  the  "  Council  for  New  England  "  had  promptly  made 
itself  agreeable  to  the  colonists.  The  record  reads :  "  It  was 
moved,  seeing  that  Master  John  Pierce  had  taken  a  Patent 
of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  and  thereupon  seated  his  Com- 
pany [the  Pilgrims]  within  the  limits  of  the  Northern  Plan- 


Officers  arul  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


117 


tations,  as  by  some  was  supposed,"  *  etc.  From  this  it  is 
plain  that,  on  receipt  by  Pierce  of  the  news  that  the  colony 
was  landed  within  the  limits  of  the  "  Council  for  New  Eng- 
land," he  had,  as  instructed,  applied  for,  and  been  given 
(June  1,  1621),  the  (first)  "Council"  patent  for  the  colony. 
For  confirmation  hereof  one  should  see  also  the  minutes  of 
the  "Council  for  New  England"  of  March  25/April  4,  1623, 
and  the  fulsome  letter  of  Robert  Cushman  returning  thanks 
in  behalf  of  the  Planters  (through  John  Pierce),  to  Gorges, 
for  his  prompt  response  to  their  request  lor  a  patent  and  tor 
his  general  complacency  toward  them.^ 

Hon.  James  Phinney  Baxter,  Gorges's  able  and  faithful 
biographer,  says :  "  We  can  imagine  with  what  alacrity  he 
[Sir  Ferdinando]  hastened  to  give  to  Pierce  a  patent  in 
their  behalf"^  The  same  biographer,  clearly  unconscious 
of  the  well-laid  plot  of  Gorges  and  Warwick,  (as  all  other 
writers  but  Neill  and  Davis  have  been),  bears  testimony 
(all  the  stronger  because  the  witness  is  unwitting  of  the 
intrigue),  to  the  ardent  interest  Gorges  had  in  its  success. 
He  says :  "  The  warm  desire  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  to 
see  a  permanent  colony  founded  within  the  domain  of  the 
Plymouth  [or  Second]  Virginia  Company  was  to  be  real- 
ized in  a  manner  of  which  he  had  never  dreamed  [j/c.'] 
and  by  a  people  with  whom  he  had  but  little  sympathized, 
although  we  know  that  he  favored  their  settlement  within  the 
territorial  limits  of  the  Plymouth  [Second'\  Company."  *     He 


1.  This  expression,  "as  by  some  was  supposed,"  etc.,  has  been 
variously  construed,  but  the  most  rational  interpretation  seems  to  be 
that  of  a  writer  who  suggests  that  it  should  read  :  "  as  by  some  was 
supposed  [he  would]  ;  "  implying  that  there  had  been  a  suspicion  that 
there  was  to  be  some  jugglery  under  that  patent,  involving,  it  would 
seem,  both  Gorges  and  Pierce.  It  has  been  already  pointed  out 
that  Pierce  was  apparently  in  no  way  an  essential  cooperator,  and, 
aside  from  the  possible  existence  of  such  a  suspicion,  there  is  no 
evidence  that  he  was. 

2.  Arber,  The  Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers.,  p.  259  ;  Young,  Chroni- 
cles of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  1 14. 

3.  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  his  Province  of  Maine,  p.   121. 

4.  Baxter  {op.  cit.  p.  113)-     The  italics  are  the  author's. 


2Bagtfc 
Duplicity 


Stealing  tlje 

pilgrim 

Colony 


ii8 


^traling  t^t 

pilgrim 

Colony 


T/)e  May-Flower  ^  //er  Log 


had  indeed  "  favored  their  settlement,"  by  all  the  craft  of 
which  he  was  master,  and  greeted  their  expected  and  duly 
arranged  advent  with  all  the  jubilant  open-handedness  with 
which  the  hunter  treats  the  wild  horse  he  has  entrapped,  and 
hopes  to  domesticate  and  turn  to  account. 

Everything  favored  the  conspirators.  The  deflection  north- 
ward from  the  normal  course  of  the  ship  as  she  approached 
the  coast,  bound  for  the  latitude  of  the  Hudson,  required 
only  to  be  so  trifling  that  the  best  sailor  of  the  Pilgrim  lead- 
ers would  not  be  likely  to  note  or  criticise  it,  and  it  was  by 
no  means  uncommon  to  make  Cape  Cod  as  the  first  landfall 
on  Virginia  voyages.  The  lateness  of  the  arrival  on  the  coast, 
and  the  difficulties  ever  attendant  on  doubling  Cape  Cod, 
properly  turned  to  account,  would  increase  the  anxiety  for 
almost  any  landing-place,  and  render  it  easy  to  retain  the 
sea-worn  colonists  when  once  on  shore.  The  grand  advan- 
tage, however,  over  and  above  all  else,  was  the  entire  ease 
and  certainty  with  which  the  cooperation  of  the  one  man 
essential  to  the  success  of  the  undertaking  could  be  secured, 
without  need  of  the  privity  of  any  other,  viz.  the  Master  of 
the  May-Flower,  Captain  Thomas  Jones. 

Let  us  see  upon  what  the  assumption  of  this  ready  and 
certain  accord  on  the  part  of  Captain  Jones  rests.  Rev.  Dr. 
Neill,  whose  thorough  study  of  the  records  of  the  Virginia 
Companies,  and  of  the  East  India  Company  Calendars  and 
collateral  data,  entitles  him  to  speak  with  authority,  recites 
that,  "In  1617,  Capt.  Thomas  Jones  (sometimes  spelled 
Joanes)  had  been  sent  to  the  East  Indies  in  command  of  the 
ship  Lion  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick  (then  Sir  Robt.  Rich), 
under  a  letter  of  protection  from  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  a  for- 
eign prince,  ostensibly  '  to  take  pirates,'  which  [pretext]  had 
grown,  as  Sir  Thomas  Roe  (the  English  ambassador  with  the 
Great  Mogul)  states,  '  to  be  a  common  pretence  for  becom- 
ing pirate.' "  Caught  by  the  famous  Captain  Martin  Pring, 
in  full  pursuit  of  the  junk  of  the  Queen  Mother  of  the 
Great  Mogul,  Jones  was  attacked,  his  ship  fired  in  the  fight, 
and  burned,  —  with  some  of  his  crew,  —  and  he  was  sent  a 
prisoner  to  England  in  the  ship  Bull,  arriving  in  the  Thames, 
January  1,  1618/19.     No  action  seems  to  have  been  taken 


Officers  and  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


against  him  for  his  offences,  and  presumably  his  employer. 
Sir  Robert,  the  coming  Earl,  obtained  his  liberty  on  one 
pretext  or  another.  On  January  1 9,  however,  complaint  was 
made  against  Captain  Jones,  "  late  of  the  Lion,"  by  the  East 
India  Company,  "  for  hiring  divers  men  to  serve  the  King  of 
Denmark  in  the  East  Indies."  A  few  days  after  his  arrest  for 
"  hiring  away  the  Company's  men.  Lord  Warwick  got  him 
off,"  on  the  claim  that  he  had  employed  him  "  to  go  to  Vir- 
ginia with  cattle."  From  the  "  Transactions  "  of  the  Second 
Virginia  Company,  of  which  —  as  we  have  seen  —  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando  Gorges  was  the  leading  spirit,  it  appears  that  on  "  Feb- 
ruary 2,  1619/20,  a  commission  was  allowed  Captain  'Thomas 
Jones  of  the  Falcon,  a  ship  of  150  tons  "  [he  having  been 
lately  released  from  arrest  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick's  interces- 
sion], and  that  "before  the  close  of  the  month,  he  sailed  with 
cattle  for  Virginia,"  as  previously  noted.  Dr.  Neill,  than 
whom  there  can  be  no  better  authority,  was  himself  satisfied, 
and  unequivocally  states,  that  "  Thomas  Jones,  Captain  of 
the  May-Flower,  was  without  doubt  the  old  servant  of  Lord 
Warwick  in  the  East  Indies."  Having  done  Sir  Robert 
Rich's  (the  Earl  of  Warwick's)  "  dirty  work  "  for  years,  and 
having  on  all  occasions  been  saved  from  harm  by  his  noble 
patron  (even  when  piracy  and  similar  practices  had  involved 
him  in  the  meshes  of  the  law),  it  would  be  but  a  trifling 
matter,  at  the  request  of  such  powerful  friends  as  the  E^rl  and 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  to  steal  the  Pilgrim  Colony  from  the 
London  Virginia  Company,  and  hand  it  over  bodily  to  the 
"Council  for  New  England,"  —  the  successor  of  the  Second 
(Plymouth)  Virginia  Company,  —  in  which  their  interests 
were  vested,  Warwick  having,  significantly,  transferred  his 
membership  from  the  London  Company  to  the  new  "  Coun- 
cil for  New  England,"  as  it  was  commonly  called.  Neill 
states,  and  there  is  abundant  proof,  that  "  the  Earl  of  Warwick 
and  Gorges  were  in  sympathy,"  and  were  active  coadjutors, 
while  it  is  self-evident  that  both  would  be  anxious  to  accom- 
plish the  permanent  settlement  of  the  "Northern  Plantations  " 
held  by  their  Company.  That  they  would  hesitate  to  utilize 
so  excellent  an  opportunity  to  secure  so  very  desirable  a 
colony,  by  any  means  available,  our  knowledge  of  the  men 


119 


2©astcr 
©upUcitp 


S>tcaUng  ttje 

pilgrim 

Colonp 


I20 


The  May- Flower  $^  Her  Log 


apagter 
ilonf0'fl; 


Stealing  rtje 

pilgrim 

Colony 


and  their  records  makes  it  impossible  to  believe,  —  while 
nothing  could  apparently  have  been  easier  of  accomplishment. 

It  will  readily  be  understood  that  if  the  conspirators  were 
these  men,  —  upon  whose  grace  the  Pilgrims  must  depend  for 
permission  to  remain  upon  the  territory  to  which  they  had 
been  inveigled,  or  even  for  permission  to  depart  from  it, 
without  spoliation,  —  men  whose  influence  with  the  King  (no 
friend  to  the  Pilgrims)  was  sufficient  to  make  both  of  them, 
in  the  very  month  of  the  Pilgrims'  landing,  "  governors  " 
of  "  The  Council  for  New  England,"  under  whose  authority 
the  Planters  must  remain,  —  the  latter  were  not  likely  to  voice 
their  suspicions  of  the  trick  played  upon  them,  if  they  dis- 
covered it,  or  openly  to  resent  it,  when  known. 

Dr.  Dexter,^  in  commenting  on  the  remark  of  Bradford, 
"  We  made  Master  Jones  our  leader,  for  we  thought  it  best 
herein  to  gratifie  his  kindness  *&  forwardness,"  sensibly  says, 
"  This  proves  nothing  either  way,  in  regard  to  the  charge 
which  Secretary  Morton  makes  of  treachery  against  Jones, 
in  landing  the  company  so  far  north,  because,  if  that  were 
true,  it  was  not  known  to  any  of  the  company  for  years 
afterward,  and  of  course  could  not  now  [at  that  time]  impair 
their  feelings  of  confidence  in,  or  kindness  towards,  him." 
Moreover,  the  phraseology,  "  we  thought  it  best  to  gratifie," 
suggests  rather  considerations  of  policy  than  cordial  desire, 
and  their  acquaintance,  too,  with  the  man  was  still  young. 
There  is,  however,  no  evidence  that  Jones's  duplicity  was 
suspected  till  long  afterward,*  though  his  character  was  fully 
recognized.  Gorges  himself  furnishes,  in  his  writings,  the 
strongest  confirmation  we  have  of  the  already  apparent  fact, 
that  he  was  himself  the  prime  conspirator.  He  says,  in  his 
own  "  Narration,"  "  It  was  referred  [evidently  by  himself] 
to  their  [the   London   Virginia   Company's]   consideration, 


1.  Mourfs  Relation^  Dexter's  ed.  p.  28,  note. 

2.  Goodwin  (Pilgrim  Republic^  p.  1 00)  says  of  the  Pilgrims'  explo- 
ration, December  29,  toward  the  present  site  of  Kingston,  Massa- 
chusetts, "  They  sailed  three  miles  up  a  river  and  found  they  had 
only  gained  half  a  mile.  With  unthought  of  humor  and  still  more 
unintentional  satire,  they  named  this  crooked  stream  Jones  River 
for  their  captain,  whose  knavery  was  unsuspected."    (Italics  the  author's.) 


Officers  and  Crew  of  the  M.ky-V'lowek 


121 


how  necessary  it  was  tliat  means  might  be  used  to  draw 
unto  those  their  enterprises,  some  of  those  families  that  had 
retired  themselves  into  Holland  for  scruple  of  conscience, 
giving  them  such  freedom  and  liberty  as  might  stand  with 
their  liking."  When  have  we  ever  found  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  thus  solicitous  for  the  success  of  the  rival  Virginia 
Company  ?  Why,  if  he  so  esteemed  the  Leyden  people 
as  excellent  colonists,  did  he  not  endeavor  to  secure  them 
himself  directly,  for  his  own  languishing  company  ?  Cer- 
tainly the  "  scruple  of  conscience  "  of  the  Leyden  brethren 
did  not  hinder  him,  for  he  found  it  no  bar,  though  of  the 
Established  Church  himself,  to  giving  them  instantly  all 
and  more  than  was  asked  in  their  behalf,  as  soon  as  he  had 
them  upon  his  territory  and  they  had  applied  for  a  patent. 
He  well  knew  that  it  would  be  matter  of  some  expense  and 
difficulty  to  bring  the  Leyden  congregation  into  agreement 
to  go  to  either  of  the  Virginia  grants,  and  he  doubtless, 
and  with  good  reason,  feared  that  his  repute  and  the  char- 
acter and  reputation  of  his  own  Company,  with  its  past 
history  of  failure,  convict  settlers,  and  loose  living,  would 
be  repellent  to  these  people  of  "  conscience."  If  they  coukl 
be  brought  to  the  "  going-point,"  by  men  more  of  their  ilk, 
like  Sir  Edwin  Sandys,  Weston,  and  others,  it  would  then 
be  time  to  see  if  he  could  not  pluck  the  ripe  fruit  for  himself, 
— as  he  seems  to  have  done. 

"  This  advice,"  he  says,  "  being  hearkened  unto,  there  were 
[those]  that  undertook  the  putting  it  in  practice  [Weston 
and  others]  and  it  was  accordingly  brought  to  effect,"  etc. 
Then,  reciting  (erroneously)  the  difficulties  with  the  Speed- 
well, etc.,  he  records  the  May-Flower's  arrival  at  Cape 
Cod,  saying,  "  The  .  .  .  ship  with  great  difficulty  reached  the 
coast  of  New  England."  He  then  gives  a  glowing,  though 
absurd,  account  of  the  attractions  the  planters  found  —  in 
midwinter  —  especially  naming  the  hospitable  reception  of 
the  Indians,  despite  the  fact  of  the  savage  attack  made  upon 
them  by  the  Nausets  at  Cape  Cod,  and  adds :  "  After  they 
had  well  considered  the  state  of  their  affairs  and  found  that 
the  authority  they  had  from  the  London  Company  of  Virginia, 
could  not  warrant  their  abode   in  that  place,"  which  "they 


spastcr 
SDupUcit^ 


S>tfaUng  tlje 

pilgrim 

Colony 


122 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


apastcr 

31one0'0 

SDupUcit^ 


found  so  prosperous  and  pleasing  \sic\  they  hastened  away 
their  ship,  with  orders  to  their  Solicitor  to  deal  with  me  to  be 
a  means  they  might  have  a  grant  from  the  Council  of  New 
England  Affairs,  to  settle  in  the  place,  which  was  accordingly 
performed  to  their  particular  satisfaction  and  good  content 
of  them  all." 

One  can  readily  imagine  the  crafty  smile  with  which  Sir 
Ferdinando  thus  guilelessly  recorded  the  complete  success 
of  his  plot.  It  is  of  interest  to  note  how  like  a  needle  to  the 
pole  the  grand  conspirator's  mind  flies  to  the  fact  which  most 
appeals  to  him  —  that  they  find  "  that  the  authority  they 
had  .  .  .  could  not  warrant  their  abode  in  that  place."  It 
is  of  like  interest  to  observe  that  in  that  place  which  he 
called  "  pleasant  and  prosperous  "  one  half  their  own  and  of 
the  ship's  company  had  died  before  they  hastened  the  ship 
away,  and  they  had  endured  trial,  hardships,  and  sorrows 
untellable,  —  although  from  pluck  and  principle  they  would 
not  abandon  it.  He  tells  us  "  they  hastened  away  their 
ship,"  and  implies  that  it  was  for  the  chief  purpose  of  obtain- 
ing through  him  a  grant  of  the  land  they  occupied.  While 
we  know  that  the  ship  did  not  return  till  the  following 
April,  —  and  then  at  her  Captain's  rather  than  the  Pilgrims' 
pleasure,  —  it  is  evident  that  Gorges  could  think  of  events 
only  as  incident  to  his  designs  and  from  his  point  of  view. 
His  plot  had  succeeded.  He  had  the  "  Holland  families  " 
upon  his  soil,  and  his  willing  imagination  converted  their 
sober  and  deliberate  action  into  the  eager  haste  with  which 
he  had  planned  that  they  should  fly  to  him  for  the  patent, 
which  his  cunning  had  —  as  he  purposed  —  rendered  neces- 
sary. Of  course  their  request  "  was  performed,"  and  so 
readily  and  delightedly  that,  recognizing  John  Pierce  as 
their  mouthpiece  and  the  plantation  as  "  Mr.  Pierce's  Plan- 
tation," Sir  Ferdinando  and  his  associates  —  the  "Council  for 
New  England,"  including  his  joint-conspirator,  the  Earl  of 
Warwick  —  gave  Pierce  unhesitatingly  whatever  he  asked. 

The  Hon.  William  T.  Davis,  who  alone  among  Pilgrim 
historians  (except  Dr.  Neill,  whom  he  follows)  seems  to 
have  suspected  the  hand  of  Gorges  in  the  treachery  of  Cap- 
tain Jones,  here  demonstrated,  has  suggested  that :  "  Whether 


S>tfaUng  tfje 

IDilgrim 

CoUmp 


Ojfficersand  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


123 


Gorges  might  not  have  influenced  Pierce,  in  whose  name 
the  patent  of  the  Pilgrims  had  been  issued  —  and  whether 
both  together  might  not  have  seduced  Capt.  Jones^  are 
further  considerations  to  be  weighed,  in  solving  the  problem 
of  a  deviation  from  the  intended  voyage  of  the  May- 
Flower.""  Although  not  aware  of  these  suggestions,  either 
of  Mr.  Davis  or  of  Dr.  Neill,  till  his  own  labors  had  satisfied 
him  of  Gorges's  guilt,  and  his  conclusions  were  formed,  the 
author  cheerfully  recognizes  the  priority  to  his  own  demon- 
stration, of  the  suggestions  of  both  these  gentlemen.  No- 
thing appears  of  record,  however,  to  indicate  that  John  Pierce 
was  in  any  way  a  party  to  Gorges's  plot.  On  the  contrary, 
as  his  interest  was  wholly  allied  to  his  patent,  which 
Gorges's  scheme  would  render  of  little  value  to  his  associate 
Adventurers  and  himself,  he  would  naturally  have  been, 
unless  heavily  bribed  to  duplicity  beyond  his  expectations 
from  their  intended  venture,  the  last  man  to  whom  to  dis- 
close such  a  conspiracy.  Neither  was  he  necessary  in  any 
way  to  the  success  of  the  scheme.  He  did  not  hire  either 
the  ship  or  her  master ;  he  does  not  appear  to  have  had  any 
relations  to  Captain  Jones,  and  certainly  could  have  had  no 
such  influence  with  him  as  Gorges  could  himself  command, 
through  Warwick  and  his  own  ability  —  from  his  position 
at  the  head  of  the  "  New  England  Council "  —  to  reward  the 
service  he  required.  That  Gorges  was  able  himself  to  exert 
all  the  influence  requisite  to  secure  Jones's  cooperation,  with- 
out the  aid  of  Pierce,  who  probably  could  have  given  none, 
is  evident.  Mr.  Davis's  suggestion,  while  pertinent  and  po- 
tential as  to  Gorges,  is  clearly  wide  of  the  mark  as  to  Pierce. 
He  represented  the  Adventurers  in  the  matter  of  patents 
only,  but  Weston  was  in  authority  as  to  the  pivotal  matter 
of  shipping.  An  evidently  hasty  footnote  of  Dr.  Neill, 
appended  to  the  "  Memorial "  offered  by  him  to  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States,  in  1868,  seems  to  have  been  the  only 
authority  of  Mr.  William  T.  Davis  for  the  foregoing  sug- 
gestion as  to  the  complicity  of  Pierce  in  the  treachery  of 


1.  Italics  the  author's. 

2.  yinclent  Landmarks  of  Plymouth,  p.  37. 


31oneg'0 


Stealing  tl)e 

pilgrim 

Colony 


124 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


spagttr 


31ol)n  pifrtr 
attempts  to 
gtral  tljc 
Colony 


Captain  Jones,  except  the  bare  suspicion,  already  alluded  to, 
in  the  records  of  the  London  Company.  Neill  says :  "  Cap- 
tain Jones,  the  navigator  of  the  May-Flower,  and  John 
Pierce,  probably  had  arranged  as  to  destination  without  the 
knowledge  of  the  passengers."  While  of  course  this  is  not  im- 
possible, there  is,  as  stated,  absolutely  nothing  to  indicate  any 
knowledge,  participation,  or  need  of  Pierce  in  the  matter, 
and  of  course  the  fewer  there  were  in  the  secret  the  better. 

Unobservant  that  John  Pierce  was  acting  upon  the  old 
adage,  "  second  thief  best  owner,"  when  he  asked,  a  little 
later,  even  so  extraordinary  a  thing  as  that  the  "  Council  for 
New  England "  would  exchange  the  patent  they  had  so 
promptly  granted  him  (as  representing  his  associates,  the  Ad- 
venturers and  Planters)  for  a  "  deed-pole,"  or  title  in  fee,  to 
himself  alone,  they  instantly  complied,  and  thus  unwittingly 
enabled  him  also  to  steal  the  colony,  and  its  demesne  beside. 

It  is  evident,  from  the  very  servile  letter  of  Robert  Cush- 
man  to  John  Pierce  (written  while  the  former  was  at  New 
Plymouth,  in  November-December,  1621,  on  behalf  of  the 
May-Flower  Adventurers),  that  up  to  that  time  at  least,  the 
Pilgrims  had  no  suspicion  of  the  trick  which  had  been 
played  upon  them.  For,  while  too  adroit  recklessly  to  open 
a  quarrel  with  those  who  could  —  if  they  chose  —  destroy 
them,  the  Pilgrims  were  far  too  high-minded  to  stoop  to 
flattery  and  dissimulation  (especially  with  any  one  known  to 
have  been  guilty  of  treachery  toward  them),  or  to  permit  any 
one  to  do  so  in  their  stead.  In  the  letter  referred  to,  Cush- 
man  acknowledges  in  the  name  of  the  colonists  the  "  bounty 
and  grace  of  the  President  and  Council  of  the  Affairs  of  New 
England  [Gorges,  Warwick,  et  als7\  for  their  allowance  and 
approbation  "  of  the  "  free  possession  and  enjoyment "  of  the 
territory  and  rights  so  promptly  granted  Pierce  by  the  Coun- 
cil, in  the  colonists'  interest,  upon  application.  If  the  degree 
of  promptness  with  which  the  wily  Gorges  and  his  associates 
granted  the  petition  of  Pierce,  in  the  colony's  behalf  for 
authority  to  occupy  the  domain  to  which  Gorges's  henchman 
Jones  had  so  treacherously  conveyed  them,  was  at  all  pro- 
portionate to  the  fulsome  and  lavish  acknowledgments  of 
Cushman,  there  must  have  been  such  eagerness  of  compli- 


Officers  and  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


ance  as  to  provoke  general  suspicion  at  the  Council  tabic. 
Gorges  and  Warwick  must  have  "  grinned  horribly  behind 
their  hands"  upon  receipt  of  the  honest  tlmnks  of  these 
honest  planters  and  the  pious  benedictions  of  their  scribe, 
knowing  themselves  guilty  of  detestable  conspiracy  and 
fraud,  which  had  frustrated  an  honest  purpose,  filched  the 
results  of  others'  labors,  and  had  "  done  to  death  "  good  men 
and  women  not  a  few. 

Winslow,  in  "  Hypocrisie  Unmasked,"  says :  "  We  met 
with  many  dangers  and  the  mariners  *  put  back  into  the  har- 
bor of  the  Cape."  The  original  intent  of  the  Pilgrims  to  go 
to  the  neighborhood  of  the  Hudson  is  unmistakable ;  that 
this  intention  was  still  clear  on  the  morning  of  November 
lo  {not  gth)  — after  they  had  "  made  the  land  "  —  has  been 
plainly  shown ;  that  there  was  no  need  of  so  "  standing  in 
with  the  land  "  as  to  become  entangled  in  the  "  rips  "  and 
"  shoals  "  off  what  is  now  known  as  Monomoy  (in  an  effort 
to  pass  around  the  Cape  to  the  southward,  when  there  was 
plenty  of  open  water  to  port),  is  clear  and  certain ;  that  the 
dangers  and  difficulties  were  magnified  by  Jones,  and  the 
abandonment  of  the  effort  was  urged  and  practically  made  by 
him,  is  also  evident  from  Winslow's  language  above  noted, 
—  "  and  the  mariners  put  back,"  etc.  No  indication  of  the 
old-time  consultations  with  the  chief  men  appears  here  as  to 
the  matter  of  the  return.  Their  advice  was  not  desired. 
"  The  mariners  put  back  "  on  their  own  responsibility. 

Goodwin  forcibly  remarks,  "  These  waters  had  been  navi- 
gated by  Gosnold,  Smith,  and  various  English  and  French 
explorers,  whose  descriptions  and  charts  must  have  been 
familiar  to  a  veteran  master  like  Jones.  He  doubtless  mag- 
nified the  danger  of  the  passage  [of  the  shoals],  and  managed 
to  have  only  such  efforts  made  as  were  sure  to  fail.  Ot  course 
he  knew  that  by  standing  well  out,  and  then  southward  in 
the  clear  sea,  he  would  be  able  to  bear  up  for  the  Hudson. 
His  professed  inability  to  devise  any  way  for  getting  south 
of  the  Cape  is  strong  proof  of  guilt."  ^ 


125 


1.  Italics  the  author's. 

2.  Goodwin,  Pilgrim  Republic^  p.  61. 


spasttr 
31onf0'£( 


I  26 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


illoncs'g 
EDtiplicit^ 


Con0pira£? 


The  sequential  acts  of  the  Gorges  conspiracy  were  doubt- 
less practically  as  follows  :  — 

(a)  The  Leyden  leaders  applied  to  the  States  General  of 
Holland,  through  the  New  Netherland  Company,  for  their 
aid  and  protection  in  locating  at  the  mouth  of  "  Hudson's 
River ;  " 

(b)  Sir  Dudley  Carleton,  the  English  ambassador  at  the 
Hague,  doubtless  promptly  reported  these  negotiations  to 
the  King,  through  Sir  Robert  Naunton; 

(c)  The  King,  naturally  enough,  probably  mentioned  the 
matter  to  his  intimate  and  favorite,  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges, 
the  leading  man  in  American  colonization  matters  in  the 
kingdom ; 

(d)  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  recognizing  the  value  of  such 
colonists  as  the  Leyden  congregation  would  make,  anxious 
to  secure  them,  instead  of  permitting  the  Dutch  to  do  so, 
and  knowing  that  he  and  his  Company  would  be  obnoxious 
to  the  Leyden  leaders,  suggested,  as  he  admits,  to  Weston, 
perhaps  to  Sandys,  as  the  Leyden  brethren's  friends,  that 
they  ought  to  secure  them  as  colonists  for  their  (London) 
Company ; 

(e)  Weston  was  dispatched  to  Holland  to  urge  the  Ley- 
den leaders  to  drop  the  Dutch  negotiations,  come  under 
English  auspices,  which  he  guaranteed,  and  they,  placing 
faith  in  him,  and  possibly  in  Sandys's  assurances  of  his  (Lon- 
don) Virginia  Company's  favor,  were  led  to  put  themselves 
completely  into  the  hands  of  Weston  and  the  Merchant 
Adventurers ;  the  Wincob  patent  was  cancelled  and  Pierce's 
substituted ; 

(f )  Weston,  failing  to  lead  them  to  Gorges's  company, 
was  next  deputed,  perhaps  by  Gorges's  secret  aid,  to  act  with 
full  powers  for  the  Adventurers,  in  securing  shipping,  etc. ; 

(g)  Having  made  sure  of  the  Leyden  party,  and  being 
in  charge  of  the  shipping,  Weston  was  practically  master  of 
the  situation.  He  and  Cushman,  who  was  clearly  entirely 
innocent  of  the  conspiracy,  had  the  hiring  of  the  ship  and 
of  her  officers,  and  at  this  point  he  and  his  acts  were  of  vital 
importance  to  Gorges's  plans.  To  bring  the  plot  to  a  suc- 
cessful issue  it  remained  only   to  effect  the  landing  of  the 


Officers  and  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


1 27 


colony  upon  territory  north  of  the  41st  parallel  of  north  lati- 
tude, to  take  it  out  of  the  London  Company's  jurisdiction, 
and  to  do  this  it  was  only  necessary  to  make  Jones  Master 
of  the  ship  and  to  instruct  him  accordingly.  This,  with  so 
willing  a  servant  of  his  masters,  was  a  matter  of  minutes 
only,  the  instructions  were  evidently  given,  and  the  success 
of  the  plot  —  the  theft  of  the  May-Flower  colony  —  was 
assured. 

To  a  careful  and  candid  student  of  all  the  facts,  the  proofs 
are  seemingly  unmistakable,  and  the  conclusion  is  unavoid- 
able, that  the  May-Flower  Pilgrims  were  designedly  brought 
to  Cape  Cod  by  Captain  Jones,  and  their  landing  in  that 
latitude  was  effected,  in  pursuance  of  a  conspiracy  entered 
into  by  him,  not  with  the  Butch,  but  with  certain  of  the 
nobility  of  England;  not  with  the  purpose  of  keeping  the 
planters  out  of  Dutch  territory,  but  with  the  deliberate  intent 
of  stealing  the  colony  from  the  London  Virginia  Company, 
under  whose  auspices  it  had  organized  and  set  sail,  in  the 
interest,  and  to  the  advantage,  of  its  rival  Company  ot  the 
"  Northern  Plantations." 

It  is  noteworthy  that  Jones  did  not  command  the  May- 
Flower  for  another  voyage,  and  never  sailed  afterward  in 
the  employ  of  Thomas  GofFe,  Esq.,  or  (so  far  as  appears)  of 
any  reputable  shipowner.  Weston  was  not  such,  nor  were 
the  chiefs  of  the  "  Council  for  New  England,"  in  whose  em- 
ploy he  remained  till  his  death. 

The  records  of  the  Court  of  the  "Council"  show,  that  "as 
soon  as  it  would  do,"  and  when  his  absence  would  tend  to 
lull  suspicion  as  to  the  parts  played.  Captain  Jones's  noble 
patrons  took  steps  to  secure  for  him  due  recognition  and 
compensation  for  his  services,  from  the  parties  who  were 
to  benefit  directly,  with  themselves,  by  his  knavery.  The 
records  read :  — 

"July  17,  1622.  A  motion  was  made  in  the  behaffe  of 
Captaine  'Thomas  Jones,  Captaine  of  the  Discovery,  nowe 
employed  in  Virginia  for  trade  and  fishinge  [it  proved,  ap- 
parently, rather  to  be  piracy,  see  page  101],  that  he  may  be 
admitted  a  ffreeman  in  this  Companie  in  reward  of  the  good 
service  he  hath  there  [Virginia  in  general]  performed.     The 


S6as(tcr 

31onc0'fl 

EDupUcit^ 


128 


'The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


^Raster 
Jlonfg'g 


Court  liked  well  of  the  motion  and  condiscended  thereunto."  ^ 
The  Discovery  left  London  at  the  close  of  November, 
1621.  She  arrived  at  Jamestown,  Virginia,  in  April,  1622. 
She  reached  Plymouth,  New  England,  in  August,  1622. 
Her  outward  voyage  was  not,  so  far  as  can  be  learned,  event- 
ful, or  entitled  to  especial  consideration  or  recognition,  and 
the  good  store  of  English  trading-goods  she  still  had  on 
hand  —  as  Governor  Bradford  notices  —  on  her  arrival  at 
Plymouth  indicates  no  notable  success  up  to  that  time,  in 
the  way  of  a  trading-voyage,  while  "  fishing "  is  not  men- 
tioned. For  piracy,  in  which  she  was  later  more  successful, 
she  had  then  had  neither  time  nor  opportunity.  The  con- 
clusion is  irresistible,  that  "  the  good  service  "  recognized  by 
the  vote  recorded  was  of  the  past  (he  had  sailed  only  the 
May-Flower  voyage  for  the  "Council"  before),  and  that 
this  recognition  was  a  part  of  the  compensation  previously 
agreed  upon,  if,  in  the  matter  of  the  May-Flower  voyage. 
Captain  Jones  did  as  he  was  bidden. 

Thus  much  of  the  crafty  Master  of  the  May-Flower,  Cap- 
tain Thomas  Jones,  —  his  Christian  name  and  identity  both 
apparently  beyond  dispute,  —  whom  we  first  know  in  the  full 
tide  of  his  piratical  career,  in  the  corsair  Lion  in  Eastern  seas ; 
whom  we  next  find  as  a  prisoner  in  London  for  his  miscon- 
duct in  the  East,  but  soon  Master  of  the  cattle-ship  Falcon 
on  her  Virginia  voyage ;  whom  we  greet  next  —  and  best  — 
as  Admiral  of  the  Pilgrim  fleet,  commander  of  the  destiny- 
freighted  May-Flower,  and  though  a  conspirator  with  nobles 
against  the  devoted  band  he  steered,  under  the  overruling 
hand  of  their  Lord  God,  their  unwitting  pilot  to  "imperial 
labors  "  and  mighty  honors,  to  the  founding  of  empire,  and 
to  eternal  Peace ;  whom  we  next  meet  —  fallen,  "  like  Lucifer, 
never  to  hope  again" — as  Captain  of  the  little  buccaneer, 
the  Discovery,  disguised  as  a  trading-ship,  on  the  Virginian 
and  New  England  coasts ;  and  lastly,  in  charge  of  his  leaking 
prize,  a  Spanish  frigate  in  West  Indian  waters,  making  his 
way  —  death-stricken  —  into  the  Virginia  port  of  Jamestown, 


I.  Neill,  History  of  the  Virginia  Company^  p.   316,  Extract  from 
Transactions. 


Officers  and  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


1 29 


where  (July,  1625),  he  "  cast  anchor  "  for  the  last  time,  dying, 
as  we  first  found  him,  a  pirate,  to  whom  it  had  meantime 
been  given  to  "  minister  unto  saints." 

Of  John  Clarke,  the  first  mate  of  the  May-Flower,  we  have 
already  learned  that  he  had  been  in  the  employ  of  the  First 
(or  London)  Virginia  Company,  and  had  but  just  returned 
(in  June,  1620)  from  a  voyage  to  Virginia  with  Captain 
Jones  in  the  Falcon  (see  page  100),  when  found  and  em- 
ployed by  Weston  and  Cushman  for  the  Pilgrim  ship.  Dr. 
Neill  quotes  from  the  "  Minutes  of  the  London  Virginia 
Company,"'  of  Wednesday,  February  13/23,  1621/2,  the 
following,  which  embodies  considerable  information  concern- 
ing him :  — 

"February  13th,  1621.  Master  Deputy  acquainted  the 
Court,  that  one  Master  John  Clarke  being  taken  from  Vir- 
ginia long  since  [Arber  interpolates,  "in  1612"]  by  a  Spanish 
ship  that  came  to  discover  the  Plantation,  that  forasmuch  as' 
he  hath  since  that  time  done  the  Company  [presumably  the 
First  (or  London)  Virginia  Company]  good  service  in  many 
voyages""  to  Virginia;  and,  of  late  [1619]  went  into  Ireland, 
for  the  transportation  of  cattle  to  Virginia;  he  was  a  humble 
suitor  to  this  Court  that  he  might  be  a  Free  brother  of  the  Com- 
pany, and  have  some  shares  of  land  bestowed  upon  him." 

From  the  foregoing  he  seems  to  have  begun  his  American 
experiences  as  early  as  1612,  and  to  have  frequently  repeated 
them.  That  he  was  at  once  hired  by  Weston  and  Cushman 
as  a  valuable  man,  as  soon  as  found,  was  not  strange. 

He  seems  to  have  had  the  ability  to  impress  men  favor- 
ably and  secure  tlieir  confidence,  and  to  have  been  a  modest 
and  reliable  man.  Although  of  both  experience  and  capa- 
city, he  continued  an  under-officer  for  some  years  after  the 
Pilgrim  voyage,  when,  it  is  fair  to  suppose,  he  might  have 
had  command  of  a  ship.  He  seems  to  have  lacked  confi- 
dence in  himself,  or  else  the  breadth  of  education  necessary 
to  make  him  trust  his  ability  as  a  navigator. 


1.  MS.  Records.,  London  Virginia  Company,  2  vols.,  in  possession  of 
United  States  Government  (National  Library),  Washington,  D.  C. 

2.  Italics  the  author's. 


2DI)c  SBatfs;— 
31ol)n  Clarfee 


I30 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


2Dlje  Spates  — 
illoljn  Clatbf 


He  is  not  mentioned,  in  connection  with  the  affairs  of 
the  Pilgrims,  after  he  was  hired  as  "  pilot,"  —  on  Saturday 
afternoon  the  loth  of  June,  1620,  at  London,  —  until  after 
the  arrival  at  Cape  Cod,  and  evidently  was  steadily  occupied 
during  all  the  experience  of  "getting  away"  and  of  the 
voyage,  in  the  faithful  performance  of  his  duty  as  first  mate 
(or  "  pilot ")  of  the  May-Flower.  It  was  not  until  the  "  third 
party  "  of  exploration  from  Cape  Cod  harbor  was  organized 
and  set  out,  on  Wednesday,  December  6,  that  he  appeared 
as  one  of  the  company  who  put  out  in  the  shallop,  to  seek 
the  harbor  which  had  been  commended  by  Coppin,  "  the 
second  mate."  On  this  eventful  voyage  —  when  the  party 
narrowly  escaped  shipwreck  at  the  mouth  of  Plymouth  har- 
bor —  they  found  shelter  under  the  lee  of  an  island,  which 
(it  being  claimed  traditionally  that  he  was  first  to  land  there- 
on) was  called,  in  his  honor,  "  Clarke's  Island,"  which  name 
it  retains  to  this  day.  No  other  mention  of  him  is  made  by 
name,  in  the  affairs  of  ship  or  shore,  though  it  is  known  infer- 
entially  that  he  survived  the  general  illness  which  attacked 
and  carried  off  half  of  the  ship's  company.  In  November, 
1621,  —  the  autumn  following  his  return  from  the  Pilgrim 
voyage,  —  he  seems  to  have  gone  to  Virginia^  as  "pilot" 
(or  "  mate  ")  of  the  Flying  Hart,  with  cattle  of  Daniel 
Gookin,  and  in  1623  to  have  attained  command  of  a  ship, 
the  Providence,  belonging  to  Mr.  Gookin,  on  a  voyage  to 
Virginia  where  he  arrived  April  10,  1623,  but  died  in  that 
colony  soon  after  his  arrival. 

He  seems  to  have  been  a  competent  and  faithful  man, 
who  filled  well  his  part  in  life.  He  will  always  have  honor- 
able mention  as  the  first  officer  ^  of  the  historic  May-Flower, 
and  as  sponsor  at  the  English  christening  ot  the  smiling  islet 
in  Plymouth  harbor  which  bears  his  name. 


1.  British  State  Papers,  Colonial,  vol.  ii.  April  14,  1623.  Brad- 
ford speaks  of  him  (^Mourt's  Relation,  p.  87)  as  "Mr.  [i.  e.  Mister'^ 
Mate."  He  was  undoubtedly  first  mate  or  "  pilot  "  of  the  May- 
Flower. 

2.  Dr.  Griffis,  by  accident  doubtless,  leaves  out  the  name  of  John 
Clarke  as  first  mate  of  the  May-Flower,  in  his  enumeration  of  her 
officers.      The  Pilgrims  in  their  Three  Homes,  p.  176. 


J 


Officers  and  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


131 


Of  Robert  Coppin,  the  "  second  mate  "  (or  "  pilot ")  '  of  tlie 
May-Flower,  nothing  is  known  before  his  voyage  in  the 
Pilgrim  ship,  except  that  he  seems  to  have  made  a  former 
voyage  to  the  coast  of  New  England  and  the  vicinity  of 
Cape  Cod,  though  under  what  auspices,  or  in  what  ship, 
does  not  transpire.  Bradford"  says:  "Their  Pilotte,  one  Mr. 
Coppin,  who  had  been  in  the  countrie  before."  Dr.  Young' 
suggests  that  Coppin  was  perhaps  on  the  coast  with  Smith 
or  Hunt.  Mrs.  Austin  imaginatively  makes  him,  of  "the 
whaling  bark  Scotsman  of  Glasgow,"  but  no  warrant  what- 
ever for  such  a  conception  appears. 

Dr.  Dexter,  as  elsewhere  noted,  has  said :  "  My  impression 
is  that  Coppin  was  originally  hired  to  go  in  the  Speedwell, 
.  .  .  that  he  sailed  with  them  [the  Pilgrims^  in  the  Speed- 
well, but  on  her  final  putting  back  was  transferred  to  the 
May-Flower."  As  we  have  seen  in  another  relation,*  Dr. 
Dexter  also  believed  Coppin  to  have  been  the  "  pilot "  sent 
over  by  Cushman  to  Leyden,  in  May,  1620,  and  we  have 
found  both  views  to  be  untenable.  It  was  doubtless  because 
of  this  mistaken  view  that  Dr.  Dexter  believed  that  Cop- 
pin was  "hired  to  go  in  the  Speedwell,"  and,  the  premise 
being  wrong,  the  conclusion  is  sequentially  incorrect.  But 
there  are  abundant  reasons  for  thinking  that  Dexter's  "  im- 
pression "  is  wholly  mistaken.  It  would  be  unreasonable  to 
suppose  (as  both  vessels  were  expected  to  cross  the  ocean), 
that  each  had  not  —  certainly  on  leaving  Southampton  — 
her  full  complement  of  officers.  If  so,  each  undoubtedly  had 
her  second  mate.  The  May-Flower's  officers  and  crew 
were,  as  we  know,  hired  for  the  voyage,  and  there  is  no  good 
reason  to  suppose  that  the  second  mate  of  the  May-Flower 
was  dismissed  at  Plymouth  and  Coppin  put  in  his  place 
which  would  not  be  equally  potent   for  such  an  exchange 


1.  Bradford  and  Winslow,  the  undoubted  authors  of  Mourt's 
Relation,  and  unquestionable  authority,  say  :  "  Coppin  was  second 
mate  of  the  May-Flower."  Dr.  Young  so  styles  him.  See  Chroni- 
cles of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  14. 

2.  Historic,  Mass.  ed.  p.  86. 

3.  Op.  cit.  p.  159. 

4.  See  pages  16-18,  ante,  and  their  notes. 


etc  spates  ■ 

Kobcrt 

Coppin 


132 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Wc^t  spates  — 

Kobtrt 

Copptn 


between  the  first  mate  of  the  Speedwell  and  Clarke  of  the 
May-Flower.  The  assumption  presumes  too  much.  In 
fact,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  Dexter's  misconception  was 
based  upon,  and  arose  from,  the  unwarranted  impression  that 
Coppin  was  the  "  pilot "  sent  over  to  Leyden.  It  is  not 
likely  that,  when  the  Speedwell's  officers  were  so  evidently 
anxious  to  escape  the  voyage,  they  would  seek  transfer  to 
the  May-Flower. 

Charles  Deane,  the  editor  of  Bradford's  "  Historic  "  (ed. 
1865),  makes,  in  indexing,  the  clerical  error  of  referring  to 
Coppin  as  the  "  master-gunner,"  an  error  doubtless  occasioned 
by  the  fact  that  in  the  text  referred  to,  the  words,  "  two  of 
the  masters-mates.  Master  Clarke  and  Master  Coppin,  the 
master-gunner,"  etc.,  were  run  so  near  together  that  the  mis- 
take was  readily  made. 

In  "  Mourt's  Relation  "  it  appears  that  in  the  conferences 
that  were  held  aboard  the  ship  in  Cape  Cod  harbor,  as  to  the 
most  desirable  place  for  the  colonists  to  locate,  "Robert 
Coppin  our  pilot,  made  relation  of  a  great  navigable  river 
and  great  harbor  in  the  headland  of  the  Bay,  almost  right 
over  against  Cape  Cod,  being  a  right  line  not  much  above 
eight  leagues  distant,"  etc.  Mrs.  Jane  G.  Austin*  asserts, 
though  absolutely  without  warrant  of  any  reliable  authority, 
known  tradition,  of  probability,  that  "  Coppin's  harbor  .  .  . 
afterward  proved  to  be  Cut  River  and  the  site  of  Marsh- 
field,"  but  in  another  place  ^  she  contradicts  this  by  stating 
that  it  was  "  Jones  River,  Duxbury."  As  Coppin  described 
his  putative  harbor,  called  "  Thievish  Harbor,"  a  "  great 
navigable  river  and  good  harbor"  were  in  close  relation, 
which  was  never  true  of  either  the  Jones  River  or  "  Cut 
River "  localities,  while  any  one  familiar  with  the  region 
knows  that  what  Mrs.  Austin  knew  as  "  Cut  River "  had  no 
existence  in  the  Pilgrims'  early  days,  but  was  the  work  of 
man,  superseding  a  small  river-mouth  (Green  Harbor 
River),  which  was  so  shallow  as  to  have  its  exit  closed  by 
the  sand-shift  of  a  single  storm. 


1.  Standhh  of  Standish,  p.  87. 

2.  Op.  cit.  p.  57. 


Officers  and  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


133 


Young,'  witli  almost  equal  recklessness,  says :  "  The  other 
headland  of  the  bay,  alluded  to  by  Coppin,  was  Manomct 
Point,  and  the  river  was  probably  the  North  River  in  Scitu- 
ate;"  but  there  are  no  "great  navigable  river  and  good  har- 
bor" in  conjunction  in  the  neighborhood  of  Manomet,  or  of 
the  North  River,  —  the  former  having  no  river  and  tlie  latter 
no  harbor.  If  Coppin  had  not  declared  that  he  had  never 
seen  the  mouth  of  Plymouth  harbor  before  ("  mine  eyes 
never  saw  this  place  before  "),  it  might  readily  have  been 
believed  that  Plymouth  harbor  was  the  "  Thievish  Harbor  " 
of  his  description,  so  well  do  they  correspond. 

Goodwin,^  the  brother  of  Mrs.  Austin,  quite  at  variance 
with  his  sister's  conclusions,  states,  with  every  probability 
confirming  him,  that  tlie  harbor  Coppin  sought  "  may  have 
been  Boston,  Ipswich,  Newburyport,  or  Portsmouth." 

As  a  result  of  his  "  relation  "  as  to  a  desirable  harbor,  Cop- 
pin was  made  the  "  pilot "  of  the  "  third  expedition,"  which 
left  the  ship  in  the  shallop,  Wednesday,  December  6,  and, 
after  varying  disasters  and  a  narrow  escape  from  shipwreck 
—  through  Coppin's  mistake  —  landed  Friday  night  after 
dark,  in  the  storm,  on  the  island  previously  mentioned,  ever 
since  called  "  Clarke's  Island,"  at  the  moudi  of  Plymouth 
harbor. 

Nothing  further  is  known  of  Coppin  except  that  he  re- 
turned to  England  with  the  ship.  He  has  passed  into  his- 
tory only  as  Robert  Coppin,  "  the  second  mate  "  (or  "  pilot ") 
of  the  May-Flower. 

But  one  other  officer  in  merchant  ships  of  the  May-Flower 
class  in  her  day  was  dignified  by  the  address  of  "  Master  " 
(or  Mister),  or  had  rank  with  the  Captain  and  Mates  as  a 
quarter-deck  ofBcer,  —  except  in  those  instances  where  a 
surgeon  or  a  chaplain  was  carried.  That  the  May-Flower 
carried  no  special  ship's-surgeon  ^  has   been  supposed  from 


1.  Chronicles  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers^  p.   148,  note. 

2.  Pilgrim  Republic  p.  82. 

3.  The   author    is   greatly   indebted    to    his  esteemed   friend,  Mr. 
George  Ernest  Bowman,  Secretary-General  of  the  Society  of  May- 


SCIjc  spates - 

Hobcrt 

Coppin 


34 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


fl^crrtiant"  — 

t^afitcr 

Milliamson 


the  fact  of  Dr.  Fuller's  attendance  alike  on  her  passen- 
gers and  crew,  and  the  increased  mortality  of  the  seamen 
after  his  removal  on  shore.  That  she  had  no  chaplain  goes 
without  saying.  The  Pilgrims  had  their  spiritual  adviser 
with  them  in  the  person  of  Elder  Brewster,  and  were  not 
likely  to  tolerate  a  priest  of  either  the  English  or  the  Rom- 
ish church  on  a  vessel  carrying  them.  The  officer  referred 
to  was  the  representative  of  the  business  interests  of  the  owner 
or  chartering-party,  on  whose  account  the  ship  made  the 
voyage ;  and  in  that  day  was  known  as  the  "  ship's-mer- 
chant,"  later  as  the  "  purser,"  and  in  some  relations  as  the 
"  supercargo."  No  mention  of  an  officer  thus  designated, 
belonging  to  the  May-Flower,  has  ever  been  made  by  any 
writer,  so  far  as  known,  and  it  devolves  upon  the  author  to 
indicate  his  existence  and  to  establish,  so  far  as  possible,  both 
this  and  his  identity. 

A  certain   "  Master  Williamson,"  whose  name   and  pre- 


Flower  Descendants,  for  information  of  much  value  upon  this  point. 
He  believes  that  he  has  discovered  trustworthy  evidence  of  the  exist- 
ence of  a  small  volume  bearing  upon  its  title-page  an  inscription  that 
would  certainly  indicate  that  the  May-Flower  had  her  own  surgeon. 
A  copy  of  the  inscription,  which  Mr.  Bowman  declares  well  attested 
(the  book  not  being  within  reach),  reads  as  follows :  — 

"  To  Giles  Heale  Chirurgeon, 
from  Isaac  Allerton 

in  Virginia. 
Feb.  lo,  1620." 

Giles  Heale's  name  will  be  recognized  as  that  of  one  of  the  wit- 
nesses to  John  Carver's  copy  of  William  Mullens's  nuncupative  will, 
and,  if  he  was  the  ship's-surgeon,  might  very  naturally  appear  in  that 
relation.  If  book  and  inscription  exist  and  the  latter  is  genuine, 
it  would  be  indubitable  proof  that  Heale  (who  was  surely  not  a 
May-Flower  passenger)  was  one  of  the  ship's  company,  and  if  a 
"  chirurgeon,"  the  surgeon  of  the  ship,  for  no  other  Englishmen,  ex- 
cept those  of  the  colonists  and  the  ship's  company,  could  have  been 
at  New  Plymouth,  at  the  date  given,  and  New  England  was  then 
included  in  the  term  "  Virginia."  It  is  much  to  be  hoped  that  Mr. 
Bowman's  belief  may  be  established,  and  that  in  Giles  Heale  we  shall 
have  another  known  officer,  the  surgeon,  of  the  May-Flower. 


Officers  and  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


135 


sence,  though  but  once  mentioned  by  Governor  Bradtord, 
have  greatly  puzzled  Pilgrim  historians,  seems  to  have  filled 
this  berth  on  board  the  May-Flower.  Bradford  tells  us  * 
that  on  Thursday,  March  22,  1620/21,  "Master  William- 
son "  was  designated  to  accompany  Captain  Standish  —  prac- 
tically as  an  officer  of  the  guard  —  to  receive  and  escort 
the  Pokanoket  chief,  Massasoit,  to  Governor  Carver,  on 
the  occasion  of  the  former's  first  visit  of  state.  Prior  to  the 
recent  discovery  in  London,  by  an  American  genealogist," 
of  a  copy  of  the  nuncupative  wilP  of  Master  William  Mul- 
lens, one  of  the  May-Flower  Pilgrims,  clearly  dictated  to 
Governor  John  Carver  on  board  the  ship,  in  the  harbor  of 
New  Plymouth  (probably)  Wednesday,  February  21,  1620 
(though  not  written  out  by  Carver  till  April  2,  1621),  on 
which  day  (as  we  learn  from  Bradford),  Master  Mullens 
died,*  no  other  mention  of  "  Master  Williamson  "  than  that 
above  quoted  was  known,  and  his  very  existence  was  seri- 
ously questioned.  In  this  will,  as  elsewhere  noted,  "  Master 
Williamson  "  is  named  as  one  of  the  "  Overseers."  By  most 
early  writers  it  was  held  that  Bradford  had  unwittingly  sub- 
stituted the  name  "  Williamson  "  for  that  of  Allerton^  and 
this  view  —  apparently  for  no  better  reasons  than  that  both 
names  had  two  terminal  letters  in  common,  and  that  AUerton 
was  associated   next   day  with   Standish   on   some   military 


1.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  92. 

2.  Henry  F.  Waters,  Esq.,  of  Salem,  Massachusetts.  This  dis- 
covery of  Master  Mullens's  will  by  Mr.  Waters  cannot  be  too 
highly  estimated.  No  other,  except  that  of  the  long-lost  Bradford 
MS.,  has  meant  more  to  Pilgrim  history. 

3.  Copy  of  William  Mullens's  will,  Waters's  Genealogical  Glean- 
ings in  England,  Part  III.  pp.  254  et  seq. 

4.  Bradford,  Mourt's  Relation,  p.  82. 

5.  Young,  Chronicles  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  pp.  113,  174,  192; 
Arber,  The  Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  457  ;  John  Brown,  The 
Pilgrim  Fathers  of  New  England,  p.  215;  Rev.  H.  M.  Dexter, 
Mourt's  Relation,  p.  93,  note ;  Dr.  W.  E.  Griffis,  The  Pilgri?ns  in 
their  Three  Homes,  p.  205.  The  latter  assumes  peremptorily  that  it 
was  "  Allerton,"  without  even  mention  of  "  Master  Williamson," 
and  others  have  done  the  same. 


£0crcl)ant "  — 

itTOaetct 

Williamson 


136 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


apercljant"  — 

SBastrr 

MilUamdon 


duty  —  came  to  be  generally  accepted,  and  AUerton's  name 
to  be  even  frequently  substituted  without  question.' 

Miss  Marcia  A.  Thomas,  in  her  "  Memorials  of  Marsh- 
field  "  (p.  75),  says:  "In  1621,  Master  Williamson,  Captain 
Standish,  and  Edward  Winslow  made  a  journey  to  make  a 
treaty  with  Massasoit.  He  is  called  '  Master  George,'  mean- 
ing probably  Master  George  Williamson,"  etc. 

This  is  certainly  most  absurd,  and  by  one  not  familiar  with 
the  exceptional  fidelity  and  the  conscientious  work  of  Miss 
Thomas  would  rightly  be  denounced  as  reckless  and  repre- 
hensible fabrication.  Of  course  Williamson,  Standish,  and 
Winslow  made  no  such  journey,  and  made  no  treaty  with 
Massasoit,  but  aided  simply  in  conducting,  with  due  cere- 
monial, the  first  meeting  between  Governor  John  Carver 
and  the  Indian  sachem  at  Plymouth,  at  which  a  treaty  was 
concluded.  There  is  no  historical  warrant  whatever  for  the 
name  of  "George,"  as  appertaining  to  "Master  William- 
son." The  fact,  however,  —  made  known  by  the  fortunate 
discovery  mentioned,  —  that  "  Master  Williamson "  was 
named  in  his  will  by  Master  Mullens  as  one  of  its  "  Over- 
seers," and  undoubtedly  probated  the  will  in  England,  puts 
the  existence  of  such  a  person  beyond  reasonable  doubt. 
That  he  was  a  person  of  some  dignity,  and  of  very  respec- 
table position,  is  shown  by  the  facts  that  he  was  chosen  as 


I.  Dr.  Dexter  commits  himself  (not  unnaturally,  following,  as  he 
does  therein,  the  lead  of  the  earlier  writers,  and  in  view  of  the  lack 
of  more  evidence  when  he  wrote)  to  the  error  Young  and  others 
had  made,  in  concluding  that  by  "  Master  Williamson,"  Bradford,  in 
his  account  of  the  visit  of  Massasoit,  must  have  meant  Allerton  ; 
but  in  view  of  Bradford's  having  written  "  Williamson "  clearly, 
he  need  hardly  have  been  so  positive  as  he  is  (Dexter's  ed.  Mourt's 
Relation^  p.  93,  note).  He  says :  "  No  man  of  this  name  was  of  the 
party.  ...  It  is  more  likely,  as  Dr.  Young  suggests,  that  the  MS. 
read  Master  Allerton."  That  there  zvas  a  man  of  that  name,  in  just 
the  position  Bradford  assigned  to  him,  there  is  now  no  reasonable 
room  for  doubt.  When  Dr.  Dexter  wrote  his  notes  to  Mourt's  Rela- 
tion the  will  of  William  Mullens,  showing  who  Master  Williamson 
was,  had  not  been  discovered.  Dr.  Dexter  was  the  first  to  recognize 
its  indications  when  found.      (See  Appendix,  pp.  345-350.) 


Officers  and  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


137 


Standish's  associate,  as  lieutenant  ot  die  guard,  on  an  occa- 
sion of  so  much  importance,  and  was  thought  fit  by  Master 
Mullens,  a  careful  and  clear-headed  man  as  his  will  proves, 
to  be  named  an  "  Overseer "  of  that  will,  charged  with  re- 
sponsible duties  to  Mullens's  children  and  property.  It  is 
practically  certain  that  on  either  of  the  above-mentioned  dates 
(February  21,  or  March  22)  there  were  no  human  beings 
in  the  Colony  of  New  Plymouth  beside  the  passengers  of 
the  May-Flower,  her  officers  and  crew,  and  the  native  sav- 
ages. Visitors,  by  way  of  the  fishing  vessels  on  the  Maine 
coast,  had  not  yet  begun  to  come,  as  they  did  a  little  later. 
It  is  certain  that  no  one  of  the  name  of  "  Williamson  "  was 
among  the  colonist  passengers,  or  indeed  for  several  years  in 
the  colony,  and  we  may  at  once  dismiss  both  the  passengers 
and  the  savages  from  our  consideration.  This  elimination 
renders  it  inevitable  that  "  Master  Williamson  "  must  have 
been  of  the  ship's  company.  It  remains  to  determine,  if 
possible,  what  position  upon  the  May-Flower's  roster  he 
presumably  held. 

His  selection  by  "  Master "  Mullens  as  one  of  the  "  Over- 
seers" of  his  will  suggests  the  probability  that,  having 
named  Governor  Carver  ^  as  the  one  upon  whom  he  would 
rely  for  the  care  of  his  family  and  affairs  in  New  England, 
Mr.  Mullens  sought  as  the  other  a  proper  person,  soon 
to  return  to  England,  and  hence  able  to  exercise  like  per- 
sonal interest  in  his  two  children  and  his  considerable  pro- 
perty left  there.^  Such  a  suggestion  points  to  a  returning  and 
competent  officer  of  the  ship.  That  "  Master  Williamson  " 
was  above  the  grade  of  "  petty  officer,"  and  ranked  at  least 
with  the  mates  or  "  pilots,"  is  clear  from  the  fact  that  he  is 
invariably  styled  "  Master  "  (equivalent  to  Mister),  and  we 
know  with  certainty  that  he  was  neither  captain  nor  mate. 
That  he  was  a  man  of  address  and  courage  follows  the  fact 
that  he  was  chosen  by  Standish  as  his  lieutenant,  while  the 


1.  See  copy  of  Mullens's  will,  Waters's  Genealogical  Gkanings,  Part 
III.  p.  254. 

2.  Ibid.  He  left  in  England  a  daughter,  Mrs.  Sarah  Blundcll, 
who  took  letters  of  administration  there,  and  a  son,  William,  who 
later  came  to  this  country. 


3DI)c  "  &l)ip'0^ 
SBcrcljant"  — 
aaagtcr 
MtlUamson 


138 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


sprrtljant"  — 

SBastcr 

Milliamfion 


choice  in  and  ot  itselt  is  a  strong  bit  of  presumptive  proof 
that  he  held  the  position  on  the  May-Flower  to  which  he 
is  here  assigned. 

The  only  officer  commonly  carried  by  a  ship  of  the  May- 
Flower  class,  whose  rank,  capacities,  and  functions  would 
comport  with  every  fact  and  feature  of  the  case,  was  "  the 
ship's-merchant,"  her  accountant,  factor,  and  usually  — 
when  such  was  requisite  —  her  "  interpreter,"  on  every  con- 
siderable (trading)  voyage. 

It  is  altogether  probable  that  it  was  in  his  capacity  of 
"  interpreter  "  (as  Samoset  and  Tisquantum  knew  but  little 
English),  and  on  account  of  what  knowledge  of  the  Indian 
tongue  he  very  probably  possessed,  that  Standish  chose 
Williamson  as  his  associate  for  the  formal  reception  of 
Massasoit.  It  is  indeed  altogether  probable  that  it  was  this 
familiarity  with  the  "  trade  lingo  "  of  the  American  coast 
tribes  which  influenced  —  perhaps  determined  —  his  employ- 
ment as  "  ship's-merchant "  of  the  May-Flower  for  her  Pil- 
grim voyage,  especially  as  she  was  expected  to  "load  back  " 
for  England  with  the  products  of  the  country,  only  to  be  had 
by  barter  with  the  Indians.  It  is  evident  that  there  must 
naturally  have  been  some  provision  made  for  communication 
with  the  natives,  for  the  purposes  of  that  trade,  etc.,  which 
the  Planters  hoped  to  establish.  Trading  along  the  northern 
coast  of  Virginia  (as  the  whole  coast  strip  was  then  called), 
principally  for  furs,  had  been  carried  on  pretty  actively,  since 
1584,  by  such  navigators  as  Raleigh's  captains,  Gosnold, 
Pring,  Champlain,  Smith,  Dermer,  Hunt,  and  the  French 
and  Dutch,  and  much  of  the  "  trade  lingo "  of  the  native 
tribes  had  doubtless  been  "  picked  up  "  by  their  different 
"  ship's-merchants."  It  appears  by  Bradford '  that  Dermer, 
when  coasting  the  shores  of  New  England,  in  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges's  employ,  brought  the  Indian  Tisquantum  with  him, 
from  England,  as  his  interpreter,  and  doubtless  from  him 
Dermer  and  other  ship's  officers  "  picked  up  "  more  or  less 
Indian  phrases,  as  Tisquantum  (Squanto)  evidently  did  of 
English.  Winslow,  in  his  "Good  Newes  from  New  Eng- 
land," written  in  1622,  says  of  the  Indian  tongue,  as  spoken 


I.    Histonc\  p.   116. 


Officers  and  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


139 


by  the  tribes  about  them  at  Plymouth,  "  it  is  very  copious, 
large,  and  difficult.  As  yet  we  cannot  attain  to  any  great 
measure  thereof,  but  can  understand  them,  and  explain  our- 
selves to  their  understanding,  by  the  help  of  those  that  daily 
converse  with  us."  This  being  the  case,  after  two  years 
of  constant  communication,  and  noting  how  trivial  know- 
ledge of  English  speech  Samoset  and  Tisquantum  had,  it  is 
easy  to  understand  that,  if  Williamson  had  any  knowledge 
of  the  native  tongue,  Standish  would  be  most  anxious  to 
have  the  benefit  of  it,  in  this  prime  and  all-important  effort 
at  securing  a  permanent  alliance  with  the  ruling  sachem  of 
the  region.  Bradford,  in  "Mourt's  Relation,"  speaking  of 
the  speech  of  Governor  Carver  to  Massasoit,  says :  "  He 
[Massasoit]  liked  well  of  the  speech  and  heard  it  atten- 
tively, though  the  interpreters  did  not  well  express  it." 
Probably  all  three,  Tisquantum,  Samoset,  and  Williamson, 
had  a  voice  in  it. 

That  "Master  Williamson"  was  a  veritable  person  at 
New  Plymouth,  in  February  and  March,  1620/21,  is  now 
beyond  dispute ;  that  he  must  have  been  of  the  ship's  com- 
pany of  the  May-Flower  is  logically  certain ;  that  he  was 
one  of  her  officers,  and  a  man  of  character,  is  proven  by  his 
title  of  "  Master  "  and  his  choice  by  Standish  and  Mullens 
for  exceptional  and  honorable  service ;  that  the  position  of 
"  ship's-merchant "  alone  answers  to  the  conditions  precedent, 
is  evident ;  and  that  such  an  officer  was  commonly  carried 
by  ships  of  the  May-Flower  class  on  such  voyages  as  hers 
is  indicated  by  the  necessity,  and  proven  by  the  facts  known 
as  to  other  ships  on  similar  New  England  voyages,  both 
earlier  and  later.  The  fact  that  he  was  called  simply  "  Master 
Williamson,"  in  both  cases  where  he  is  mentioned,  with- 
out other  designation  or  identification,  is  highly  significant, 
and  clearly  indicates  that  he  was  some  one  so  familiarly 
known  to  all  concerned  that  no  occasion  for  any  further 
designation  apparently  occurred  to  the  minds  of  Mullens, 
Carver,  or  Bradford,  when  referring  to  him.  In  the  case  of 
Master  John  Hampden,  the  only  other  notable  incognito  of 
early  Pilgrim  literature,  the  description  is  full,  and  the  only 
question  concerning  him  has  been  of  his  identity  with  John 


2i5crtl)ant "  — 

SKactrr 

Milltamfion 


140 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


anD  ^camm 


Hampden,  the  English  patriot  of  the  Cromwellian  era.  It  is, 
therefore,  not  too  much  to  assert  that  the  May-Flower  car- 
ried a  "  ship's-merchant "  (or  purser),  and  that  "  Master  Wil- 
hamson"  was  that  ofBcer.  If  close-hnked  circumstantial 
evidence  is  ever  to  be  relied  upon,  it  clearly  establishes  in 
this  case  the  identity  of  the  "  Master  Williamson  "  who  was 
Governor  Bradford's  incognito,  and  the  person  of  the  same 
name  mentioned  a  month  earlier  in  "  Master "  MuUens's  will ; 
as  also  the  fact  that  in  him  we  have  a  new  officer  of  the  May- 
Flower,  hitherto  unknown  as  such  to  Pilgrim  literature.  If 
Mr.  Bowman's  belief  as  to  Giles  Heale  (see  note)  proves 
correct,  we  have  yet  another,  the  Surgeon. 

The  Carpenter,  Gunner,  Boatswain,  Quartermaster,  and 
"  Masters-mates  "  are  the  only  "  petty  officers  "  of  the  Pilgrim 
ship  of  whom  any  record  makes  mention.  The  carpenter 
is  named  several  times,  and  was  evidently,  as  might  be  ex- 
pected, one  of  the  most  useful  men  of  the  ship's  crew. 
Called  into  requisition,  doubtless,  in  the  conferences  as  to  the 
condition  of  the  Speedwell,  on  both  of  her  returns  to  port,  at 
the  inception  of  the  voyage,  he  was  especially  in  evidence 
when,  in  mid-ocean,  "  the  cracking  and  bending  of  a  great 
deck-beam,"  and  the  "  shaken "  condition  of  "  the  upper 
works  "  of  the  May-Flower,  gave  rise  to  much  alarm,  and 
it  was  by  his  labors  and  devices,  and  the  use  of  the  now 
famous  "jack-screw,"  that  the  bending  beam  and  leaking 
deck  were  made  secure.  The  repairs  upon  the  shallop  in 
Cape  Cod  harbor  also  devolved  upon  him,  and  mention  is 
made  of  his  illness  and  the  dependence  placed  upon  him. 
No  doubt,  in  the  construction  of  the  first  dwellings  and  of 
the  ordnance  platform  on  the  hill,  etc.,  he  was  the  devising 
and  principal  workman.  He  undoubtedly  returned  to  Eng- 
land with  the  ship,  and  is  known  in  history  only  by  his  "  bil- 
let," as  "  the  carpenter  "  of  the  May-Flower. 

The  Master  Gunner  seems  to  have  been  a  man  with  a 
proclivity  for  Indian  barter,  that  led  him  to  seek  a  place 
with  the  "third  expedition"  at  Cape  Cod,  thereby  nearly 
accomplishing  his  death,  which  indeed  occurred  later,  in 
Plymouth  harbor,  not  long  before  the  return  of  the  ship. 


Officers  and  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


141 


The  Boatswain  is  known,  by  Bradford's  records,  to  have 
died  in  the  general  sickness  which  attacked  the  crew  while 
lying  in  Plymouth  harbor.  The  brief  narrative  of  his  sick- 
ness and  death  is  all  that  we  know  of  his  personality.  The 
writer  says :  "  He  was  a  proud  young  man,  and  would  often 
curse  and  scoff  at  the  passengers,"  but  being  nursed  when 
dying,  by  those  of  them  who  remained  aboard,  after  his 
shipmates  had  deserted  him  in  their  craven  fear  of  infection, 
"  he  bewailed  his  former  conduct,"  saying,  "  Oh  !  you,  I  now 
see,  show  your  love  like  Christians  indeed,  one  to  another, 
but  we  let  one  another  lie  and  die  like  dogs." 

Four  Quartermasters  are  mentioned  (probably  helmsmen 
simply),  of  whom  three  are  known  to  have  died  in  Plymouth 
harbor. 

"Masters-mates"'  are  several  times  mentioned,  but  it  is 
pretty  certain  that  the  "  pilots "  (or  mates)  are  intended. 
Bradford  and  Winslow,  in  "  Mourt's  Relation,"  ^  say  of  the 
reappearance  of  the  Indians :  "  So  Captain  Standish,  with 
another  [Hopkins],  with  their  muskets,  went  over  to  them, 
with  two  of  the  masters-mates  that  follow  them  without 
\side .'']  arms,  having  two  muskets  with  them."  Who  these 
"  masters-mates  "  were  does  not  appear.  The  language,  "  two 
of  the  masters-mates,"  would  possibly  suggest  that  there  were 
more  of  them.  It  hardly  seems  probable  that  both  the  mates 
of  the  May-Flower  would  thus  volunteer,  of  thrust  them- 
selves forward  in  such  a  matter,  and  it  seems  doubtful  if  they 
would  have  been  permitted  (even  if  both  ashore  at  one  time, 
which,  though  unusual,  did  occur),  to  assume  such  duty. 
Whoever  they  were,  they  did  not  lack  courage. 

The  names  of  the  petty  officers  and  seamen  of  the  May- 
Flower  do  not  appear  as  such,  but  the  discovery  of  the 
(evidently)  nuncupative  will  of  William  Mullens  —  herein 


1.  The  "Masters-mates,"  sometimes  called  "pilots,"  seem  to 
have  been  but  two  in  number,  though  it  is  possible  there  were  more ; 
but  if  so,  they  have  never  been  mentioned  by  name,  as  Clarke  and 
Coppin  (who  were  clearly  the  first  and  second  "  mates  ")  are. 

2.  Mourfs  Relation^  Dexter's  ed. ;  Young,  Chronicles^  p.  I  go. 


ano  ^ramm 


142 


^he  May- Flower  '^  Her  Log 


of  ttuo  of 
tljc  CretD 


referred  to  —  has  perhaps  given  us  two  of  them.  Attached 
to  John  Carver's  certificate  of  the  particulars  of  this  will, 
filed  at  Somerset  House,  London,  are  the  names,  "  Giles 
Heale  "  and  "  Christopher  Joanes."  As  Mr.  Mullens  died 
Wednesday,  February  21,  1620,  on  board  the  Mav-Flower 
in  Plymouth  harbor,  on  which  day  we  know  from  Bradford  * 
that  "  the  Master  [Jones,  whose  name  was  Thomas]  came 
on  shore  with  many  of  his  sailors,"  to  land  and  mount  the 
cannon  on  the  fort,  and  as  they  had  a  full  day's  work  to 
draw  up  the  hill  and  mount  five  guns,  and  moreover  brought 
the  materials  for,  and  stayed  to  eat,  a  considerable  dinner 
with  the  Pilgrims,  they  were  doubtless  ashore  all  day.  It  is 
rational  to  interpret  the  known  facts  to  indicate  that  in  this 
absence  of  the  Captain  and  most  of  his  crew  ashore,  Mr. 
Mullens,  finding  himself  failing  fast,  sent  for  Governor  Car- 
ver and  —  unable  to  do  more  than  speak  —  dictated  to  him 
the  disposition  of  his  property  which  he  desired  to  make. 
Carver,  noting  this  down  from  his  dictation,  undoubtedly 
called  in  two  of  the  ship's  company  (Heale  very  likely  being 
the  ship's-surgeon),  who  were  left  aboard  to  "  keep  ship,"  to 
hear  his  notes  read  to  Mullens  and  assented  to  by  him,  they 
thus  becoming  the  witnesses  to  his  will,  to  the  full  copy  of 
which,  as  made  by  Carver  (April  2),  they  affixed  their  names 
as  such.  As  there  were  then  at  Plymouth  (besides  savages) 
only  the  passengers  and  crew  of  the  May-Flower,  and  these 
men  were  certainly  not  among  the  passengers,  it  seems  inevi- 
table that  they  were  of  the  crew.  That "  Christopher  Joanes  " 
was  not  the  Master  of  the  ship  is  clear,  because  Heale's  is 
the  first  signature,  and  no  man  of  the  crew  would  have  dared 
to  sign  before  the  Captain ;  because  the  Captain's  name  was 
(as  demonstrated)  Thomas ;  and  because  we  know  that  he 
was  ashore  all  that  day,  with  most  of  his  men.  It  is  by  no 
means  improbable  that  Captain  Jones  had  shipped  one  of 
his  kinsmen  in  his  crew,  possibly  as  one  of  the  "  masters- 
mates  "  or  quartermasters  referred  to  (and  it  is  by  no  means 
certain  that  there  were  not  more  than  two),  though  these 
witnesses  may  have  been  quartermasters  or  other  petty  offi- 
cers left  on  board  as  "  ship-keepers."     Certain  it  is  that  these 


I.   Mourfs  Relation,  p.  8 1. 


Officers  and  Crew  of  the  May-Flower 


143 


two  witnesses  must  have  been  ot  the  crew,  and  that  "  Chris- 
topher Joanes  "  was  not  the  Captain,  while  it  is  equally  sure, 
from  the  collateral  evidence,  that  Master  Mullens  died  on 
shipboard.  Had  he  died  on  shore  it  is  very  certain  that 
some  ot"  the  leaders,  Brewster,  Bradford,  or  others,  would 
have  been  witnesses,  with  such  of  the  ship's  officers  as  could 
aid  in  proving  the  will  in  England.  It  is  equally  evident 
that  the  officers  of  the  ship  were  absent  when  Master  Mullens 
dictated  his  will,  except  perhaps  the  surgeon. 

The  number  of  seamen  belonging  to  the  ship  is  nowhere 
definitely  stated.  At  least  four  in  the  employ  of  the  Pil- 
grims were  among  the  passengers  and  not  enrolled  upon  the 
ships'  lists.  From  the  size  of  the  ship,  the  amount  of  sail 
she  probably  carried,  the  weight  of  her  anchors,  and  cer- 
tain other  data  which  appear,  —  such  as  the  number  allowed 
to  leave  the  ship  at  a  time,  etc.,  —  it  is  probably  not  a  wild 
estimate  to  place  their  number  at  from  twenty  to  twenty-five. 
This  is  perhaps  a  somewhat  larger  number  than  would  be 
essential  to  work  the  ship,  and  than  would  have  been  shipped 
if  the  voyage  had  been  to  any  port  of  a  civilized  country; 
but  on  a  voyage  to  a  wild  coast,  the  possibilities  of  long  ab- 
sence and  of  the  weakening  of  the  crew  by  death,  illness,  etc., 
demanded  consideration  and  a  larger  number.  The  wisdom 
and  necessity  of  carrying,  on  a  voyage  to  an  uninhabited  coun- 
try, some  spare  men,  is  proven  by  the  record  of  Bradford,  who 
says :  "  The  disease  begane  to  fall  amongst  them  [the  seamen] 
also,  so  as  allmost  halfe  of  their  company  dyed  before  they 
went  away  and  many  of  their  officers  and  lustyest  men ;  as  ye 
boatson,  gunner,  3  quarter  maisters,  the  cooke,  and  others.'" 

The  Lady  Arbella,  the  "  Admiral "  of  Governor  Win- 
throp's  fleet,  a  ship  of  3^0  tons,  carried  52  men,  and  it  is  a 
fair  inference  that  the  May-Flower,  of  a  little  more  than 
half  her  tonnage,  would  require  at  least  half  as  many. 

It  is,  therefore,  not  unlikely  that  the  officers  and  crew  of 
the  May-Flower,  all  told,  mustered  thirty  men,  irrespec- 
tive of  the  sailors,  four  in  number  (Alderton,  English,  Trevore, 
and  Ely),  in  the  Pilgrims'  employ. 


of  tujo  of 
tljf  CrciD 


I.    Bradford's  orig.  MS.  p.  55.      Italics  the  author's. 


144 


iligt  from 
llonDon  to 
^outtjampton 


CHAPTER  VI 

The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


HE  passenger  list  of  the   Speedwell  has 
given  us  the  names  of  the  Leyden  mem- 
bers of   the   company    which,    with   the 
cooperation    of  the  associated    Merchant 
Adventurers,  was,  in  the  summer  of  1620, 
about  to  emigrate  to  America. 
Though  it  is  not  possible,  with  present  knowledge,  posi- 
tively to  determine  every  one  of  those  who  were  passengers 
in  the  May-Flower  from  London  to  Southampton,  most  of 
them  can  be  named  with  certainty. 

Arranged  for  convenience,  so  far  as  possible,  by  families, 
they  were :  — 

Master  Robert  Cushman,  the  London  agent  of  the  Leyden 
company, 
Mrs.  Mary  (Clarke)-Singleton  Cushman,  2d  wife, 
Thomas  Cushman,  son  (by  1st  wife). 
Master  Christopher  Martin,  treasurer-agent  of  the  colonists, 

Mrs. Martin,  wife, 

Solomon  Prower,  "servant," 
John  Langemore,  "  servant." 
Master  Richard  Warren. 
Master  William  Mullens, 

Mrs.  Alice  Mullens,  wife, 
Joseph  Mullens,  2d  son, 
Priscilla  Mullens,  2d  daughter, 
Robert  Carter,  "  servant." 


The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


>45 


Master  Stephen  Hopkins, 

Mrs.  Elizabeth  (Fisher?)  Hopkins,  2d  wife, 

Giles  Hopkins,  son  (by  former  wife), 

Constance  Hopkins,  daughter  (by  former  wife), 

Damaris  Hopkins,  daughter, 

Edward  Dotey,  "  servant," 

Edward  Leister,  "  servant." 
Gilbert  Winslow. 
James  Chilton, 

Mrs.  Susanna  (?)  Chilton,  wife, 

Mary  Chilton,  daughter. 
Richard  Gardiner. 
John  Billington, 

Mrs.  Eleanor  (or  Helen)  Billington,  wife, 

John  Billington  (Jr.),  son, 

Francis  Billington,  son. 
William  Latham,  "  servant-boy  "  to  Deacon  Carver. 
Jasper  More,  "  bound-boy  "  to  Deacon  Carver. 
Ellen  More,  "  Uttle  bound  girl "  to  Master  Edward  Wins- 
low. 
Richard  More,  "  bound-boy  "  to  Elder  Brewster. 
More,  "  bound-boy  "  to  Elder  Brewster. 

There  is  a  possibility  that  Thomas  Rogers  and  his  son, 
Joseph,  who  are  usually  accredited  to  the  Leyden  company, 
were  of  the  London  contingent,  and  sailed  from  there,  though 
this  is  contra-indicated  by  certain  collateral  data. 

It  is  possible,  also,  of  course,  that  any  one  or  more  of  the 
English  colonists  (with  a  few  exceptions  —  such  as  Cush- 
man  and  family,  Mullens  and  family,  the  More  children  and 
others  —  known  to  have  left  London  on  the  May-Flower) 
might  have  joined  her  (as  did  Carver  and  Alden,  perhaps 
Martin  and  family)  at  Southampton,  but  the  strong  presump- 
tion is  that  most  of  the  English  passengers  joined  the  ship  at 
London. 

It  is  just  possible,  too,  that  the  seamen,  Alderton  (or  Aller- 
ton),  English,  Trevore,  and  Ely,  were  hired  in  London  and 
were  on  board  the  May-Flower  when  she  left  that  port, 
though  they  might  have  been  employed  and  joined  the  ship 


pasgrngcr 
\\zt  from 
JlonUon  to 
&outl)ampton 


146 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


2Dl)C 

ILiet  from 
ilonoon  to 
^ourtjampton 


at  either  Southampton,  Dartmouth,  or  Plymouth.  It  is 
strongly  probable,  however,  that  they  were  part,  if  not  all, 
hired  in  Holland,  and  came  over  to  Southampton  in  the 
pinnace. 

Robert  Cushman  —  the  London  agent  (for  more  than  three 
years)  of  the  Leyden  congregation,  and,  in  spite  of 
the  wickedly  unjust  criticism  of  Robinson  and  others, 
incompetent  to  judge  his  acts,  their  brave,  sagacious, 
and  faithful  servant  —  properly  heads  the  list. 

Bradford  says :  *  "  Where  they  find  the  bigger  ship 
come  from  London,  Mr.  Jones,  Master,  with  the  rest 
of  the  company  who  had  been  waiting  there  with  Mr. 
Cushman  seven  days."  Deacon  Carver,  probably  from 
being  on  shore,  was  not  here  named.  In  a  note 
appended  to  the  memoir  of  Robert  Cushman  (pre- 
fatory to  his  Discourse  delivered  at  Plymouth,  New 
England,  on  "  The  Sin  and  Danger  of  Self-Love  ")  it 
is  stated  in  terms  as  follows :  "  The  fact  is,  that  Mr. 
Cushman  procured  the  larger  vessel,  the  May-Flower, 
and  its  pilot,  at  London,  and  left  in  that  vessel."  The 
statement  —  though  published  long  after  the  events 
of  which  it  treats  and  by  other  than  Mr.  Cushman  — 
we  know  to  be  substantially  correct,  and  the  presump- 
tion is  that  the  writer,  whoever  he  may  have  been, 
knew  also. 

Sailing  with  his  wife  and  son  (it  is  not  probable 
that  he  had  any  other  living  child  at  the  time),  in 
full  expectation  that  it  was  for  Virginia,  he  encoun- 
tered so  much  of  ungrateful  and  abusive  treatment, 
after  the  brethren  met  at  Southampton,  —  especially 
at  the  hands  of  the  insufferable  Martin,  who,  without 
merit  and  with  a  most  reprehensible  record  (as  it 
proved),  was  chosen  over  him  as  "  governor  "  of  the 
ship,  • — •  that  he  was  doubtless  glad  to  return  ftom 
Plymouth  when  the  Speedwell  broke  down.  He 
and  his  family  appear,  therefore,  as  "May-Flower 
passengers,"   only  between    London  and  Plymouth 


I.    Mauri's  Relation^  Dexter's  ed.  p.  60. 


The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


(England),  during  the  vexatious  attendance  upon 
the  scoundrelly  Master  of  the  Speedwell,  in  his 
"doublings"  in  the  English  Channel.  His  Dart- 
mouth letter  to  Edward  Southwortii,*  one  of  the  most 
valuable  contributions  to  the  early  literature  ot  the 
Pilgrims  extant,  clearly  demonstrates  that  he  was  suf- 
fering severely  from  dyspepsia  and  deeply  wounded 
feelings.  The  course  of  events  was  his  complete 
vindication,  and  impartial  history  to-day  pronounces 
him  secoyid  to  none  in  his  service  to  the  Pilgrims  and 
their  undertaking.  His  first  wife  is  shown  by  Leyden 
records  to  have  been  Sarah  Reder,  and  his  second 
marriage  to  have  occurred  May  19/June  3,  1617, 
about  the  time  he  first  went  to  England  in  behalf  of 
the  Leyden  congregation. 

Mrs.  Mary  (Clarke)-Singleton  Cushman  appears  only  as  a 
passenger  of  the  May-Flower  on  her  channel  voy- 
age, as  she  returned  with  her  husband  and  son  from 
Plymouth,  England,  in  the  Speedwell. 

Thomas  Cushman,  it  is  quite  clear,  must  have  been  a  son 
by  a  former  wife,  as  he  would  have  been  but  a  babe, 
if  the  son  of  the  latest  wife,  when  he  went  to  New 
England  with  his  father,  in  the  Fortune,  to  remain. 
Goodwin  and  others  give  his  age  as  fourteen  at  this 
time,  and  his  age  at  death  is  their  warrant.  Robert 
Cushman  died  in  1625,  but  a  "Mary,  wife  [widow?] 
of  Robert  Cushman,  and  their  son,  Thomas,"  seem  to 
have  been  remembered  in  the  will  of  Ellen  Bigge, 
widow,  of  Cranbrooke,  England,  proved  February  12, 
1638  (Archdeaconry,  Canterbury,  vol.  Ixx.  leaf  482).^ 
The  will  intimates  that  the  "Thomas"  named  was 
"under  age"  when  the  bequest  was  made.  If  this  is 
unmistakably  so  (though  there  is  room  for  doubt), 

1.  Bradford,  op.  cit.  p.  71. 

2.  Waters,  Genealogical  Gleaning!  in  England.,  vol.  i.  p.  21. 


»47 


Passenger 
List  from 
LonDon  to 
Southampton 


148 


ilifit  from 
jlonDon  to 
^uttjampton 


T/)e  May-Flower  ^  I/er  Log 


then  this  was  not  the  Thomas  of  the  Pilgrims.     Other- 
wise the  evidence  is  convincing. 

Master  Christopher  Martin,  who  was  made,  Bradford  informs 
us,  the  treasurer-agent  of  the  Planter  Company,  pre- 
sumably about  the  time  of  the  original  conclusions 
between  the  Adventurers  and  the  Planters,  seems  to 
have  been  appointed  such,  as  Bradford  states,  not 
because  he  was  needed,  but  to  give  the  English  con- 
tingent of  the  Planter  body  representation  in  the 
management,  and  to  allay  thereby  any  suspicion  or 
jealousy.  He  was,  if  we  are  to  judge  by  the  evidence 
in  hand  concerning  his  contention  and  that  of  his 
family  with  the  Archdeacon,  the  strong  testimony 
that  Cushman  bears  against  him  in  his  Dartmouth 
letter  of  August  1 7,  and  the  fact  that  there  seems  to 
have  been  early  dissatisfaction  with  him  as  "  gov- 
emor "  on  the  ship,  a  very  self-sufBcient,  somewhat 
arrogant,  and  decidedly  contentious  individual.  His 
selection  as  treasurer  seems  to  have  been  very  unfor- 
tunate, as  Bradford  indicates  that  his  accounts  were 
in  unsatisfactory  shape,  and  that  he  had  no  means 
of  his  own,  while  his  rather  surprising  selection  for 
the  office  of  "  governor  "  of  the  larger  ship,  after  the 
unpleasant  experience  with  him  as  treasurer-agent, 
is  difficult  to  account  for,  except  that  he  was  evi- 
dently an  active  opponent  of  Cushman,  and  the 
latter  was  just  then  in  disfavor  with  the  colonists. 
He  was  evidently  a  man  in  the  prime  of  life,  an 
"  Independent "  who  had  the  courage  of  his  convic- 
tions if  little  discretion,  and  much  of  that  energy 
and  self-reliance  which,  properly  restrained,  are  ex- 
cellent elements  for  a  colonist.  Very  little  beside  the 
fact  that  he  came  from  Essex  is  known  of  him,  and 
nothing  of  his  wife.  He  has  further  mention  here- 
after. 

Solomon  Prower  is  clearly  shown  by  the  complaint  made 
against  him  by  the  Archdeacon  of  Chelmsford,  the 


'The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


149 


March  before  he  sailed  on  the  May-Flower,'  to  have 
been  quite  a  youth,  a  firm  "  Separatist,"  and  some- 
thing more  than  an  ordinary  "  servant."  He  seems 
to  have  been  summoned  before  the  Archdeacon  at 
the  same  time  with  young  Martin  (a  son  of  Chris- 
topher), and  this  fact  suggests  some  nearer  relation 
than  that  of  "  servant."  He  is  sometimes  spoken  of 
as  Martin's  "  son,"  by  what  warrant  does  not  appear, 
but  the  fact  suggests  that  he  may  have  been  a  step- 
son. Bradford,  in  recording  his  death,  says:  "Dec. 
24,  this  day  dies  Solomon  Martin."  This  could,  of 
course,  have  been  none  other  than  Solomon  Prower. 
Dr.  Young,  in  his  "  Chronicles,"  speaking  of  Martin, 
says,  "  he  brought  his  wife  and  two  children."  If 
this  means  Martin's  children,  it  is  evidently  an  error. 
It  may  refer  to  age  only.  His  case  is  puzzling,  for 
Bradford  makes  him  both  "  servant  "  and  "  son."  If 
of  sufficient  age  and  account  to  be  cited  before  the 
Archdeacon  for  discipline,  it  seems  strange  that  he 
should  not  have  signed  the  "  Compact."  Even  if  a 
"  servant  "  this  would  seem  to  have  been  no  bar,  as 
Dotey  and  Leister  were  certainly  such,  yet  signers. 
The  indications  are  that  he  was  but  a  well-grown 
lad,  and  that  his  youth,  or  severe  illness,  and  not  his 
station,  accounts  for  the  absence  of  his  signature.  If 
a  young  foster-son  or  kinsman  of  Martin,  as  seems 
most  likely,  then  Martin's  signature  was  sufficient,  as 
in  the  cases  of  fathers  for  their  sons;  if  really  a  "ser- 
vant "  then  too  young  (like  Latham  and  Hooke)  to 
be  called  upon,  as  were  Dotey  and  Leister. 

John  Langemore ;  there  is  nothing  (save  the  errors  of  Dr. 
Young)  to  indicate  that  he  was  other  than  a  "  ser- 
vant." 

Richard  Warren  was  probably  from  Kent  or  Essex.  Sur- 
prisingly little  is  known  of  his  antecedents,  former 
occupation,  etc. 


l.ist  from 
ILonuon  to 
&outt)ampton 


I.   Goodwin,  Pilgrim  Republic^  p.  108. 


I50 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Wat 

iList  from 
JLonDon  to 
^outljampton 


William  Mullens  and  his  family  were,  as  shown,  from  Dor- 
king in  Surrey,  and  their  home  was  therefore  close 
to  London,  whence  they  sailed,  beyond  doubt,  in  the 
May-Flower.  The  discovery  at  Somerset  House, 
London,  by  Mr.  Henry  F.  Waters,  of  Salem,  Massa- 
chusetts, of  what  is  evidently  the  nuncupative  will 
of  William  Mullens,  proves  an  important  one  in 
many  particulars,  only  one  of  which  need  be  referred 
to  in  this  connection,  but  all  of  which  will  receive 
due  consideration.  It  conclusively  shows  Mr.  Mul- 
lens not  to  have  been  of  the  Leyden  congregation, 
as  has  sometimes  been  claimed,  but  that  he  was  a 
well-to-do  tradesman  of  Dorking  in  Surrey,  adjacent 
to  London.  It  renders  it  certain,  too,  that  he  had 
been  some  time  resident  there,  and  had  both  a  mar- 
ried daughter  and  a  son  (William),  doubtless  living 
there,  which  effectually  overthrows  the  "  imaginary 
history  "  of  Baird,  and  of  that  pretty  story,  "  Standish 
of  Standish,"  whereby  the  Mullens  (or  Molines) 
family  are  given  French  (Huguenot)  antecedents 
and  the  daughter  is  endowed  with  numerous  airs, 
graces,  and  accomplishments,  professedly  French. 

Dr.  Griffis,  in  his  delightful  little  narrative,  "  The 
Pilgrims  in  their  Three  Homes,  England,  Holland, 
America,"  cites  the  name  "  Mullins "  as  a  Dutch 
distortion  of  Molines  or  Molineaux.  Without  ques- 
tioning that  such  it  might  be,  ■ —  for  the  Dutch  scribes 
were  gifted  in  remarkable  distortions  of  simple  names, 
even  of  their  own  people,  —  they  evidently  had  no 
hand  in  thus  maltreating  the  patronym  of  William 
Mullens  (or  Mullins)  of  the  Pilgrims,  for  not  only  is 
evidence  entirely  wanting  to  show  that  he  was  ever  a 
Leyden  citizen,  though  made  such  by  the  fertile  fic- 
tion of  Mrs.  Austin,  but  Governor  Carver,  who  knew 
him  well,  wrote  it  in  his  will  "  Mullens,"  while  two 
English  probate  functionaries  of  his  own  home-coun- 
ties wrote  it  respectively   "  Mullens  "  and  "  Mullins." 

Dr.   Griffis  speaks   of  "  the   Mullens  family "  '  as 

1.   Op.  cit.  p.  no. 


The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


"evidently  \jic\  of  Huguenot  or  Walloon  birth  or 
descent,"  but  in  doing  so  probably  knew  no  other 
authority  than  Mrs.  Austin's  little  novel,  or  possibly 
Dr.  Baird's  misstatements. 

A  writer  in  the  "  New  England  Historic-Genea- 
logical Register,"  vol.  xlvii.  p.  go,  states,  that  "  Mrs. 
Jane  G.  Austin  found  her  authority  for  saying  that 
Priscilla  Mullens  was  of  a  Huguenot  family,  in  Dr. 
Baird's  '  History  of  Huguenot  Emigration  to  Amer- 
ica,' vol.  i.  p.  158,"  etc.,  referring  to  Rev.  Charles  W. 
Baird,  D.  D.,  New  York.  The  reference  given  is  a 
notable  specimen  of  very  bad  historical  work.  Of 
Dr.  Baird,  one  has  a  right  to  expect  better  things,  and 
the  positiveness  of  his  reckless  assertion  might  well 
mislead  those  not  wholly  familiar  with  the  facts  in- 
volved, as  it  evidently  has  more  than  one.  He  states, 
without  qualification  or  reservation,  that  "among 
the  passengers  in  the  Speedwell  were  several  of  the 
French  who  had  decided  to  cast  in  their  lot  with 
these  English  brethren.  William  Molines  and  his 
daughter  Priscilla,  afterwards  the  wife  of  John  Alden 
and  Philip  Delanoy,  born  in  Leyden  of  French  par- 
ents, were  of  the  number." ' 

One  stands  confounded  by  such  a  combination  of 
unwarranted  errors.  Not  only  is  it  not  true  that  there 
"  were  several  of  the  French  among  the  passengers 
in  the  Speedwell,"  but  there  is  no  evidence  whatever 
that  there  was  even  one.  Those  specifically  named  as 
there,  certainly  were  not,  and  there  is  not  the  remotest 
proof,  or  reason  to  believe,  that  William  Mullens  (or 
Molines)  and  his  daughter  Priscilla  (to  say  nothing  of 
the  wife  and  son  who  accompanied  him  to  America, 
whom  Baird  forgets)  ever  even  saw  Leyden  or  Delfs- 
haven.  Their  home  had  been  at  Dorking  in  Surrey, 
just  across  the  river  from  London,  whence  the  May- 
Flower  sailed  for  New  England,  and  nothing  could  be 
more  absurd  than  to  assume  that  they  were  passengers 
on  the  Speedwell  from  Delfshaven  to  Southampton. 


I.  Italics  the  author's. 


1   ^  1 


passrngfr 
Hist  from 
lonoon  to 
©outtjampton 


152 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


iltst  from 
iLonDon  to 
&outt)ampton 


So  far  from  Philip  Delanoy  (De  La  Noye  or  De- 
lano) being  a  passenger  on  the  Speedwell,  he  was 
not  even  one  of  the  Pilgrim  company,  did  not  go  to 
New  England  till  the  following  year  (in  the  For- 
tune), and  of  course  had  no  relation  to  the  Speed- 
well. Neither  does  Edward  Winslow  —  the  only 
authority  for  the  parentage  of  "  Delanoy  "  —  state 
that  "  he  was  born  in  Leyden,"  as  Baird  alleges,  but 
only  that  "  he  was  born  of  French  parents  .  .  .  and 
came  to  us  from  Leyden  to  New  Plymouth," — an 
essential  variance  in  several  important  particulars. 

Scores  and  perhaps  hundreds  of  people  have  been 
led  to  believe  Priscilla  Mullens  a  French  Protestant 
of  the  Leyden  congregation,  and  themselves  —  as  her 
descendants  —  "  of  Huguenot  stock,"  because  of 
these  absolutely  groundless  assertions  of  Dr.  Baird. 
They  lent  themselves  readily  to  Mrs.  Austin's  fertile 
imagination  and  facile  pen,  and  as  "  welcome  lies " 
acquired  a  hold  on  the  public  mind,  from  which  even 
the  demonstrated  truth  will  never  wholly  dislodge 
them.  The  comment  of  the  intelligent  writer  in 
the  "  Historic-Genealogical  Register "  referred  to  is 
proof  of  this.  So  fast-rooted  had  these  assertions 
become  in  her  thought  as  the  truth,  that,  confronted 
with  the  evidence  that  Master  Mullens  and  his  family 
were  from  Dorking  in  England,  it  does  not  occur  to 
her  to  doubt  the  correctness  of  the  impression  which 
the  recklessness  of  Baird  had  created,  —  that  they 
were  of  Leyden,  —  and  she  hence  amusingly  suggests 
that  "  they  must  have  moved  from  Leyden  to  Dor- 
king." These  careless  utterances  of  one  who  is  espe- 
cially bound  by  his  position,  both  as  a  writer  and  as 
a  teacher  of  morals,  to  be  jealous  for  the  truth,  might 
be  partly  condoned  as  attributable  to  mistake  or 
haste,  except  for  the  facts  that  they  seem  to  have 
been  the  fountain-head  of  an  ever-widening  stream 
of  serious  error,  and  that  they  are  preceded  on  the 
very  page  that  bears  them  by  others  as  to  the  Pil- 
grim exodus  equally  unhappy.     It  seems  proper  to 


ne  May-Flower's  Passengers 


153 


suggest  that  it  is  high  time  that  all  lovers  of  reliable 
history  should  stand  firmly  together  against  the  flood 
of  loose  statement  which  is  deluging  the  public ; 
brand  the  false  wherever  found;  and  call  for  proof 
of  all  new  and  important  historical  propositions  put 
forth. 

Stephen  Hopkins  may  possibly  have  had  more  than  one 
wife  before  Elizabeth,  who  accompanied  him  to  New 
England  and  was  mother  of  the  sea-born  son  Oceanus. 
Hopkins's  will  indicates  his  affection  for  this  latest 
wife,  in  unusual  degree  for  wills  of  that  day. 
With  singular  carelessness,  both  of  the  writer  and  his 
proof-reader,  Hon.  William  T.  Davis  states'  that 
Damaris  Hopkins  was  born  "  after  the  arrival  "  in 
New  England.  The  contrary  is,  of  course,  a  well- 
established  fact.  Mr.  Davis  was  probably  led  into 
this  error  by  following  Bradford's  "  summary "  as 
affecting  the  Hopkins  family.  He  states  therein  that 
Hopkins  "  had  one  son,  who  became  a  seaman  and 
died  at  Barbadoes  [probably  Caleb],  and  four  daugh- 
ters born  here."  ^  To  make  up  these  "  four "  daugh- 
ters "  bom  here  "  Davis  found  it  necessary  to  include 
Damaris,  unmindful  that  Bradford  names  her  in  his 
list  of  May-Flower  passengers.  It  is  evident,  either 
that  Bradford  made  a  mistake  in  the  number,  or  that 
there  was  some  daughter  who  died  in  infancy.  It  is 
evident  that  Dotey  and  Leister,  the  "servants"  of 
Hopkins,  were  of  English  origin  and  accompanied 
their  master  from  London.     (See  Appendix.) 

Gilbert  Winslow  was  a  brother  of  Edward  Winslow,  a  young 
man,  said  to  have  been  a  carpenter,  who  retumed  to 
England  after  "  divers  years "  in  New  England. 
There  is  a  possibility  that  he  was  at  Leyden  and  was 
a  passenger  on  the   Speedwell.     It  has  been  sug- 


pasgrngcr 
lltfit  from 
ILonDon  to 
&outt)ampton 


1.  Ancient  Landmarks  of  Plymouth.,  p.  145. 

2.  Italics  the  author's. 


154 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


2Dl)e 

Paflsrngcr 
ILifit  from 
JLonDon  to 
^outtjampton 


gested  that  he  spent  the  greater  part  of  the  time  he 
was  in  New  England,  outside  of  the  Pilgrim  Colony. 
He  took  no  part  in  its  affairs. 

James  Chilton  and  his  family  are  but  little  known  to  Pil- 
grim writers,  except  the  daughter  Mary,  who  came 
into  notice  principally  through  her  marriage  with 
John  Winslow,  another  brother  of  Governor  Edward, 
who  came  over  later.  Their  name  has  assumed  a 
singular  prominence  in  popular  regard,  altogether 
disproportionate  to  either  their  personal  characteris- 
tics, station,  or  the  importance  of  their  early  descend- 
ants. Some  unaccountable  glamour  of  romance, 
without  any  substantial  foundation,  is  probably  re- 
sponsible for  it.  They  left  a  married  daughter  behind 
them  in  England,  which  is  the  only  hint  we  have  as 
to  their  home  just  prior  to  the  embarkation.  There 
has  been  a  disposition,  not  well  grounded,  to  regard 
them  as  of  Leyden. 

Richard  Gardiner,  Goodwin  unequivocally  places  with  the 
English  colonists  (but  on  what  authority  does  not 
fully  appear),  and  he  has  been  claimed,  but  without 
any  better  warrant,  for  the  Leyden  list. 

John  Billington  and  his  family  were  unmistakably  of  the 
English  colonists.  Mrs.  Billington's  name  has  been 
variously  given,  e.  g.  Helen,  Ellen,  and  Eleanor,  and 
the  same  writer  has  used  them  interchangeably.  One 
writer  has  made  the  inexcusable  error  of  stating  that 
"the  younger  son,  Francis,  was  born  after  the  arrival 
at  New  Plymouth,"  but  his  own  affidavit  shows  him 
to  have  been  born  in  1606. 

William  Latham,  a  "  servant-boy  "  of  Deacon  Carver,  has 
always  been  of  doubtful  relation,  some  circumstances 
indicating  that  he  was  of  Leyden  and  hence  was  a 
Speedwell  passenger,  but  others  —  and  these  the  more 
significant  —  rendering   it   probable  that  he   was  an 


T'he  May-Flower's  Passengers 


J  3 


English  boy,  who  was  obtained  in  London  (like  the 
More  children)  and  apprenticed  to  Carver,  in  which 
case  he  probably  came  in  the  May-Flower  from  Lon- 
don, though  he  may  have  awaited  her  coming  with 
his  master  at  Southampton,  in  which  case  he  probably 
originally  embarked  tliere,  with  him,  on  the  Speed- 
well, and  was  transferred  with  him,  at  Plymouth,  to 
the  May-Flower.  There  is,  of  course,  also  still  the 
possibility  that  he  came  with  Carver's  family  from 
Leyden.  Governor  Carver's  early  death  necessarily 
changed  his  status  somewhat,  and  Plymouth  early 
records  do  not  give  much  beyond  suggestion  as  to 
what  the  change  was;  but  all  indications  confirm 
the  opinion  that  he  was  a  poor  boy  —  very  likely 
of  London  or  vicinity  —  taken  by  Carver  as  his 
"  servant." 

The  More  children,  Jasper,  Richard,  their  brother  (whose 
given  name  has  never  transpired),  and  Ellen,  their 
sister,  invite  more  than  passing  mention.  The  belief 
has  always  been  current  and  confident  among  students 
of  Pilgrim  history  that  these  More  children,  four  in 
number,  "  put "  or  "  indentured  "  to  three  of  the  Ley- 
den leaders,  were  probably  orphaned  children  of  some 
family  of  the  Leyden  congregation,  and  were  so 
"  bound  "  to  give  them  a  chance  in  the  new  colony, 
in  return  for  such  services  as  they  could  render  to 
those  they  accompanied.  If  thus  of  the  Leyden 
contingent  they  would,  of  course,  be  enumerated  as 
passengers  in  the  Speedwell  from  Delfshaven,  but 
if  of  the  English  contingent  they  should  probably  be 
borne  on  the  list  of  passengers  sailing  from  London 
in  the  May-F lower,  certainly  should  be  reckoned  as 
part  of  the  English  contingent  on  the  May-Flower 
at  Southampton.  An  affidavit  of  Richard  More, 
perhaps  the  eldest  of  these  children,  indentured  to 
Elder  Brewster,  dated  in  1 684,  found  in  "  Proceed- 
ings of  the  Provincial  Court,  Maryland  Archives, 
vol.    xiv.     ('New    England    Historic-Genealogical 


2D!)e 

pasfifngcr 
IList  from 
llontJon  to 
^outljampton 


156 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Cfje 

iltst  from 
llonDon  to 
^out^mpton 


Register,'  vol.  1.  p.  203 ),"  affirms  the  deponent  to  be 
then  "  seaventy  years  or  thereabouts  "  of  age,  which 
would  have  made  him  some  six  years  of  age,  "  or 
thereabouts,"  in  1620.  He  deposes  "  that  being  in 
London  att  the  house  of  Mr.  Thomas  Weston,  Iron- 
monger, in  the  year  1620,  he  was  from  there  trans- 
ported to  New  Plymouth  in  New  England,"  etc. 
This  clearly  identifies  Richard  More  of  the  May- 
Flower,  and  renders  it  well-nigh  certain  that  he  and 
his  brothers  and  sister,  "  bound  out "  like  himself 
to  Pilgrim  leaders,  were  of  the  English  company, 
were  probably  never  in  Leyden  or  on  the  Speedwell, 
and  were  very  surely  passengers  on  the  May-Flower 
from  London,  in  charge  of  Mr.  Cushman  or  others. 
The  fact  that  the  lad  was  in  London,  and  went  from 
thence  direct  to  New  England,  is  good  evidence  that 
he  was  not  of  the  Leyden  party.  The  fair  presump- 
tion is  that  his  brothers  and  sister  were,  like  himself, 
of  English  birth,  and  humble  —  perhaps  deceased  — 
parents,  taken  because  of  their  orphaned  condition. 
It  is  highly  improbable  that  they  would  be  taken  from 
London  to  Southampton  by  land,  at  the  large  expense 
of  land  travel  in  those  days,  when  the  May-Flower 
was  to  sail  from  London.  That  they  would  accom- 
pany their  respective  masters  to  their  respectively 
assigned  ships  at  Southampton  is  altogether  likely. 
The  phraseology  of  his  affidavit  suggests  the  proba- 
bility that  Richard  More,  his  brothers,  and  sister 
were  brought  to  Mr.  Weston's  house,  to  be  by  him 
sent  aboard  the  May-Flower,  about  to  sail.  The 
affidavit  is  almost  conclusive  evidence  as  to  the  fact 
that  the  More  children  were  all  of  the  English  colo- 
nists' party,  though  apprenticed  to  Leyden  families, 
and  belonged  to  the  London  passenger  list  of  the  Pil- 
grim ship.  The  researches  of  Dr.  Neill  among  the 
MS.  "  minutes  "  and  "  transactions  "  of  the  (London) 
Virginia  Company  show  germanely  that,  on  Novem- 
ber 17,  1619,  " the  treasurer,  council,  and  company" 
of  this   Virginia  Company  addressed  "  Sir  William 


The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


Cockaine,  Knight,  Lord  Mayor  of  the  city  of  London, 
and  the  right  worthys  the  aldermen,  his  brethren,  and 
the  worthys  the  common  council  of  the  city,"  and 
after  returning  thanks  for  the  benefits  conferred  "  in 
furnishing  out  one  hundred  children  this  last  year" 
for  "the   plantation   in  Virginia"  (from  wliat  Neill 
calls  the  "homeless   boys   and  girls  of  London"), 
states,  that,  "  forasmuch  as  we  have  now  resolved  to 
send  this  next  spring  [1620]  very  large   supplies," 
etc.,  "we  pray  your  Lordship  and  the  rest  ...  to 
renew  the  like  favors,  and  furnish  us  again  with  one 
hundred  more  for  the  next  spring.     Our  desire  is 
that  we  may  have  them  of  twelve  years  old  and  up- 
ward, with  allowance  of  ^3  apiece  for  their  trans- 
portation, and  40s.  apiece  for  their  apparel,  as  was 
formerly  granted.     They  shall  be  apprenticed  ;  the 
boys  till  they  come  to  2 1  years  of  age,  the  girls  till 
like  age  or  till  they  be  married,"  etc.     A  letter  of  Sir 
Edwin  Sandys   (dated    January    28,    1620)   to  Sir 
Robert  Naunton  shows  that  "  The  city  of  London 
have  appointed  one  hundred  children  from  the  super- 
fluous multitude  to  be  transported  to  Virginia,  there 
to  be   bound   apprentices   upon  very  beneficial  con- 
ditions."    In  view  of  the  facts  that  these  More  chil- 
dren —  and  perhaps  others  —  were  "  apprenticed  "  or 
"  bound  "  to  the  Pilgrims  (Carver,  Winslow,  Brewster, 
etc.),  and  that  there  must  have  been  some  one  to  make 
the  indentures,  it  seems  strongly  probable  that  these 
four  children  of  one  family,  —  as  Bradford  shows, 
—  very  likely  orphaned,   were   among  those    desig- 
nated by  the  city  of  London   for  the  benefit  of  the 
(London)  Virginia  Company  in  the  spring  of  1620. 
They   seem  to  have   been  waifs  caught  up  in  the 
westward-setting  current,  but  only  Richard  survived 
the  first  winter. 

Bradford,  writing  in  1650,  states  of  Richard  More 
that  his  brothers  and  sister  died,  "  but  he  is  married 
[1636]  and  hath  4  or  5  children."  William  T. 
Davis,   in  his  "  Ancient  Landmarks  of  Plymouth " 


157 


paaecngtr 
iiist  from 
^lonDon  to 
Southampton 


158 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Lo 


'g 


pagstengpr 
ilifit  from 
JLonrwin  to 
^ottrtjampton 


(p.  24),  states,  and  Arber  copies  him,'  that  "  he  was 
afterwards  called  Mann ;  and  died  at  Scituate,  New 
England,  in  1656."  The  researches  of  Mr.  George 
E.  Bowman,  the  able  Secretary  of  the  Massachusetts 
Society  of  May-Flower  Descendants,  some  time  since 
disproved  this  error,  but  More's  affidavit  quoted  con- 
clusively determines  the  matter.     (See  Appendix.) 

The  possible  accessions  to  the  company,  at  London  or 
Southampton,  of  Henry  Sampson  and  Humility  Cooper, 
cousins  of  Edward  Tilley  and  wife,  would  be  added  to  the 
passengers  of  the  pinnace  rather  than  to  the  May-Flower's, 
if,  as  seems  probable,  their  relatives  were  of  the  Speedwell. 
If  Edward  Tilley  and  his  wife  were  assigned  to  the  May- 
Flower,  room  would  doubtless  also  be  found  for  these 
cousins  on  the  ship. 

John  Alden,  the  only  positively  known  addition  (except 
Carver)  made  to  the  list  at  Southampton,  was,  from  the 
nature  of  his  engagement  as  "  cooper,"  quite  likely  assigned 
to  the  larger  ship.  There  are  no  known  hints  as  to  the 
assignments  of  passengers  to  the  respective  vessels  at  South- 
ampton —  then  supposed  to  be  final  —  beyond  the  remarks 
of  Bradford  that  "  the  chief  [principal  ones]  of  them  that 
came  from  Leyden  went  on  this  ship  [the  Speedwell]  to 
give  the  Master  content,"  and  his  further  minute,  that 
"  Master  Martin  was  governour  in  the  biger  ship  and  Master 
Cushman  assistante."  It  is  very  certain  that  Deacon  Carver, 
one  of  the  four  agents  of  the  colonists,  who  had  "  fitted  out " 
the  voyage  in  England,  was  a  passenger  in  the  Speedwell 
from  Southampton,  —  as  the  above  mentioned  remark  of 
Bradford  would  suggest,  —  and  was  made  "  governour  "  of 
her  passengers,  as  he  later  was  of  the  whole  company,  on  the 
May-Flower. 

It  has  sometimes  been  queried  whether,  in  the  interim 
between  the  arrival  of  the  Speedwell  at  Southampton  and 
the  assignment  of  the  colonists  to  their  respective  ships 
(especially  as  both  vessels  were  taking  in  and  transferring 
cargo),  the  passengers  remained  on  board  or  were  quartered 


I.    The  Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  365. 


The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


59 


on  shore.  The  same  query  has  arisen,  with  even  better 
reason,  as  to  the  passengers  of  the  Speedwell  during  the 
stay  at  Dartmouth,  when  the  consort  was  being  carefully 
overhauled  to  find  her  leaks,  the  suggestion  being  made  that 
in  this  case  some  of  them  might  have  found  accommoda- 
tion on  board  the  larger  ship. 

The  question  may  be  fairly  considered  as  settled  nega- 
tively, from  the  facts  that  the  colonists,  with  few  exceptions, 
were  unable  to  bear  such  extra  expense  themselves ;  the 
funds  of  the  Adventurers  —  if  any  were  on  hand,  which 
appears  doubtful  —  were  not  available  for  the  purpose; 
while  the  evidence  of  some  of  the  early  writers  renders  it 
very  certain  that  the  Leyden  party  were  not  released  from 
residence  on  shipboard  from  the  time  they  embarked  on  the 
Speedwell  at  Delfshaven  till  the  final  landing  in  the  harbor 
of  New  Phmoth.' 

Just  who  of  the  Leyden  chiefs  caused  themselves  to  be 
assigned  to  the  smaller  vessel,  to  encourage  its  cowardly 
Master,  cannot  be  definitely  known.  It  may  be  confidently 
assumed,  however,  that  Dr.  Samuel  Fuller,  the  physician  of  the 
colonists,  was  transferred  to  the  May-Flower,  upon  which 
were  embarked  three  fourths  of  the  entire  company,  includ- 
ing most  of  the  women  and  children,  with  some  of  whom, 
it  was  evident,  his  services  would  be  certainly  in  demand. 
There  is  little  doubt  that  the  good  Elder  (William  Brewster) 
was  also  transferred  to  the  larger  ship  at  Southampton,  while 
it  would  not  be  a  very  wild  guess  —  in  the  light  of  Brad- 
ford's statement  —  to  place  Carver,  Winslow,  Bradford, 
Standish,  Cooke,  Howland,  and  Edward  Tilley,  and  their 
families,  among  the  passengers  on  the  consort.  Just  how 
many  passengers  each  vessel  carried  when  they  sailed  from 
Southampton  will  probably  never  be  positively  known. 
Approximately,  it  may  be  said,  on  the  authority  of  such  con- 
temporaneous evidence  as  is  available,  and  such  calculations 
as  are  possible  ^  from  the  data  we  have,  that  the  Speedwell 


1,  Smith,  New  England' i  Trials;  Goodwin,  Pi/grim  Republic;  and 
Cushman's  Dartmouth  letter  to  Edward  Southworth. 

2.  Goodwin,  op.  cit.  p.  51. 


SCIjf 

iltst  from 
IlontJon  to 
&outl)ampton 


i6o 


T^he  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


3Lif(t  ftom 
ilonDon  to 
S)outl)ampton 


had  thirty  (30),  and  the  May-Flower  her  proportionate 
number,  ninety  (90)  —  a  total  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
(120). 

Captain  John  Smith  *  says,  apparently  without  pretending 
to  be  exact,  "  They  left  the  coast  of  England  the  23  of 
August,  with  about  120  persons,  but  the  next  day  \j'tc\  the 
lesser  ship  sprung  a  leak  that  forced  their  return  to  Plym- 
outh; where  discharging  her  [the  ship]  and  twenty  passengers, 
with  the  great  ship  and  a  hundred  persons,  besides  sailors, 
they  set  sail  again  on  the  6th  of  September." 

If  the  number  one  hundred  and  twenty  (120)  is  correct, 
and  the  distribution  suggested  is  also  exact,  viz.  thirty  (30) 
to  the  Speedwell  and  ninety  (90)  to  the  May-Flower,  it  is 
clear  that  there  must  have  been  more  than  twelve  (the  num- 
ber usually  named)  who  went  from  the  consort  to  the  larger 
ship,  when  the  pinnace  was  abandoned.  We  know  that  at 
least  Robert  Cushman  and  his  family  (wife  and  son),  who 
were  on  the  May-Flower,  were  among  the  number  who 
returned  to  London  upon  the  Speedwell  (and  the  language 
of  Thomas  Blossom  in  his  letter  to  Governor  Bradford,  else- 
where quoted,  indicates  that  he  and  his  son  were  also  there), 
so  that  if  the  ship's  number  was  ninety  (90),  and  three  or 
more  were  withdrawn,  it  would  require  fifteen  (15)  or  more 
to  make  the  number  up  to  one  hundred  and  two  (102),  the 
number  of  passengers  we  know  the  May-Flower  had  when 
she  took  her  final  departure. 

It  is  not  likely  we  shall  ever  be  able  to  determine  exactly 
the  names  or  number  of  those  transferred  to  the  May-Flower 
from  the  consort,  or  the  number  or  names  of  all  those  who 
went  back  to  London  from  either  vessel.  Several  of  the 
former  and  a  few  of  the  latter  are  known,  but  we  must 


I.  Smith,  New  England's  Trials^  ed.  1622,  London,  p.  259.  It 
is  a  singular  error  of  the  celebrated  navigator  that  he  makes  the 
ships  to  have,  in  less  than  a  day's  sail,  got  outside  of  Plymouth,  as 
he  indicates  by  his  words,  "  the  next  day,"  and  "  forced  their  return 
to  Plymouth."  He  evidently  intends  to  speak  only  in  general  terms, 
as  he  entirely  omits  the  (first)  return  to  Dartmouth,  and  numbers  the 
passengers  on  the  May-Flower,  on  her  final  departure,  at  but  "  one 
hundred."      He  also  says  they  "  discharged  twenty  passengers." 


'The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


i6i 


(except  tor  some  fortunate  discovery)  rest  content  with  a 
very  accurate  knowledge  of  the  passenger  Hst  of  the  May- 
Flower  when  she  left  Plymouth  (England),  and  of  tlie 
changes  which  occurred  in  it  afterward ;  and  a  partial  know- 
ledge of  the  ship's  own  complement  of  officers  and  men. 

Goodwin  says :  *  "  The  returning  ones  were  probably  of 
those  who  joined  in  England,  and  had  not  yet  acquired 
the  Pilgrim  spirit."  Unhappily  this  view  is  not  sustained 
by  the  relations  of  those  of  the  number  who  are  known. 
Robert  Cushman  and  his  family  (3  persons),  Thomas  Blos- 
som and  his  son  (2  persons),  and  William  Ring  (1  person), 
a  total  of  six,  or  just  one  third  of  the  putative  eighteen  who 
went  back,  all  belonged  to  the  Leyden  congregation,  and 
were  far  from  lacking  "  the  Pilgrim  spirit."  Cushman  was 
both  ill  and  heart-sore  from  fatigue,  disappointment,  and 
bad  treatment ;  Ring  was  very  ill,  according  to  Cushman's 
Dartmouth  letter ;  but  the  motives  governing  Blossom  and 
his  son  do  not  appear,  unless  the  comparatively  early  death 
of  the  son  —  after  which  his  father  went  to  New  England  — 
furnishes  a  clue  thereto.  Bradford  says :  "  Those  that  went 
back  were,  for  the  most  part,  such  as  were  willing  to  do  so, 
either  out  of  some  discontent,  or  fear  they  conceived  of  the 
ill  success  of  the  Voyage,  seeing  so  many  crosses  befallen 
and  the  year  time  so  far  spent.  But  others,  in  regard  of 
their  own  weakness  and  the  charge  of  many  young  children, 
were  thought  [by  the  Managers]  least  useful  and  most  unfit 
to  bear  the  brunt  of  this  hard  adventure."  It  is  evident  from 
the  above  that,  while  the  return  of  most  was  from  choice, 
some  were  sent  back  by  those  in  authority,  as  unfit  for  the 
undertaking,  and  that  of  these  some  had  "  many  young  chil- 
dren." There  are  said  to  have  been  eighteen  who  returned 
on  the  Speedwell  to  London.  We  know  who  six  of  them 
were,  leaving  twelve,  or  two  thirds,  unknown.  Whether 
these  twelve  were  in  part  from  Leyden,  and  were  part  English, 
we  shall  probably  never  know.  If  any  of  them  were  from 
Holland,  then  the  number  of  those  who  left  Delfshaven  on 
the  Speedwell  is  increased  by  so  many.  If  any  were  of  the 
English  contingent,  —  and  probably  the  most  were,  —  then  the 


SCI)? 

passfngcr 
Hist  from 
ilonOon  to 
&outt)ainpton 


I.    Pilgrim  Republic,  p.  56. 


l62 


The  May-Flower  f^  Her  Log 


Wcft 

\m  from 
ilonDon  to 
^outt)ampton 


passenger  list  of  the  May-Flower  from  London  to  South- 
ampton was  probably,  by  so  many,  the  larger.  It  is  evident, 
from  Bradford's  remark,  that,  among  the  twelve  unknown, 
were  some  who,  from  "  their  own  weakness  and  charge  of 
many  young  children,  were  thought  least  useful  and  most 
unfit,"  etc.  From  this  it  is  clear  that  at  least  one  family  was 
included  which  had  a  number  of  young  children,  the  parents' 
"  own  weakness  "  being  recognized.  A  father,  mother,  and 
four  children  (in  view  of  the  term  "  many  ")  would  seem  a 
reasonable  surmise,  and  would  make  six,  or  another  third  of 
the  whole  number.  The  probability  that  the  unknown  two 
thirds  were  chiefly  from  England,  rather  than  Holland,  is 
increased  by  observation  of  the  evident  care  with  which,  as  a 
rule,  those  from  the  Leyden  congregation  were  picked,  as  to 
strength  and  fitness,  and  also  by  the  fact  that  their  Leyden 
homes  were  broken  up.  Winslow  remarks,  "  the  youngest 
and  strongest  part  were  to  go,"  and  an  analysis  of  the  list 
shows  that  those  selected  were  mostly  such.  Bradford,  in 
stating  that  Martin  was  "  from  Billericay  in  Essex,"  says, 
"  from  which  part  came  sundry  others."  It  is  quite  possible 
that  some  of  the  unknown  twelve  who  returned  were  from 
this  locality,  as  none  of  those  who  went  on  the  May-Flower 
are  understood  to  have  hailed  from  there,  beside  the  Martins. 

All  the  colonists  still  intending  to  go  to  America  were 
now  gathered  in  one  vessel.  Whatever  previous  disposi- 
tion of  them  had  been  made,  or  whatever  relations  they 
might  have  had  in  the  disjointed  record  of  the  exodus,  were 
ephemeral,  and  are  now  lost  sight  of  in  the  enduring  interest 
which  attaches  to  their  final  and  successful  "  going  forth  " 
as  May-Flower  Pilgrims. 

Bradford  informs  us  —  as  already  noted^  — that,  just  be- 
fore the  departure  from  Southampton,  having  "  ordered  and 
distributed  their  company  for  either  ship,  as  they  conceived 
for  the  best,"  they  "  chose  a  Governor  and  two  or  three  assist- 
ants for  each  ship,  to  order  the  people  by  the  way,  and  see 
to  the  disposing  of  the  provisions,  and  such  like  affairs.  All 
which  was  not  only  with  the  liking  of  the  Masters  of  the 
ships,  but  according  to  their  desires."     We  have  seen  that 


I.   Bradford,  Historie^  p.  68. 


The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


163 


under  this  arrangement  —  the  wisdom  and  necessity  of 
which  are  obvious  —  Martin  was  made  "  Governor "  on 
the  "  biger  ship "  and  Cushman  his  "  assistante."  ^  Al- 
though we  find  no  mention  of  the  fact,  it  is  rendered  certain 
by  the  record  which  Bradford^  makes  of  the  action  of 
the  Pilgrim  company  on  December  11,  1620,  at  Cape 
Cod,  —  when  they  "  confirmed "  Deacon  John  Carver  as 
"Governor,"  —  that  he  was  and  had  been  such,  over  the 
colonist  passengers  for  the  voyage  (the  ecclesiastical  authority 
only  remaining  to  Elder  Brewster),  Martin  holding  certainly 
no  higher  than  the  second  place,  made  vacant  by  Cushman's 
departure.^ 

Thus,  hardly  had  the  Pilgrims  shaken  the  dust  of  their 
persecuting  mother-country  from  their  feet  before  they  set 
up,  by  popular  voice  (above  religious  authority,  and  even 
that  vested  by  maritime  law  in  their  ships'  officers),  a  govern- 
ment of  themselves,  by  themselves,  and  for  themselves.  It 
was  a  significant  step,  and  the  early  revision  they  made  of 
their  choice  of  "  governors "  certifies  their  purpose  to  have 


2Cl)C 

iLi0t  from 
ILonDon  to 
&>outt)ampton 


1.  Bradford,  orig.  MS.  p.  54.  The  Governor  has  written  in  the 
margin  of  the  MS.  (on  the  left-hand  border  of  his  copy  of  Cushman's 
Dartmouth  letter),  opposite  to  the  lines  where  Cushman  is  upbraid- 
ing Christopher  Martin  in  strong  terms  —  richly  deserved,  —  "he 
was  gouvenor  in  ye  biger  ship  and  Mr.  Cushman  assistante." 

2.  Bradford,  orig.  MS.  p.  54.  The  words,  though  sometimes 
misquoted  and  their  effect  lost,  are  plainly,  "  they  chose,  or  rather 
confirmed  [italics  the  author's],  Mr.  John  Carver  (a  man  godly  and 
well  approved  amongst  them),  their  Governor  for  that  year ;  "  prov- 
ing conclusively  that  he  had  been  such  for  the  voyage. 

Carver  had  been  chosen  governor  under  the  authority  conferred  by 
the  Pierce  patent,  which  would  be  without  force  or  value  where  they 
were  to  land ;  hence  it  was  manifestly  proper  that,  having  adopted 
their  new  "  Organic  Act,"  the  Compact^  they  should  elect  its  chief 
executive  under  its  provisions.  So  they  reelected,  or,  as  Bradford 
puts  it,  "  confirmed  "  Carver  as  governor,  he  then  holding  that  office 
by  virtue  of  the  former  authority  and  election.  While  it  was  a  con- 
firmation of  their  former  choice,  strictly  speaking,  it  was  essentially 
a  new  election  de  jure  et  de  facto. 

3.  Bradford,  Historic.,  p.  70. 


164 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Paggfngcr 
met  from 
iLonOon  to 
&outi)ampton 


only  rulers  who  could  command  dieir  confidence  and  re- 
spect. 

Dr.  Young  says :  "  We  know  the  age  of  but  few  of  the 
Pilgrims,"  which  has  hitherto  been  true ;  yet  by  careful  exami- 
nation of  reliable  data,  now  available,  we  are  able  to  deter- 
mine very  closely  the  ages  of  a  considerable  number,  and 
approximately  the  years  of  most  of  the  others,  at  the  time 
of  the  exodus. 

No  analysis,  so  far  as  known,  has  hitherto  been  made  of 
the  vocations  (trades,  etc.)  represented  by  the  May-Flower 
company.  They  were,  as  befitted  those  bent  on  founding  a 
colony,  of  considerable  variety,  though  it  should  be  under- 
stood that  the  vocations  given  were,  so  far  as  ascertained,  the 
callings  the  individuals  who  represented  them  had  followed 
before  taking  ship.  Several  are  known  to  have  been  en- 
gaged in  other  pursuits  at  some  time,  either  before  their 
residence  in  Holland,  or  during  their  earlier  years  there. 
Bradford  tells  us  that  most  of  the  Leyden  congregation  (or 
that  portion  of  it  which  came  from  England,  in  or  about 
1 608)  were  agricultural  people.  These  were  chiefly  obliged 
to  acquire  handicrafts  or  other  occupations.  A  few,  e.  g. 
AUerton,  Brewster,  Bradford,  Carver,  Cooke,  and  Winslow, 
had  possessed  some  means,  while  others  had  been  bred  to  pur- 
suits for  which  there  was  no  demand  in  the  Low  Countries. 
Standish,  bred  to  arms,  apparently  followed  his  profession 
nearly  to  the  time  of  departure,  and  resumed  it  in  the  colony, 
adding  thereto  the  calling  which,  in  all  times  and  all  lands, 
had  been  held  compatible  in  dignity  with  that  of  arms,  — 
the  pursuit  of  agriculture.  While  always  the  "  Sword  of  the 
White  Men,"  ^  he  was  the  pioneer  "  planter "  in  the  first 
settlement  begun  (at  Duxbury)  beyond  Plymouth  limits. 
Of  the  "  arts,  crafts  or  trades  "  of  the  colonists  from  London 
and  neighboring  English  localities,  but  little  has  been  gleaned. 
They  were  mostly  people  of  some  means,  tradesmen  rather 
than  artisans,  and  at  least  two  (Martin  and  Mullens)  were 
evidently  also  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers. 


I.   The  name  given  him,  according  to  tradition,  by  certain  of  the 
Indians,  as  stated  by  Mrs.  Austin  and  others. 


The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


Their  social  (conjugal)  conditions  —  not  previously  an- 
alyzed, it  is  thought  —  have  been  determined,  it  is  believed, 
with  approximate  accuracy ;  though  it  is  of  course  possible 
that  some  were  married,  of  whom  that  fact  does  not  appear, 
especially  among  the  seamen. 


The  passengers  of  the  May-Flower  on  her  departure  from 
Plymouth  (England),  as  arranged  for  convenience  by  fami- 
lies, were  as  appears  by  the  following  lists. 

While  the  ages  given  in  these  lists  are  the  result  of  much 
careful  study  of  all  the  latest  available  data,  and  are  believed, 
when  not  exact,  to  be  very  close  approximates ;  as  it  has 
been  possible  to  arrive  at  results,  in  several  cases,  only  by 
considerable  calculation,  the  bases  of  which  may  not  always 
have  been  entirely  reliable,  errors  may  have  crept  in.  Though 
the  author  is  aware  that,  in  a  few  instances,  the  age  stated  does 
not  agree  with  that  assigned  by  other  recognized  authority, 
critical  re-analysis  seems  to  warrant  and  confirm  the  figures 
given. 

The  actual  and  comparative  youth  of  the  majority  of  the 
colonist  leaders  —  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  —  is  matter  of  com- 
ment, even  ot  surprise,  to  most  students  ot  Pilgrim  his- 
tory, especially  in  view  of  what  the  Leyden  congregation 
had  experienced  before  embarking  for  America.  Only  two 
of  the  leaders  exceeded  fifty  years  of  age,  and  of  these  Gov- 
ernor Carver  died  early.  Of  the  principal  men  only  nine 
could  have  been  over  forty,  and  of  these  Carver,  Chilton, 
Martin,  Mullins,  and  Priest  (more  than  half)  died  within  a 
few  months  after  landing,  leaving  Brewster,  Warren  (who 
died  early),  Cooke,  and  Hopkins  —  neither  of  the  latter 
hardly  forty  —  as  the  seniors.  One  does  not  readily  think 
of  Alden  as  but  twenty-one,  Winslow  as  only  twenty-five, 
Dr.  Fuller  as  about  thirty,  Bradford  as  only  thirty-one  when 
chosen  Governor,  AUerton  as  thirty-two,  and  Captain  Stand- 
ish  as  thirty-six.  Verily  they  were  "  old  heads  on  young 
shoulders."  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  dominant  in- 
fluence at  all  times  was  that  of  the  Leyden  contingent. 


,65 


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-§  .y  .y  .y  •§  ^  iC 
W  oi  Pi  OS  ^  H  ;> 

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Ot  these,  all  except  William  Butten,  who  died  upon  the 
voyage,  reached  Cape  Cod  in  safety,  though  some  of  them 
had  become  seriously  ill  from  the  hardships  encountered, 
and  Howland  had  narrowly  escaped  drowning.  Two  were 
added  to  the  number  en  voyage,  —  Oceanus  Hopkins,  born 
upon  the  sea,  and  Peregrine  White,  born  soon  after  the 
arrival  in  Cape  Cod  harbor.  This  made  the  total  of  the  pas- 
senger list  103,*  before  further  depletion  by  death  occurred, 
though  several  deaths  again  reduced  it  before  the  May- 
Flower  cast  anchor  in  Plymouth  harbor,  her  final  haven 
on  the  outward  voyage. 

Deacon  John  Carver's  place  of  birth  or  early  life  is  not 
known,  but  he  was  an  Essex  County  man,  and  was 
probably  not,  until  in  middle  life,  a  member  of 
Robinson's  congregation  of  "  Independents."  His 
age  is  determined  by  collateral  evidence. 

Mrs.  Katherine  Carver,  it  has  been  supposed  by  some,  was 
a  sister  of  Pastor  Robinson.  This  supposition  rests, 
apparently,  upon  the  expression  of  Robinson  in  his 
parting  letter  to  Carver,  where  he  says :  "  What  shall 
I  say  or  write  unto  you  and  your  good  wife,  my 
loving  sister  ?  "  Neither  the  place  of  Mrs.  Carver's 
nativity  nor  her  age  is  known. 

Desire  Minter  was  evidently  a  young  girl  of  the  Leyden 
congregation,  between  the  ages  of  fourteen  and  seven- 
teen, who  in  some  way  (perhaps  through  kinship) 
had  been  taken  into  Carver's  family.  She  returned 
to  England  early.  See  p.  23,  ante,  for  account  of  her 
(probable)  parentage. 

John  Howland  was  possibly  of  kin  to  Carver  and  had  been 
apparently  some  years  in  his  family.  Bradford  calls 
him  a  "  man-servant,"  but  it  is  evident  that  "  em- 
ployee "  would  be  the  more  correct  term,  and  that  he 


I .   Bradford  says  {Historic,  p.  1 1 1)  :  "  Of  lOO  £tf  odd  persons  scarce 
fifty  remained."     (Italics  the  author's.) 


'The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


173 


was  much  more  than  a  "  servant."  It  is  observable 
that  Howland  signed  the  Compact  (by  Morton's  List) 
before  such  men  as  Hopkins,  the  Tilleys,  Cooke, 
Rogers,  and  Priest,  which  does  not  indicate  much  of 
the  "  servant "  relation.  His  antecedents  are  not  cer- 
tainly known,  but  that  he  was  of  the  Essex  family  of 
the  name  seems  probable.  Much  effort  has  been  made 
in  recent  years  to  trace  his  ancestry,  but  without  any 
considerable  result.  His  age  at  death  (1673)  deter- 
mines his  age  in  1620.  He  was  older  than  gener- 
ally supposed,  being  bom  about  1593. 

Roger  Wilder  is  also  called  a  "man-servant"  by  Bradford, 
and  hardly  more  than  this  is  known  of  him,  his  death 
occurring  early.  There  is  no  clue  to  his  age  except 
that  his  being  called  a  "  man-servant "  would  seem  to 
suggest  that  he  was  of  age ;  but  the  fact  that  he  did 
not  sign  the  Compact  would  indicate  that  he  was 
younger,  or  he  may  have  been  extremely  ill,  as  he 
died  very  soon  after  arrival. 

William  Latham  is  called  a  "  boy "  by  Bradford,  though  a 
lad  of  18.  It  is  quite  possible  he  was  one  of  those 
"  indentured "  by  the  corporation  of  London,  but 
there  is  no  direct  intimation  of  this. 

"  Mrs.  Carver's  maid,"  it  is  fair  to  presume,  from  her  position 
as  lady's-maid  and  its  requirements  in  those  days, 
was  a  young  woman  of  eighteen  or  twenty  years,  and 
this  is  confirmed  by  her  early  marriage.  Nothing  is 
known  of  her  before  the  embarkation.    She  died  early. 

Jasper  More,  Bradford  says,  "  was  a  child  yt  was  put  to 
him."  Further  information  concerning  him  is  given 
in  connection  with  his  brother  Richard,  "  indentured  " 
to  Elder  Brewster.  He  is  erroneously  called  by 
Justin  Winsor  in  his  "  History  of  Duxbury  "  (Massa- 
chusetts) a  child  of  Carver's,  as  Elizabeth  Tilley  is 
"  his  daughter."    Others  have  similarly  erred. 


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Elder  William  Brewster's  known  age  at  his  death  deter- 
mines his  age  in  1620.  He  was  born  in  1566-67. 
His  early  life  was  full  of  interest  and  activity,  and  his 
life  in  Holland  and  America  no  less  so.  In  early 
life  he  filled  important  stations.  Steele's  "  Chief  of 
the  Pilgrims  "  is  a  most  engaging  biography  of  him, 
and  there  are  others  hardly  less  so,  Bradford's  sketch 
being  one  of  the  best. 

Mrs.  Mary  Brewster's  age  at  her  death  determines  it  at  the 
embarkation,  and  is  matter  of  computation. 

Love  Brewster  was  the  second  son  of  his  parents,  his  elder 
brother  Jonathan  coming  over  afterwards. 

Wrestling  Brewster  was  but  a  "  lad,"  and  his  father's  third  son. 

Richard  More  and  his  brother,  Bradford  states,  "were  put 
to  him  "  (Elder  Brewster)  as  bound-boys.  For  a  full 
account  of  their  English  origin,  Richard's  affidavit, 
etc.,  see  p.  155,  ante.  This  makes  him  but  about 
six,  but  he  was  perhaps  older.    (See  Appendix.) 

Governor  Edward  Winslow's  known  age  at  his  death  fixes 
his  age  at  the  time  of  the  exodus,  and  his  birth  is 
duly  recorded  at  Droitwich,  in  Worcester,  England. 
(See  "Winslow  Memorial,"  David  Parsons  Holton, 
vol.  i.  p.  16.) 

Mrs.  Elizabeth  (Barker)  Winslow,  the  first  wife  of  the  Gov- 
ernor, appears  by  the  data  supplied  by  the  record 
of  her  marriage  in  Holland,  May  27,  1618,  to  have 
been  a  maiden  of  comporting  years  to  her  husband's, 
he  being  then  twenty-three.  Tradition  makes  her 
slightly  younger  than  her  husband. 

George  Soule,  it  is  evident,  —  like  Howland,  —  though  de- 
nominated a  "  servant "  by  Bradford,  was  more  than 
this,  and  should  rather  have  been  styled,  as  Goodwin 


'—cSirr^  0^irtv 


The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


175 


points  out,  "  an  employee  "  of  Edward  Winslow. 
His  age  is  approximated  by  collateral  evidence,  his 
marriage,  etc. 

Elias  Story  is  called  "  man-servant "  by  Bradford,  and  his  age 
is  unknown.  The  fact  that  he  did  not  sign  the  Com- 
pact indicates  that  he  was  under  age,  but  extreme  ill- 
ness may  have  prevented,  as  he  died  early. 

Ellen  More,  "  a  little  girl  that  was  put  to  him  "  (Winslow), 
died  early.  She  was  sister  of  the  other  More  children, 
"  bound  out "  to  Carver  and  Brewster,  of  whom  ex- 
tended mention  has  been  made. 

Governor  William  Bradford's  date  of  birth  fixes  his  age  in 
1620.  His  early  home  was  at  Austerfield,  in  York- 
shire. Belknap  ("  American  Biography,"  vol.  ii.  p. 
218)  says:  "He  learned  the  art  of  silk-dyeing." 

Mrs.  Dorothy  (May)  Bradford's  age  (the  first  wife  of  the 
Governor)  is  fixed  at  twenty-three  by  collateral  data, 
but  she  may  have  been  older.  She  was  probably 
from  Wisbeach,  England.  The  manner  of  her  tragic 
death  (by  drowning,  having  fallen  overboard  from  the 
ship  in  Cape  Cod  harbor),  the  first  violent  death  in 
the  colony,  was  especially  sad,  her  husband  being 
absent  for  a  week  afterward.  It  is  not  known  that 
her  body  was  recovered. 

Dr.  Samuel  Fuller,  from  his  marriage  record  at  Leyden, 
made  in  1613,  when  he  was  a  widower,  it  is  fair  to 
assume  was  about  thirty,  perhaps  older,  in  1620,  as 
he  could,  when  married,  have  hardly  been  under 
twenty-one.  His  (third)  wife  and  child  were  left 
in  Holland. 

William  Butten  (who  died  at  sea,  November  6/16),  Brad- 
ford calls  "  a  youth."  He  was  undoubtedly  a  "  ser- 
vant "-assistant  to  the  doctor. 


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Isaac  AUerton,  it  is  a  fair  assumption,  was  about  thirty-four 
in  1620,  from  the  fact  that  he  married  his  first  wife 
October  4,  1611,  as  he  was  called  "a  young  man" 
in  the  Leyden  marriage  record.  He  is  called  "  of 
London,  England,"  by  Bradford  and  on  the  Leyden 
records.  He  was  made  a  "freeman"  of  Leyden, 
February  7,  1614.  Arber  and  others  state  that  his 
early  occupation  was  that  of  "tailor,"  but  he  was 
later  a  tradesman  and  merchant. 

Mary  (Norris)  Allerton  is  called  a  "  maid  of  Newbury  in 
England,"  in  the  Leyden  record  of  her  marriage,  in 
October,  1611,  and  it  is  the  only  hint  as  to  her  age 
we  have.  She  was  presumably  a  young  woman. 
Her  death  followed  (a  month  later)  the  birth  of  her 
still-born  son,  on  board  the  May-Flower  in  Plym- 
outh harbor,  February  25/ March  7,  1621. 

Bartholomew  Allerton,  born  probably  in  1612/13  (his  parents 
married  October,  1611),  was  hence,  as  stated,  about 
seven  or  eight  years  old  at  the  embarkation.  He 
has  been  represented  as  older,  but  this  was  clearly 
impossible.     He  was  doubtless  born  in  Holland. 

Remember  Allerton,  apparently  AUerton's  second  child,  has 
(with  a  novelist's  license)  been  represented  by  Mrs. 
Austin  as  considerably  older  than  six,  in  fact  nearer 
sixteen  (Goodwin,  p.  183,  says,  "over  13"),  but  the 
known  years  of  her  mother's  marriage  and  her 
brother's  birth  make  this  improbable.  She  was,  no 
doubt,  born  in  Holland  about  1614.  She  married 
Moses  Maverick  by  1635,  and  Thomas  Weston's 
only  child,  Elizabeth,  was  married  from  her  house  at 
Marblehead  to  Roger  Conant,  son  of  the  first  "gov- 
ernor "  of  a  Massachusetts  Bay  "  plantation." 

Mary  Allerton,  apparently  the  third  child,  could  hardly 
have  been  much  more  than  four  years  old  in  1620, 
though  Goodwin  ("Pilgrim  Republic,"  p.  184)  calls 


The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


her  eleven,  which  is  an  error.  She  was  probably  born 
in  Holland  about  1616.  She  was  the  last  survivor  of 
the  passengers  of  the  May-Flower,  dying  at  Plym- 
outh, New  England,  1C99.     (See  Appendix.) 

John  Hooke,  described  by  Bradford  as  a  "  servant-boy,"  was 
probably  but  a  youth.  He  did  not  sign  the  Compact. 
Nothing  further  is  known  of  him  except  that  he  died 
early.  It  is  quite  possible  that  he  may  have  been  of 
London  and  have  been  "  indentured  "  by  the  munici- 
pality to  Allerton,  but  the  presumption  has  been  that 
he  came,  as  body-servant  of  Allerton,  with  him  from 
Leyden. 

Captain  Standish's  years  in  1620  are  conjectural  (from  fixed 
data),  as  is  his  age  at  death.  His  early  home  was 
at  Duxborough  Hall,  in  Lancashire.  His  commis- 
sion as  Captain,  from  Queen  Elizabeth,  would  make 
his  birth  about  1584.  Rose  Standish,  his  wife,  is 
said  by  tradition  to  have  been  from  the  Isle  of  Man, 
but  nothing  is  known  of  her  age  or  antecedents, 
except  that  she  was  younger  than  the  Captain.  She 
died  during  the  "general  sickness,"  early  in  1621. 

Master  Christopher  Martin,  as  previously  noted,  was  from 
Billerica,  in  Essex.  From  collateral  data  it  appears 
that  he  must  have  been  "  about  forty  "  years  old  when 
he  joined  the  Pilgrims.  He  appears  to  have  been  a 
staunch  "  Independent "  and  to  have  drawn  upon 
himself  the  ire  of  the  Archdeacon  of  Chelmsford, 
(probably)  by  his  loud-mouthed  expression  of  his 
views,  as  only  "  a  month  before  the  May-Flower 
sailed  "  he,  with  his  son  and  Solomon  Prower  of  his 
household  (probably  a  relative),  were  cited  before 
the  archdeacon  to  answer  for  their  shortcomings, 
especially  in  reverence  for  this  church  dignitary.  He 
seems  to  have  been  at  all  times  a  self-conceited, 
arrogant,  and  unsatisfactory  man.  That  he  was 
elected  treasurer   and   ship's    "governor"  and    per- 


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mitted  so  much  unbridled  liberty  as  appears,  is  in- 
comprehensible. It  was  probably  fortunate  that  he 
died  early,  as  he  did,  evidently  in  utter  poverty.  He 
had  a  son,  in  1620,  apparently  quite  a  grown  youth, 
from  which  it  is  fair  to  infer  that  the  father  was  at 
that  time  "about  forty."  Of  his  wife  nothing  is 
known.     She  also  died  early. 

Solomon  Prower,  who  is  called  by  Bradford  both  "  son  "  and 
"  servant "  of  Martin,  seems  from  the  fact  of  his 
"  citation  "  before  the  Archdeacon  of  Chelmsford,  etc., 
to  have  been  something  more  than  a  "  servant,"  pos- 
sibly a  kinsman,  or  foster-son,  and  probably  would 
more  properly  have  been  termed  an  "employee." 
He  was  from  Billerica,  in  Essex,  and  was,  from  the 
fact  that  he  did  not  sign  the  Compact,  probably  under 
twenty-one  or  very  ill  at  the  time.  He  died  early. 
Of  John  Langemore,  his  fellow  "  servant,"  nothing  is 
known,  except  that  he  is  spoken  of  by  Young  as 
one  of  two  "  children  "  brought  over  by  Martin  (but 
on  no  apparent  authority),  and  he  did  not  sign  the 
Compact,  though  this  might  have  been  from  extreme 
illness,  as  he  too  died  early. 

William  White  was  of  the  Leyden  congregation.  He  is 
wrongly  called  by  Davis  a  son  of  Bishop  John 
White,  as  the  only  English  Bishop  of  that  name  and 
time  died  a  bachelor.  At  White's  marriage,  recorded 
at  the  Stadthaus  at  Leyden,  January  27/February  l, 
1612,  to  Anna  [Susanna]  Fuller,  he  is  called  "a 
young  man  of  England."  As  he  presumably  was  of 
age  at  that  time,  he  must  have  been  at  least  some 
twenty-nine  or  thirty  years  old  at  the  embarkation, 
eight  years  later.  His  son  Peregrine  was  born  in 
Cape  Cod  harbor.     Mr.  White  died  very  early. 

Susanna  (Fuller)  White,  wife  of  William,  and  sister  of  Dr. 
Fuller  ("?),  was  apparently  somewhat  younger  than 
her  first  husband  and  perhaps  older  than  her  second. 


The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


179 


She  must,  in  all  probability  (having  been  married  in 
Leyden  in  1612),  have  been  at  least  twenty-five  at  the 
embarkation,  eight  years  later.  Her  second  husband. 
Governor  Winslow,  was  but  twenty-five  in  1620,  and 
the  presumption  is  that  she  was  slightly  his  senior. 
There  appears  no  good  reason  for  ascribing  to  her 
the  austere  and  rather  unlovable  characteristics 
which  the  pen  of  Mrs.  Austin  has  given  her. 

Resolved  White,  the  son  of  William  and  Susanna  White, 
could  not  have  been  more  than  six  or  seven  years 
old,  and  is  set  down  by  Goodwin  and  others  —  on 
what  seems  inconclusive  evidence  —  at  five.  He 
was  doubtless  born  at  Leyden, 

William  Holbeck  is  simply  named  as  "a  servant "  of  White, 
by  Bradford.  His  age  does  not  appear,  but  as  he  did 
not  sign  the  Compact  he  was  probably  "  under  age." 
From  the  fact  that  he  died  early,  it  is  possible  that  he 
was  too  ill  to  sign. 

Edward  Thompson  is  named  by  Bradford  as  a  second  "  ser- 
vant "  of  IVTaster  White,  but  nothing  more  is  known 
of  him,  except  that  he  did  not  sign  the  Compact,  and 
was  therefore  probably  in  his  nonage,  unless  prevented 
by  severe  sickness.     He  died  very  early. 

Master  William  Mullens  (or  Molines,  as  Bradford  some- 
times calls  him)  is  elsewhere  shown  to  have  been  a 
tradesman  of  some  means,  of  Dorking,  in  Surrey,  one 
of  the  Merchant  Adventurers,  and  a  man  of  ability. 
From  the  fact  that  he  left  a  married  daughter  (Mrs. 
Sarah  Blunden)  and  a  son  (William)  a  young  man 
grown,  in  England,  it  is  evident  that  he  must  have 
been  forty  years  old  or  more  when  he  sailed  for  New 
England,  only  to  die  aboard  the  ship  in  New  Plym- 
outh harbor.  That  he  was  not  a  French  Huguenot 
of  the  Leyden  contingent,  as  pictured  by  Rev.  Dr. 
Baird  and  Mrs.  Austin,  is  certain.     (See  Appendix.) 


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Mrs.  Alice  Mullens,  whose  given  name  we  know  only  from 
her  husband's  will,  filed  in  London,  we  know  little 
about.  Her  age  was  (if  she  was  his  first  wife)  pre- 
sumably about  that  of  her  husband,  whom  she  sur- 
vived but  a  short  time. 

Joseph  Mullens  was  perhaps  older  than  his  sister  Priscilla, 
and  the  third  child  of  his  parents ;  but  the  impression 
prevails  that  he  was  slightly  her  junior,  —  on  what 
evidence  it  is  hard  to  say.  That  he  was  sixteen  is  ren- 
dered certain  by  the  fact  that  he  is  reckoned  by  his 
father,  in  his  will,  as  representing  a  share  in  the  plant- 
er's half-interest  in  the  colony,  and  to  do  so  must  have 
been  of  that  age. 

Priscilla  Mullens,  whom  the  glamour  of  unfounded  romance 
and  the  pen  of  the  poet  Longfellow  have  made  one 
of  the  best  known  and  best  beloved  of  the  Pilgrim 
band,  was  either  a  little  older,  or  younger,  than  her 
brother  Joseph,  it  is  not  certain  which.  But  that  she 
was  over  sixteen  is  made  certain  by  the  same  evidence 
as  that  named  concerning  her  brother. 

Robert  Carter  is  named  by  Bradford  as  a  "  man-servant,"  and 
Mrs.  Austin,  in  her  imaginative  "  Standish  of  Stand- 
ish,"  which  is  never  to  be  taken  too  literally,  has 
made  him  (see  p.  181  of  that  book)  "a  dear  old  ser- 
vant," whom  Priscilla  Mullens  credits  with  carrying 
her  in  his  arms  when  a  small  child,  etc.  Both  Brad- 
ford's mention  and  Mr.  Mullens's  will  indicate  that 
he  was  yet  a  young  man  and  "  needed  looking  after." 
He  did  not  sign  the  Compact,  which  of  itself  indicates 
nonage,  unless  illness  was  the  cause,  of  which,  in  his 
case,  there  is  no  evidence,  until  later. 

Richard  Warren,  as  he  had  a  wife  and  five  pretty  well  grown 
daughters,  must  have  been  forty-five  or  more  when 
he  came  over.  He  is  suggested  to  have  been  from 
Essex. 


The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


i8i 


Stephen  Hopkins  is  believed  to  have  been  a  "  lay-reader " 
with  Mr.  Buck,  chaplain  to  Governor  Gates  of  the 
Bermuda  expedition  of  1609  (see   Purchas,  vol.  iv. 
p.  174).     As  he  could  hardly  have  had  this  appoint- 
ment, or  have  taken  the  political  stand  he  did,  until 
of  age,  he  must  have  been  at  least  twenty-one  at  that 
time.     If  so,  he  would  have  been  not  less  than  thirty- 
two  years  old  in  1620,  and  was  probably  considerably 
older,  as  his  son  Giles  is  represented  by  Goodwin 
("Pilgrim  Republic,"  p.  184)  as  being  "about  15." 
If  the  father  was  but  twenty-one  when  the  son  was 
born,  he  must  have  been  at  least  thirty-seven  when  he 
became  a  May-Flower  Pilgrim.    The  probabilities 
are  that  he  was  considerably  older.      His  English 
home  is  not  known.     Professor  Arber  makes  an  error 
("The   Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,"  p.    261)   in 
regard  to  Hopkins  which,  unless  noted,  might  lead 
to  other  and  more  serious  mistakes.     Noting  the  dif- 
ferences  between   John  Pierce  and  a  Master  Hop- 
kins, heard  before  the  Council  for  New  England,  May 
5/15,    1623,  Arber  designates  Master  Hopkins  as 
"  Stephen  "  (on  what  authority  does  not  appear),  and 
leaves  us  to  infer  that  it  was  the  Pilgrim  Hopkins. 
On  further  inquiry  it  transpires  that  the  person  who 
was  at  variance  with  Master  John  Pierce  over  the 
matter  of  passage  and  freight  money,  on  account  of 
the  unfortunate  Paragon,  was  a  Rev.  Master  Hopkins 
(not  Stephen  of  the  May-F lower),  who,  we  learn 
from  Neill's  "History  of  the  Virginia   Company," 
was  "  recommended  July  3,  1622,  by  the  Court  of 
the   Company   to    the    Governor  of  Virginia,  .  .  . 
being  desirous  to  go  over  at  his  own  charge."     He 
was  evidently  a  passenger  on  both  of  the  disastrous 
attempts  of  the   Paragon   under  Captain  William 
Pierce,  and  being  forced  back  the  second  time,  appar- 
ently gave  up  the  intention  of  going. 

Mrs.  Elizabeth  Hopkins,  nothing  is  known  concerning,  ex- 
cept that  she  was  not  her  husband's  first  wife.     Some 


2El)e 

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'The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


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Cnglano 


time  apparently  elapsed  between  her  husband's  mar- 
riages. 

Giles  Hopkins  we  only  know  was  the  son  of  his  father's 
first  wife,  and  "about  15."  An  error  (of  the  types 
presumably)  makes  Griffis  ("The  Pilgrims  in  their 
Three  Homes,"  p.  176)  give  the  name  of  Oceanus 
Hopkins's  father  as  Giles,  instead  of  Stephen. 

Constance  (or  Constantia)  Hopkins  was  apparently  about 
eleven  years  old  in  1620,  as  she  married  in  1627,  and 
probably  was  then  not  far  from  eighteen  years  old. 

Damaris  Hopkins,  the  younger  daughter  of  Master  Hopkins, 
was  probably  a  very  young  child  when  she  came  in 
the  May-Flower,  but  her  exact  age  has  not  been  as- 
certained. Davis,  as  elsewhere  noted,  makes  the  sin- 
gular mistake  of  saying  she  was  born  after  her  parents 
arrived  in  New  England.  She  married  Jacob  Cooke, 
and  the  ante-nuptial  agreement  of  his  parents  is  be- 
lieved to  be  the  earhest  of  record  in  America,  except 
that  between  Gregory  Armstrong  and  the  widow 
Billington.     (See  Appendix.) 

Edward  Dotey  is  called  by  Bradford  "  a  servant,"  but  no- 
thing is  known  of  his  age  or  antecedents.  It  is  very 
certain  from  the  fact  that  he  signed  the  Compact  that 
he  was  twenty-one.  He  was  a  very  energetic  man. 
He  seems  to  have  been  married  before  coming  to 
New  England,  or  soon  after. 

Edward  Leister  (the  name  is  variously  spelled)  was  a  "  ser- 
vant," by  Bradford's  record.  He  was  doubtless  of 
age,  as  he  signed  the  Compact. 

Master  John  Crackstone,  being  (apparently)  a  widower  with 
a  son,  a  child  well  grown,  was  evidently  about  thirty- 
five  years  old  when  he  embarked  for  New  England. 
He  left  a  daughter  behind.     He  died  early. 


'The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


183 


John  Crackstone,  Jr.,  was  but  a  lad,  and  died  early. 

Master  Edward  Tilley  (sometimes  spelled  Tillie)  and  his 
wife  Ann  seem  to  have  been  without  children  of 
their  own,  and  as  they  took  with  them  to  New  Eng- 
land two  children  who  were  their  kindred,  it  may  be 
inferred  that  they  had  been  married  some  little  time. 
It  is  hence  probable  that  Mr.  Tilley  was  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  thirty.  His  wife's  age  is  purely  conjec- 
tural. They  were,  Bradford  states,  "  of  the  Leyden 
congregation." 

Henry  Sampson  was  apparently  but  a  young  English  lad 
when  he  came  over  in  the  May-Flower  with  his 
cousins  the  Tilleys.  As  he  married  in  1636,  he  was 
probably  then  about  twenty-one,  which  would  make 
him  five  or  six  when  he  came  over.  Goodwin  ("  Pil- 
grim Republic,"  p.  184)  says  he  was  "  six." 

Humility  Cooper  is  said  by  Bradford  to  have  been  a  "cosen  " 
of  the  Tilleys,  but  no  light  is  given  as  to  her  age  or 
antecedents.  She  was  but  a  child,  apparently.  She 
returned  to  England  very  soon  after  the  death  of  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Tilley,  and  "  died  young." 

Master  John  Tilley,  having  twice  married,  and  having  a 
daughter  some  fourteen  years  old,  must  have  been 
over  thirty-five  years  old  when  he  sailed  on  the  Pil- 
grim ship.  His  birthplace  and  antecedents  are  not 
known,  but  he  was  "  of  the  Leyden  congregation." 

Mrs.  Bridget  (Van  der  Velde)  Tilley  was  just  possibly  a 
second  wife.  Nothing  is  known  concerning  her 
except  that  she  was  of  Holland,  and  that  she  had, 
apparently,  no  child.     (See  Appendix,  p.  340.) 

Elizabeth  Tilley  is  said  by  Goodwin  {op.  cit.  p.  298)  and  oth- 
ers to  have  been  fourteen  years  old  at  her  parents' 
death  in  1621,  soon  after  the  arrival  in  New  England. 


2Dt)e 

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The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


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She  was  the  child  of  her  father's  first  wife.  She 
married  John  Rowland  before  1624.  Historians 
for  many  years  called  her  the  "daughter  of  Governor 
Carver,"  but  the  recovery  of  Bradford's  MS.  "  histo- 
ric "  corrected  this,  with  many  other  misconceptions, 
though  to  some  the  error  had  become  apparent  be- 
fore.    Her  will  also  suggests  her  age. 

Francis  Cooke's  age  in  1620  is  fixed  by  his  known  age  at 
his  death  ("about  81  ")  in  1663.  He  was  from  the 
north  of  England,  and  long  a  member  of  Robinson's 
congregation,  both  in  England  and  in  Holland  (?). 

John  Cooke,  son  of  Francis,  is  known  to  have  been  about  ten 
years  old  when  he  sailed  with  his  father  for  America, 
as  his  parents  did  not  marry  before  1609.  He  was  un- 
doubtedly born  at  Leyden.  He  was  long  supposed  to 
have  been  the  last  male  survivor  of  the  original  passen- 
gers (dying  at  Dartmouth  in  1695.)    (See  Appendix.) 

James  Chilton's  antecedents  and  his  age  are  quite  unknown. 
He  must  have  been  at  least  fifty,  as  he  had  a  married 
daughter  in  Leyden,  according  to  Bradford.  He  died 
among  the  first,  and  there  is  nothing  of  record  to 
inform  us  concerning  him,  except  Bradford's  meagre 
mention.     He  may  have  lived  at  Leyden. 

Mrs.  Chilton's  given  name  is  declared  by  one  writer  to  have 
been  Susanna,  but  it  is  not  clearly  proven.  Whence 
she  came,  her  ancestry,  and  her  age,  are  alike  un- 
known. 

Mary  Chilton  was  but  a  young  girl  in  1620.  She  married, 
before  1627,  John  Winslow,  and  was  probably  not 
then  over  twenty,  nor  over  fourteen  when  she  came 
with  her  parents  in  the  May-Flower. 

Thomas  Rogers  appears,  from  the  fact  that  he  had  a  son,  a 
lad  well-grown,  to  have  been  thirty  or  more  in  1620. 


The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


185 


His  birthplace,  antecedents,  and  history  are  unknown, 
but  he  appears  to  have  been  "of  the  Leyden  congre- 
gation."    His  wife  and  children  came  later. 

Joseph  Rogers  was  only  a  "  lad  "  aboard  the  May-Flower, 
but  he  left  a  considerable  posterity.  Nothing  is  surely 
known  of  him,  except  that  he  was  Thomas's  son. 

Degory  Priest  had  the  distinction  of  being  "  freeman "  of 
Leyden,  having  been  admitted  such,  November  16, 
1615.  He  was  by  occupation  a  "hatter,"  a  man  of 
some  means,  who  left  a  wife  and  at  least  two  children 
in  Holland  when  he  embarked  for  America.  His 
known  age  at  death  gives  his  age  at  sailing  but  a  few 
months  previous.  At  his  marriage  in  Leyden,  Octo- 
ber 4,  1611,  he  was  called  "of  London."  He  was 
about  thirty-two  when  he  married.  His  wife  (a 
widow  Vincent)  was  a  sister  of  Isaac  Allerton,  who 
also  was  married  at  the  same  time  that  he  was. 
Goodwin  ("  Pilgrim  Republic,"  p.  183)  also  gives  his 
age  as  "forty-one."  His  widow  remarried  and  came 
over  later.  Dexter  ("Mourt's  Relation,"  p.  69, 
note)  states,  quoting  from  Leyden  MS.  records,  that 
"Degory  Priest  in  April,  1619,  calling  himself  a 
'hatter,'  deposes  that  he  'is  forty  years  of  age.'" 
He  must,  therefore,  have  been  about  forty-one  when 
he  sailed  on  the  May-Flower,  and  forty-two  years 
old  at  his  death. 

John  Rigdale  and  his  wife  Alice  afford  no  data.  They  both 
died  early,  and  there  is  no  record  concerning  either 
of  them  beyond  the  fact  that  they  were  passengers. 

Edward  Fuller  and  his  wife  have  left  us  little  record  of  them- 
selves save  that  they  were  of  Leyden,  that  he  is  re- 
puted a  brother  of  Dr.  Samuel  Fuller  (for  whom  they 
seem  to  have  named  the  boy  they  brought  over  with 
them,  —  leaving  apparently  another  son,  Matthew, 
behind),  and  that   both  died  the  first  winter.     He 


Paeefngft 
List  from 
CEnglant) 


86 


ilist  from 
CnglanD 


"The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


must  have  been  at  least  twenty-five,  judging  from  the 
fact  that  he  vi^as  married  and  had  two  children,  and 
was  perhaps  somewhat  older  (though  traditionally 
represented  as  younger)  than  his  brother.  Neither 
his  occupation  nor  antecedents  are  surely  known. 

Samuel  Fuller  —  the  son  of  Edward  Fuller  and  his  wife  — 
is  called  by  Bradford  "a  young  child."  He  must 
have  been  some  five  or  six  years  of  age,  as  he  married 
in  1635',  fifteen  years  later,  and  would  presumably 
have  been  of  age,  or  nearly  so. 

Thomas  Tinker's  name,  the  mention  of  his  "  wife "  and 
"  son,"  the  tradition  that  they  were  "  of  the  Leyden 
congregation"  (which  is  not  sure),  the  certainty 
that  they  were  May-Flower  passengers,  —  on  Brad- 
ford's list,  —  and  that  all  died  early,  are  all  we  know 
of  the  Tinker  family. 

John  Turner  and  his  two  sons  we  know  little  about.  He 
seems  to  have  been  a  widower,  as  no  mention  is  found 
of  his  wife,  though  this  is  not  certain.  He  was  of 
the  Leyden  congregation,  and  evidently  a  man  of 
some  standing  with  the  leaders,  as  he  was  made  their 
messenger  to  Carver  and  Cushman  in  London,  in 
June,  1620,  and  was  apparently  accustomed  to  travel. 
He  appears  to  have  had  business  of  his  own  in  Eng- 
land at  the  time,  and  was  apparently  a  man  of  sober 
age.  As  he  had  three  children,  —  a  daughter  who 
came  later  to  New  England,  and  two  sons,  as  stated  by 
Bradford,  —  it  is  probable  that  he  was  thirty  or  over. 
He  and  both  his  sons  died  in  the  spring  of  1621. 

Francis  Eaton  was  of  Leyden,  a  carpenter,  and,  having  a  wife 
and  child,  was  probably  a  young  man  about  twenty- 
five,  perhaps  a  little  younger.  He  married  three 
times. 

Mrs.  Sarah   Eaton,  wife  of  Francis,  was   evidently  a   young 


The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


woman,  with  an  infant,  at  the  date  of  embarkation. 
Nothing  more  is  known  of  her,  except  that  she  died 
in  the  spring  following  the  arrival  at  Plymouth. 

Samuel  Eaton,  the  son  of  Francis  and  his  wife,  Sarah,  Brad- 
ford calls  "a  sucking  child."     He  lived  to  marry. 

Gilbert  Winslow  was  the  third  younger  brother  of  Governor 
Edward  Winslow,  and  is  reputed  to  have  been  a  car- 
penter. He  was  born  on  Wednesday,  October  26, 
1600,  at  Droitwitch,  in  Worcester,  England.  ("  Wins- 
low Memorial,"  vol.  i.  p.  23.)  He  apparently  did 
not  remain  long  in  the  colony,  as  he  does  not  appear 
in  either  the  "land  division"  of  1623  or  the  "cattle 
division"  of  1627;  and  hence  was  probably  not  then 
in  the  "settlement,"  though  land  was  later  allowed 
his  heirs,  he  having  been  an  "original  "  voyager  of  the 
Plymouth  colony.  He  was  but  twenty  years  and 
fifteen  days  old  when  he  signed  the  Compact,  but 
probably  was  —  from  his  brother's  prominence  and 
his  nearness  to  his  majority  —  counted  as  eligible. 
Bradford  states  that  he  returned  to  England  after 
"divers  years"  in  New  England,  and  died  there. 
It  has  been  suggested  that  he  went  very  early  to 
some  of  the  other  "  plantations." 

John  Alden  was  of  Southampton,  England,  was  hired  as  "  a 
cooper,"  was  twenty-one  years  old  in  1620,  as  deter- 
mined by  the  year  of  his  birth,  1599  ("Alden  Me- 
morial," p.  1),  and  became  the  most  prominent  and 
useful  of  any  of  the  English  contingent  of  the  May- 
Flower  company.  Longfellow's  delightful  poem, 
"  The  Courtship  of  Miles  Standish,"  has  given  him 
and  his  bride,  Priscilla  Mullens,  world-wide  celebrity, 
though  it  is  to  be  feared  that  its  historical  accuracy 
would  hardly  stand  criticism. 

Why  young  Alden  should  have  been  "  hired  for  a 
cooper  at  Southampton,"  with  liberty  to  "  go  or  stay  " 


187 


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in  the  colony,  as  Bradford  says  he  was  (clearly  indi- 
cating that  he  went  to  perform  some  specific  work 
and  return,  if  he  liked,  with  the  ship),  has  mystified 
many.  The  matter  is  clear,  however,  when  it  is 
known,  as  Griffis  shows,  that  part  of  a  Parliamentary 
Act  of  1543  reads:  "Whosoever  shall  carry  Beer 
beyond  Sea,  shall  find  Sureties  to  the  Customers  (*?) 
of  that  Port,  to  bring  in  Clapboard  [staves]  meet 
[sufficient]  to  make  so  much  Vessel  [barrel  or  "  kil- 
derkin "]  as  he  shall  carry  forth."  As  a  considerable 
quantity  of  beer  was  part  of  the  May-Flower's  lad- 
ing, and  her  consignors  stood  bound  to  make  good 
in  quantity  the  stave-stock  she  carried  away,  it  was 
essential,  in  going  to  a  wild  country  where  it  could 
not  be  bought,  but  must  be  "got  out"  from  the 
growing  timber,  to  take  along  a  "  cooper  and  cleaver  " 
for  that  purpose.  Moreover,  the  great  demand  for 
beer-barrel  stock  made  "  clapboard  "  good  and  profit- 
able return  lading.  It  constituted  a  large  part  of  the 
Fortune's  return  freight  (doubtless  "  gotten  out "  by 
Alden),  as  it  would  have  undoubtedly  of  the  May- 
Flower's,  had  the  hardship  of  the  colony's  condition 
permitted. 

Peter  Browne  we  know  little  concerning.  That  he  was  a 
man  of  early  middle  age  is  inferable  from  the  fact 
that  he  married  the  widow  Martha  Ford,  who  came 
in  the  Fortune  in  1621.  As  she  then  was  the 
mother  of  three  children,  it  is  improbable  that  she 
would  have  married  a  very  young  man.  He  appears, 
from  certain  collateral  evidence,  to  have  been  a  me- 
chanic of  some  kind,  but  it  is  not  clear  what  his 
handicraft  was  or  whence  he  came. 

John  Billington  (Bradford  sometimes  spells  it  Billinton)  and 
his  family,  Bradford  tells  us,  "were  from  London." 
They  were  evidently  an  ill-conditioned  lot,  and  unfit 
for  the  company  of  the  planters,  and  Bradford  says, 
"  I  know  not  by  what  friend  shuffled  into  their  Com- 


The  May- Flower's  Passengers 


189 


pany."  As  he  had  a  wife  and  two  children,  the  elder 
of  whom  must  have  been  about  sixteen  years  old,  he 
was  apparently  over  thirty-five  years  of  age.  There 
is  a  tradition  that  he  was  a  countryman  bred,  which 
certain  facts  seem  to  confirm.  (See  land  allotments 
for  data  as  to  age  of  boys,  1632.)  He  was  the 
only  one  of  the  original  colonists  to  suffer  the  "death 
penalty  "  for  crime. 


2C!)f 

Passfngcr 
\m,  from 
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Mrs.  Ellen  (or  "  Elen ")  Billington,  as  Bradford  spells  the 
name,  was  evidently  of  comporting  age  to  her  hus- 
band's, perhaps  a  little  younger.  Their  two  sons, 
John  and  Francis,  were  lively  urchins  who  frequently 
made  matters  interesting  for  the  colonists,  afloat  and 
ashore.  The  family  was  radically  bad  throughout, 
but  they  have  had  not  a  i^^  worthy  descendants. 
Mrs.  Billington  married  Gregory  Armstrong,  and 
their  antenuptial  agreement  is  the  first  of  record 
known  in  America. 

John  Billington,  Jr.,  is  always  first  named  of  his  father's  two 
sons,  and  hence  the  impression  prevails  that  he  was 
the  elder,  and  Bradford  so  designates  him.  The  affi- 
davit of  Francis  Billington  (Plymouth  County,  Mass., 
Deeds,  vol.  i.  p.  81),  dated  1674,  in  which  he  de- 
clares himself  sixty-eight  years  old,  would  indicate 
that  he  was  bom  in  1606,  and  hence  must  have  been 
about  fourteen  years  of  age  when  he  came  on  the 
May-Flower  to  New  Plymouth.  If  John,  his  brother, 
was  older  than  he,  he  must  have  been  born  about 
1604,  and  so  was  about  sixteen  when  he  came  to  New 
England.  The  indications  are  that  it  was  Francis, 
the  younger  son,  who  got  hold  of  the  gunpowder  in 
his  father's  cabin  in  Cape  Cod  harbor,  and  narrowly 
missed  blowing  up  the  ship.  John  died  before 
1630.  Francis  lived,  as  appears,  to  good  age,  and 
had  a  family. 


Moses  Fletcher  was  of  the  Leyden  company,  a  "  smith,"  and 


190 


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2Ct)c 

iltfit  from 
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at  the  time  of  his  second  marriage  at  Leyden,  Novem- 
ber 30/ December  21,  1613,  was  called  a  "widower" 
and  "  of  England."  As  he  was  probably  of  age  at 
the  time  of  his  first  marriage,  —  presumably  two  years 
or  more  before  his  last,  —  he  must  have  been  over 
thirty  in  1620.  He  was  perhaps  again  a  widower 
when  he  came  over,  as  no  mention  is  made  of  his 
having  wife  or  family.  He  was  possibly  of  the 
Amsterdam  family  of  that  name.  His  early  death 
was  a  great  loss  to  the  colony. 

A  Thomas  Williams  is  mentioned  by  Hon.  Henry  C.  Murphy 
("  Historical  Magazine,"  vol.  iii.  pp.  358,  359),  in  a 
list  of  some  of  Robinson's  congregation  who  did  not 
go  to  New  England  in  either  the  May-Flower,  For- 
tune, Anne,  or  Little  James.  He  either  overlooked 
the  fact  that  Williams  was  one  of  the  May-Flower 
passengers,  or  else  there  were  two  of  the  name,  one 
of  whom  did  not  go.  Nothing  is  known  of  the  age 
or  former  history  of  the  Pilgrim  of  that  name.  He 
died  in  the  spring  of  1621  (before  the  end  of  March). 
As  he  signed  the  Compact,  he  must  have  been  over 
twenty-one.     He  may  have  left  a  wife,  Sarah. 

John  Goodman  we  know  little  more  about  than  that  he  and 
Peter  Browne  seem  to  have  been  "lost"  together,  on 
one  occasion  (when  he  was  badly  frozen),  and  to  have 
had,  with  his  little  spaniel  dog,  a  rencontre  with  "  two 
great  wolves,"  on  another.  He  was  twice  married, — 
the  last  time  at  Leyden  in  i6ig.  He  died  before  the 
end  of  March,  1621.  As  he  signed  the  Compact,\it 
must  have  been  over  twenty-one. 

Edward  Margeson  we  know  nothing  about.  As  he  signed 
the  Compact,  he  was  presumably  of  age. 

Richard  Britteridge  affords  little  data.  His  age,  birthplace, 
or  occupation  do  not  transpire,  but  he  was,  it  seems, 
according  to  Bradford,  the  first  of  the  company  to 


'The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


191 


die  on  board  the  ship  after  she  had  cast  anchor  in  the 
harbor  of  New  Plymouth.  This  fact  negatives  tiie 
pleasant  fiction  of  Mrs.  Austin's  "Standish  of  Stand- 
ish"  (p.  104),  that  Britteridge  was  one  of  those  em- 
ployed in  cutting  sedge  on  shore,  on  Friday,  January 
12.  Poor  Britteridge  died  December  21,  three  weeks 
earlier.  He  signed  the  Compact^  and  hence  may  be 
accounted  of  age  at  the  landing  at  Cape  Cod. 

Richard  Clarke  appears  only  as  one  of  the  passengers  and 
as  dying  before  the  end  of  March.  He  signed  the 
Compact^  and  hence  was  doubtless  twenty-one  or 
over. 

Richard  Gardiner,  we  know  from  Bradford,  "  became  a  sea- 
man and  died  in  England  or  at  sea."  He  was  evi- 
dently a  young  man,  but  of  his  age  or  antecedents 
nothing  appears.  He  signed  the  Compact,  and  hence 
was  at  least  twenty-one  years  old. 

John  Alderton  (sometimes  spelled  Allerton),  we  are  told  by 
Bradford,  —  as  elsewhere  noted,  —  "  was  hired,  but 
was  reputed  one  of  the  company,  but  was  to  go  back, 
being  a  seaman  [and  so,  presumably,  unmindful  of 
the  voyages],  for  the  help  of  others."  Whether  Brad- 
ford intended  by  the  latter  clause  to  indicate  that  he 
had  left  his  family  behind,  and  came  "  to  spy  out  the 
land,"  and,  if  satisfied,  to  return  for  them,  or  was  to 
return  for  the  counsel  and  assistance  of  Robinson  and 
the  rest,  who  were  to  follow,  is  not  clear,  but  the  latter 
view  has  most  to  support  it.  We  learn  his  occupa- 
tion, but  can  only  infer  that  he  was  a  young  man  over 
twenty-one  from  the  above  and  the  fact  that  he  signed 
the  Compact.  It  has  been  suggested  that  he  was  a 
relative  of  Isaac  Allerton,  but  this  is  nowhere  shown 
and  is  improbable.  He  died  before  the  May-F lower 
returned  to  England. 

Thomas  English  (or  Enlish),  Bradford  tells  us  ("  Historic," 


List  from 
(EnglanD 


192 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


IDasJSEnscr 
Hist  from 
CnglanD 


Mass.  ed.  p.  533),  "was  hired  to  goe  Master  of  a 
[the]  shallop  here."  He,  however,  "  died  here  before 
the  ship  returned."  It  is  altogether  probable  that  he 
was  the  savior  of  the  colony  on  that  stormy  night 
when  the  shallop  made  Plymouth  harbor  the  first 
time,  and,  narrowly  escaping  destruction,  took  shelter 
under  Clarke's  Island.  The  first  three  governors  of 
the  colony,  its  chief  founders,  —  Carver,  Bradford, 
and  Winslow,  —  with  Standish,  Warren,  Hopkins, 
Howland,  Dotey,  and  others,  were  on  board,  and  but 
for  the  heroism  and  prompt  action  of  "  the  lusty  sea- 
man which  steered,"  who  was  —  beyond  reasonable 
doubt  —  English,  as  Bradford's  narrative  ("  Morton's 
Memorial ")  shows,  the  lives  of  the  entire  party  must, 
apparently,  have  been  lost.  That  English  was,  if  on 
board  —  Bradford  shows .  in  the  "  Memorial "  that  he 
was  —  as  Master  of  the  shallop,  properly  her  helmsman 
in  so  critical  a  time,  goes  without  saying,  especially 
as  the  "  rudder  was  broken  "  and  an  oar  substituted ; 
that  the  ship's  "  mates,"  Clarke  and  Coppin,  were  not 
in  charge  (although  on  board)  fully  appears  by  Brad- 
ford's account ;  and  as  it  must  have  taken  all  of  the 
other  (four)  seamen  on  board  to  pull  the  shallop, 
bereft  of  her  sail,  in  the  heavy  breakers  into  which 
she  had  been  run  by  Coppin's  blunder,  there  would 
be  no  seaman  l>ut  English  for  the  steering-oar,  which 
was  his  by  right.  Had  these  leaders  been  lost  at  this 
critical  time,  —  before  a  settlement  had  been  made,  — 
it  is  certain  that  the  colony  must  have  been  aban- 
doned, and  the  Pilgrim  impress  upon  America  must 
have  been  lost.  English's  name  should,  by  virtue  of 
his  great  service,  be  ever  held  in  high  honor  by  all 
of  Pilgrim  stock.  His  early  death  was  a  grave  loss. 
Bradford  spells  the  name  once  Enlish,  but  presumably 
by  error.     He  signed  the  Compact  as  Thomas  English. 


William  Trevore  was,  according  to  Bradford,  one  of  "two 
seamen  hired  to  stay  a  year  in  the  countrie."  He 
went  back  when  his  time  expired,  but  later  returned 


'The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


193 


to  New  England.  Cushman  (Bradford,  "  Historic," 
p.  1 22)  suggests  that  he  was  telling  "  sailors'  yarns." 
He  says:  "For  William  Trevore  hath  lavishly  told 
but  what  he  knew  or  imagined  of  Capewock  [Martha's 
Vineyard],  Monhiggon,  and  ye  Narragansetts."  In 
1629  he  was  at  Massachusetts  Bay  in  command  of 
the  Handmaid  (Goodwin,  p.  320),  and  in  February, 
1633  (Winthrop,  vol.  i.  p.  100),  he  seems  to  have 
been  in  command  of  the  ship  William  at  Plymouth, 
with  passengers  for  Massachusetts  Bay.  Captain 
Standish  testified  in  regard  to  Thompson's  Island  in 
Boston  harbor,  that  about  1 620  he  "  was  on  that 
Island  with  Trevore,"  and  called  it  "  Island  Trevore." 
(Bradford,  "  Historie,"  Deane's  ed.  p.  209.)  He  did 
not  sign  the  Compact,  perhaps  because  of  the  limita- 
tions of  his  contract  (one  year). 

Ely  (not  Ellis,  as  Arber  miscalls  him,  "  The  Story  of 
the  Pilgrim  Fathers,"  p.  377)  was  the  other  of  the 
"two  seamen  hired  to  stay  a  year,"  etc.  He  also 
returned  when  his  time  expired.  (Bradford,  Hist. 
Mass.  ed.  p.  534.)  He  did  not  sign  the  Compact, 
probably  for  the  reason  operative  in  Trevore's  case. 


A  digest  of  the  foregoing  data  gives  the  following  interest- 
ing, if  incomplete,  data  (errors  excepted)  :  — 
Adult  males  (hired  seamen  and  servants  of  age 

included)        .......       44 

Adult  females  (including  Mrs.  Carver's  maid)  .  19 
Youths,  male  children,  and  male  servants,  minors  29 
Maidens,  female  children  .         .         .         .         .10 


Married  males  ...... 

Married  females        ..... 

Single  (adult)  males  (and  young  men) 
Single  (adult)  females  (Mrs,  Carver's  maid) 


102 

26 
18 
25 


2C!)e 

pasfeffnger 
?Li0t  from 
CnglanD 


194 


The  May-Flower's  Passengers 


JList  from 
CnglanD 


Vocations  of  adults  so  far  as  known  (except  wives,  who 
are  presumed  housekeepers  for  their  husbands)  :  — 

Carpenters 2 

Cooper     ......,.] 

Fustian-worker  and  silk-dyer      .         .         .         .  i 

Hatter l 

Lay-reader        .......         i 

Lady's-maid      .......         i 

Merchants         .......         3 

Physician  . 1 

Printers  and  publishers 2 

Seamen    ........         4 

Servants  (adult) 10 

Smith       ........  1 

Soldier     ........  1 

Tailor 1 

Tradesmen       .......         2 

Wool-carders .2 

Allowing  for  the  addition  of  Wilder  and  the  two  sailors, 
Trevore  and  Ely,  who  did  not  sign  it,  the  number  of  those 
who  signed  the  Compact  tallies  exactly  with  the  adult  males. 

Besides  these  occupations,  it  is  known  that  several  of  the 
individuals  representing  them  were  skilled  in  other  callings, 
and  were  at  some  time  teachers,  accountants,  linguists,  writers, 
etc.,  while  some  had  formerly  practised  certain  handicrafts ; 
Dr.  Fuller,  e.  g.  having  formerly  been  a  "  silk-worker,"  Brad- 
ford (on  the  authority  of  Belknap),  a  "  silk-dyer,"  and  others 
"  fustian-workers."  Hopkins  had  apparently  some  time  be- 
fore dropped  his  character  of  "  lay-reader,"  and  was  a  pretty 
efficient  man  of  affairs,  but  his  vocation  at  the  time  of  the 
exodus  is  not  known. 

The  former  occupations  of  fourteen  of  the  adult  colonists, 
Browne,  Billington,  Britteridge,  Cooke,  Chilton,  Clarke, 
Crackstone,  Goodman,  Gardiner,  Rogers,  Rigdale,  Turner, 
Warren,  and  Williams  are  not  certainly  known.  There  is 
evidence  suggesting  that  Browne  was  a  mechanic  ;  Billington 
and  Cooke  had  been  trained  to  husbandry ;  that  Chilton  had 
been  a  small  tradesman ;  that  Edward  Tilley  had  been,  like 


T'he  May-Flower's  Passengers 


195 


his  brother,  a  silk-worker ;  that  Turner  was  a  tradesman,  and 
Warren  a  farmer;  while  it  is  certain  that  Cooke,  Rogers,  and 
Warren  had  been  men  of  some  means. 

Of  the  above  list  of  fourteen  men  whose  last  occupations 
before  joining  the  colonists  are  unknown,  only  five,  viz. 
Browne,  Billington,  Cooke,  Gardiner,  and  Warren  lived 
beyond  the  spring  of  1621.  Of  these,  Warren  died  early, 
Gardiner  left  the  colony  and  "  became  a  seaman ; "  the  other 
three,  Billington,  Browne,  and  Cooke,  became  "planters." 
Thomas  Morton,  of  "  Merry  Mount,"  in  his  "  New  Eng- 
land's Canaan"  (p.  217),  gives  Billington  the  sobriquet  "Ould 
Woodman." 

The  early  deaths  of  the  others  make  their  former  handi- 
crafts —  except  as  so  much  data  pertaining  to  the  composi- 
tion and  history  of  the  colony  —  matters  of  only  ephemeral 
interest. 


\\u  from 
(EnglanD 


196 


CHAPTER  VII 

§luarters,  Cooking,  Provisions 


ROBABLY  no  more  vexatious  problem 
presented  itself  for  the  time  being  to  the 
"governors  "  of  the  two  vessels  and  their 
"  assistants,"  upon  their  selection,  than  the 
assignment  of  quarters  to  the  passengers 
allotted  to  their  respective  ships.  That 
these  allotments  were  in  a  large  measure  determined  by  the 
requirements  of  the  women  and  children  may  be  considered 
certain.  The  difficulties  attendant  on  due  recognition  of 
social  and  official  station  (far  more  imperative  in  that  day 
than  this)  were  in  no  small  degree  lessened  by  the  voluntary 
assignment  of  themselves,  already  mentioned,  of  some  of  the 
Leyden  chief  people  to  the  smaller  ship ;  but  in  the  interests 
of  the  general  welfare  and  of  harmony,  certain  of  the  leaders, 
both  of  the  Leyden  and  London  contingents,  were  of  neces- 
sity provided  for  in  the  larger  vessel.  The  allotments  to  the 
respective  ships  made  at  Southampton,  the  designation  of 
quarters  in  the  ships  themselves,  and  the  final  readjustments 
upon  the  May-Flower  at  Plymouth  (England),  when  the 
remaining  passengers  of  both  ships  had  been  united,  were  all 
necessarily  determined  chiefly  with  regard  to  the  needs  of 
the  women,  girls,  and  babes.  Careful  analysis  of  the  list 
shows  that  there  were,  requiring  this  especial  consideration, 
nineteen  women,  ten  young  girls,  and  one  infant.  Of  the 
other  children,  none  were  so  young  that  they  might  not  readily 


^larters,  Cooking,  Provisions 


bunk  with  or  near  their  fathers  in  any  part  of  the  ship  in  which 
the  latter  might  be  located. 

We  know  enough  of  the  absolute  unselfishness  and  devo- 
tion of  all  the  Leyden  leaders,  whatever  their  birth  or  station, 
—  so  grandly  proven  in  those  terrible  days  of  general  sick- 
ness and  death  at  New  Plymouth,  —  to  be  certain  that  with 
them,  under  all  circumstances,  it  was  noblesse  oblige,  and  that 
no  self-seeking  would  actuate  them  here. 

It  should  be  remembered  that  the  May-Flower  was  prima- 
rily a  passenger  transport,  her  passengers  being  her  principal 
freight  and  occupying  the  most  of  the  ship,  the  heavier  cargo 
being  chiefly  confined  to  the  "  hold."  As  in  that  day  the 
passenger  traffic  was,  of  course,  wholly  by  sailing  vessels,  they 
were  built  with  cabin  accommodations  for  it,  as  to  numbers, 
etc.,  proportionately  much  beyond  those  of  the  sailing  craft 
of  to-day.  The  testimony  of  Captain  John  Smith,  "  the 
navigator,"  as  to  the  passengers  of  the  May-Flower  "lying 
wet  in  their  cabins,"  and  that  of  Bradford  as  to  Billington's 
"  cabin  between  decks,"  already  quoted,  is  conclusive  as  to 
the  fact  that  she  had  small  cabins  (the  "  staterooms  "  of  to-day), 
intended  chiefly,  no  doubt,  for  women  and  children.  The 
advice  of  Edward  Winslow  to  his  friend  George  Morton, 
when  the  latter  was  about  to  come  to  New  England  in  the 
Anne,  "  build  your  cabins  as  open  as  possible,"  is  suggestive 
of  close  cabins  and  their  discomforts  endured  upon  the  May- 
Flower.  It  also  suggests  that  the  chartering-party  was  ex- 
pected in  those  days  to  control,  if  not  to  do,  the  "fitting  up" 
of  the  ship  for  her  voyage.  In  view  of  the  usual  "  breadth 
of  beam  "  of  ships  of  her  class  and  tonnage,  aft,  and  the  fore 
and  aft  length  of  the  poop,  it  is  not  unreasonable  to  suppose 
that  there  were  not  less  than  four  small  cabins  on  either  side 
of  the  common  (open)  cabin  or  saloon  (often  depicted  as 
the  signing-place  of  the  Compact),  under  the  high  poop- 
deck.  Constructed  on  the  general  plan  of  such  rooms  or 
cabins  to-day  (with  four  single  berths,  in  tiers  of  two  on 
either  hand),  there  would  be  —  if  the  women  and  girls  were 
conveniently  distributed  among  them  —  space  for  all  except 
the  Billingtons,  who  we  know  had  a  cabin  (as  had  also 
doubtless  several  of  the  principal  men)  built  between  decks. 


197 


iliuattcw 


198 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


This  would  also  leave  an  after  cabin  for  the  Master,  who  not 
infrequently  made  his  quarters,  and  those  of  his  chief  officer, 
in  the  "  round  house,"  when  one  existed,  especially  in  a 
crowded  ship. 

Cabins  and  bunks  "  between  decks  "  would  provide  for  all 
of  the  males  of  the  company,  while  the  seamen,  both  of  the 
crew  and  (some  of)  those  in  the  employ  of  the  Pilgrims  — 
like  Trevore  and  Ely  —  were  no  doubt  housed  in  the  fore- 
castle. Alderton  and  English  seem  to  have  been  counted 
"of  the  company."  The  few  data  we  have  permit  us  to 
confidently  assume  that  some  such  disposition  of  the  passen- 
gers was  (necessarily)  made,  and  that  but  for  the  leaky  decks, 
the  inseparable  discomforts  of  the  sea,  and  those  of  over- 
crowding, the  wives  of  the  Pilgrims  (three  of  whom  gave 
birth  to  children  aboard  the  ship),  and  their  daughters,  were 
fairly  "  berthed." 

Bradford  is  authority  for  the  statement  that  with  the  "  gov- 
Coobtng  ernor  "  of  the  ship's  company  were  chosen  "  two  or  three  assist- 

ants ...  to  order  [regulate]  the  people  by  the  way  [on  the 
passage]  and  see  to  the  disposition  of  the  provisions,"  etc. 
The  last-named  duty  must  have  been  a  most  difficult  and 
wearisome  one.  From  what  has  been  shown  of  the  poverty 
of  the  ship's  cooking  facilities  (especially  for  so  large  a  com- 
pany), one  must  infer  that  it  would  be  hopeless  to  expect  to 
cook  food  in  any  quantity,  except  when  all  conditions  favored, 
and  then  but  slowly  and  with  much  difficulty.  From  the  fact 
that  so  many  would  require  food  at  practically  the  same  hours 
of  the  day,  it  is  clear  that  there  must  have  been  distribution 
of  food  (principally  uncooked)  to  groups  or  families,  who, 
with  the  aid  of  servants  (when  available),  must  each  have 
prepared  their  own  meals,  cooking  as  occasion  and  opportu- 
nity indicated;  much  after  the  manner  of  the  steerage  pas- 
sengers in  later  days,  but  before  those  of  the  great  ocean  liners. 
There  appears  to  have  been  but  one  cook  for  the  officers  and 
crew  of  the  ship,  and  his  hands  were  doubtless  full  with  their 
demands.  It  is  certain  that  his  service  to  the  passengers 
must  have  been  very  slight.  That  "the  cook"  is  named  as 
one  of  the  ship's  crew  who  died  in  Plymouth  harbor  (New 
England)  is  all  the  knowledge  we  have  concerning  him. 


^luarters,  Cooking,  Provisions 


199 


The  use  of  and  dependence  upon  tea  and  coffee,  now  so 
universal,  and  at  sea  so  seemingly  indispensable,  was  then 
unknown,  beer  supplying  their  places,  and  this  happily  did 
not  have  to  be  prepared  with  fire.  "  Strong  waters  "  —  Hol- 
land gin  and  to  some  extent  "  aqua  vitae  "  (brandy)  —  were 
relied  upon  for  the  (supposed)  maintenance  of  warmth.  Our 
Pilgrim  Fathers  were  by  no  means  "  total  abstainers,"  and 
sadly  bewailed  being  deprived  of  their  beer  when  the  supply 
failed.  They  also  made  general  and  habitual  (moderate) 
use  of  wine  and  spirits,  though  they  sharply  interdicted  and 
promptly  punished  their  abuse. 

In  the  absence  of  cooking  facilities,  it  became  necessary  in 
that  day  to  rely  chiefly  upon  such  articles  of  food  as  did  not 
require  to  be  prepared  by  heat,  such  as  biscuit  (hard  bread), 
butter,  cheese  ("  Holland  cheese "  was  a  chief  staple  with 
the  Pilgrims),  "  haberdyne  "  (or  dried  salt  codfish),  smoked 
herring,  smoked  ("  cured  ")  ham  and  bacon,  "  dried  neat's- 
tongues,"  preserved  and  "  potted  "  meats  (a  very  limited  list 
in  that  day),  fruits,  etc. 

Mush,  oatmeal,  pease-puddings,  pickled  eggs,  sausage 
meats,  salt  beef  and  pork,  bacon,  "spiced  beefj"  such  few 
vegetables  as  they  had  (chiefly  cabbages,  turnips,  and  onions, 
—  there  were  no  potatoes  in  that  day),  etc.,  could  be  cooked 
in  quantity,  when  the  weather  permitted,  and  would  then  be 
eaten  cold. 

Except  as  dried  or  preserved  fruits,  vegetables  (notably 
onions),  limes,  lemon  juice,  and  the  free  use  of  vinegar  feebly 
counteracted,  their  food  was  distinctively  stimulant  of  scor- 
butic and  tuberculous  disease,  which  constant  exposure  to 
cold  and  wet  and  the  overcrowded  state  of  the  ship  could 
but  increase  and  aggravate.  Bradford  narrates  of  one  of  the 
crew  of  the  May-Flower  when  in  Plymouth  harbor,  as  sug- 
gestive of  the  wretched  conditions  prevalent  in  the  ship,  that 
one  of  his  shipmates,  under  an  agreement  to  care  for  him, 
"  got  him  a  little  spice  and  made  him  a  mess  of  beef,  once 
or  twice,"  and  then  deserted  him. 

Josselyn,  in  his  "  Two  Voyages  to  New  England,"  gives 
as  the  result  of  the  experience  and  observations  had  in  his 
voyages,  but  a  few  years  later,  much  that  is  interesting  and 


)0rott0ion0 


200 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


probt£ton£( 


of  exceptional  value  as  to  the  food  and  equipment  of  passen- 
gers to,  and  colonists  in,  this  part  of  America.  It  has  especial 
interest,  perhaps,  for  the  author  and  his  readers,  in  the  fact 
that  Josselyn's  statements  were  not  known  until  after  the 
data  given  in  these  pages  had  been  independently  worked 
out  from  various  sources,  and  came  therefore  as  a  gratifying 
confirmation  of  the  conclusions  already  reached. 

Josselyn  says  ^  as  to  food,  as  follows  :  — 

"  The  common  proportion  of  victuals  for  the  sea  to  a  mess 
(being  4  men)  is  as  followeth :  — 

"  2  pieces  of  Beef  of  3  lb.  %  [^^%  lbs.]  apiece.  [Pork 
seems  to  have  been  inadvertently  omitted.] 

"  Four  pounds  of  Bread  [ship-bread]. 

"  One  pint  &  ^  of  Pease. 

"  Four  Gallons  of  Bear  [Beer],  with  mustard  and  vinegar 
for  3  flesh  days  in  the  week." 

"  For  four  fish  days  to  each  mess  per  day :  — 

"  Two  pieces  of  Codd  or  Haberdine,  making  3  pieces  of  a 
fish,  i.  e.  a  dried  salt  cod  being  divided  into  three  pieces,  2  of 
those  -pieces  were  to  be  a  day's  ration  for  4  men. 

"  Four  pounds  of  Bread. 

"  Three-quarters  of  a  pound  of  cheese. 

"  Bear  as  before." 

"  Oatmeal  per  day  for  50  men  1  Gallon  [dry],  and  so  pro- 
portionable for  more  or  fewer." 

"  Thus  you  see  the  ship's  provision  is  Beefe  and  Porke, 
Fish,  Butter,  Cheese,  Pease,  Pottage,  Water-Gruel,  Bisket,  and 
six  shilling  Bear." 

"For  private  fresh  provision  you  may  carry  with  you  (in 
case  you  or  any  of  yours  should  be  sick  at  sea) :  — 

"  Conserves  of  Roses,  Clove-Gilliflowers,  Wormwood,  Green- 
Ginger,  Burnt-Wine,  English  Spirits,  Prunes  to  stew,  Raisons 
of  the  Sun,  Currence  [currants].  Sugar,  Nutmeg,  Mace,  Cinna- 
mon, Pepper  and  Ginger,  White  Bisket,  Butter,  or  '  Captains 
biscuit,'  made  with  wheat  flour  or  Spanish  Rusk,  Eggs,  Rice, 
Juice  of  Lemons,  well  put  up  to  cure  or  prevent  the  Scurvy, 
Small  Skillets,  Pipkins,  Porringers  and  small  Frying  Pans." 

Josselyn  further  gives  us  an  estimate  for :  — 


I.    Two  Voyages  to  New  England,  p.  14. 


^luarters^  Cookings  Provisions 


20I 


^2 

O 


o-o 
6-0 
0-9-0 
0-2-6 

0-3-6 

0-2-0 


5-0-0 
4-0-0 
1-0-0 
0-6-0 


"  Victuals  for  a  whole  year  to  be  carried  out  of  England 
for  one  man  and  so  for  more  after  this  rate."  He  annexed 
also  their  current  prices:  — 

"  Eight  bushels  of  Meal  [Rye  meal  probably 
intended]         .... 

Two  bushels  of  Pease  at  3/s 

Two  bushels  of  Oatmeal  at  4s  /6d 

One  Gallon  oi  Aqua  Vitte    . 

One  Gallon  of  Oyl 

Two  Gallons  of  Vinegar 

[No  estimate  of  Beef  or  Pork,  or  of  vege- 
tables, is  included.] 

A  Hogshead  of  English  Bear 

A  Hogshead  of  Irish  Bear    .... 

A  Hogshead  of  Vinegar       .... 

A  bushel  of  Mustard  seed    .... 

A  Kental  [Quintal]  of  fish.  Cod  or  Haber- 
dine,  1 1 2  lb." 

Edward  Winslow,  in  his  letter  to  George  Morton  before 
mentioned,  advising  him  as  to  his  voyage,  says:  "Bring 
juice  of  lemons  and  take  it  fasting.     It  is  of  good  use." 

It  is  indeed  remarkable  that,  totally  unused  to  any  such 
conditions,  wet,  cold,  poorly  fed,  overcrowded,  storm- 
tossed,  bruised  and  beaten,  anxious,  and  with  no  homes  to 
welcome  them,  exposed  to  new  hardships  and  dangers  on 
landing,  worn  and  exhausted,  any  of  the  May-Flower's 
company  survived.  It  certainly  cannot  be  accounted  strange 
that  infectious  diseases,  once  started  among  them,  should  have 
run  through  their  ranks  like  fire,  taking  both  old  and  young. 
Nor  is  it  strange  that  —  though  more  inured  to  hardship  and 
the  conditions  of  sea  life  —  with  the  extreme  and  unusual 
exposure  of  boat  service  on  the  New  England  coast  in  mid- 
winter, often  wading  in  the  icy  water  and  living  aboard  ship 
in  a  highly  infected  atmosphere,  the  seamen  should  have 
succumbed  to  disease  in  almost  equal  ratio  with  the  colonists. 
The  author  is  prepared,  after  careful  consideration,  to  accept 
and  professionally  indorse,  with  few  exceptions,  the  conclu- 
sions as  to  the  probable  character  of  the  decimating  diseases 
of  the  passengers  and  crew  of  the  May-Flower,  so  ably  and 


^ickntes 


202 


'The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


&tcbne£(£( 


interestingly  presented  by  Dr.  Edward  E.  Cornwall  in  the 
"New  England  Magazine"  for  February,  1897. 

From  the  fact  that  Edward  Thompson,  Jasper  More,  and 
Master  James  Chilton  died  within  a  month  of  the  arrival  at 
Cape  Cod  (and  while  the  ship  lay  in  that  harbor),  and  follow- 
ing the  axiom  of  vital  statistics  that  "  for  each  death  two  are 
constantly  sick,"  there  must  have  been  some  little  (though 
not  to  say  general)  sickness  on  the  May-Flower  when  she 
arrived  at  Cape  Cod.  It  would,  in  view  of  the  hardship  of 
the  voyage,  have  been  very  remarkable  if  this  had  not  been 
the  case.  It  would  have  been  still  more  remarkable  if  the 
ill-conditioned,  thin-blooded,  town-bred  "  servants  "  and  ap- 
prentices had  not  suffered  first  and  most.  It  is  significant 
that  eight  out  of  nine  of  the  male  "  servants  "  should  have 
died  in  the  first  four  months.  It  was  impossible  that  scurvy 
should  not  have  been  prevalent  with  both  passengers  and 


crew. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

The  May-Flower's  Lading 

t 

ESIDE  her  human  freight  of  one  hundred 
and  thirty  or  more  passengers  and  crew,  the 
lading  of  the  May-Flower  when  she  sailed 
from  Plymouth  (England),  September 
6/16,  1620,  was  considerable  and  various. 
If  clearing  at  a  custom-house  of  to-day 
her  manifest  would  excite  no  little  interest  and  surprise. 
Taking  no  account  of  the  ship's  stores  and  supplies  (necessa- 
rily large,  like  her  crew,  when  bound  upon  such  a  voyage, 
when  every  possible  need  till  her  return  to  her  home  port 
must  be  provided  for  before  sailing),  the  colonists'  goods  and 
chattels  were  many,  their  provisions  bulky,  their  ordnance, 
arms,  and  stores  (in  the  hold)  heavy,  and  their  trading-stock 
fairly  ample.  Much  of  the  cargo  originally  stowed  in  the 
Speedwell,  a  part,  as  we  know,  of  her  company,  and  a  few 
of  her  crew  were  transferred  to  the  May-Flower  at  Plym- 
outh, and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  ship  was  both 
crowded  and  overladen. 

It  is  altogether  probable  that  the  crowded  condition  of  her 
spar  and  main  decks  caused  the  supply  of  live-stock  taken 
—  whether  for  consumption  upon  the  voyage  or  for  the 
planters'  needs  on  shore  —  to  be  very  limited  as  to  both 
number  and  variety.  It  has  been  matter  of  surprise  to  many 
that  no  cattle  (not  even  milch-cows)  were  taken,  but  if — as 
is  not  unlikely  —  it  was  at  first  proposed  to  take  a  cow  or 
two  (when  both  ships  were  to  go  and  larger  space  was  avail- 


203 


2EI)e  ilaDing 


204 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


iLitJ^^tocft 


able),  this  intent  was  undoubtedly  abandoned  at  Plymouth, 
England,  when  it  became  evident  that  there  would  be  dearth 
of  room  even  for  passengers,  none  whatever  for  cattle  or  their 
fodder  (a  large  and  prohibitive  quantity  of  the  latter  being 
required  for  so  long  a  voyage),  and  that  the  lateness  of  the 
season  and  its  probable  hardships  would  endanger  the  lives 
of  the  animals  if  taken. 

So  far  as  appears  the  only  domestic  live-stock  aboard  the 
May-Flower  consisted  of  goats,  swine,  poultry,  and  dogs. 
It  is  quite  possible  that  some  few  sheep,  rabbits,  and  poultry 
for  immediate  consumption  (these  requiring  but  little  forage) 
may  have  been  shipped,  this  being  customary  then  as  now. 
It  is  also  probable  that  some  household  pets  —  cats  and  caged 
singing-birds,  the  latter  always  numerous  in  both  England 
and  Holland  —  were  carried  on  board  by  their  owners,  though 
no  direct  evidence  of  the  fact  is  found.  There  is  ample  proof 
that  goats,  swine,  poultry,  and  dogs  were  landed  with  the 
colonists  at  New  Plymouth,  and  it  is  equally  certain  that 
they  had  at  first  neither  cattle,  horses,  nor  sheep.  Of  course 
the  she-goats  were  their  sole  reliance  for  milk  for  some  time, 
whether  afloat  or  ashore,  and  goat's  flesh  and  pork  their  only 
possibilities  in  the  way  of  fresh  meat  for  many  months,  save 
poultry  (and  game  after  landing),  though  we  may  be  sure, 
in  view  of  the  breeding  value  of  their  goats,  poultry,  and 
swine,  few  were  consumed  for  food.  The  "fresh  meat" 
mentioned  as  placed  before  Massasoit '  on  his  first  visit  was 
probably  venison,  though  possibly  kid's  meat,  pork,  or 
poultry.  Of  swine  and  poultry  they  must  have  had  a  pretty 
fair  supply,  judging  from  their  rapid  increase,  though  their 
goats  must  have  been  few. 

They  were  wholly  without  beasts  of  draft  or  burden  (though 
it  seems  strange  that  a  few  Spanish  donkeys  or  English 
"jacks"  had  not  been  taken  along,  as  being  easily  kept, 
hardy,  and  strong,  and  quite  equal  to  light  ploughing,  haul- 
ing, carrying,  etc.),  and  their  lack  was  sorely  felt.  The 
space  they  and  their  forage  demanded  it  was  doubtless  con- 
sidered impracticable  to  spare.  The  only  dogs  that  appear 
in  evidence  are  a  large  mastiff  bitch  (the  only  dog  of  that 


I.   Mourfs  Relation;  Young,  Chronicles^  p.  190. 


The  May-Flower's  Lading 


205 


breed  probably  seen  on  these  shores  since  Pring's  "  biggc 
dogges  "  so  frightened  the  Indians  ^  in  this  region  seventeen 
years  before)  and  a  small  spaniel,  both  the  property  of  pas- 
sengers, though  there  may  have  been  others  not  mentioned. 
Speaking  of  the  venison  found  in  a  tree  by  one  of  the  explor- 
ing parties,  Winslow  says :  "  We  thought  it  fitter  for  the 
dogs  than  for  us,"  perhaps  suggesting  by  his  word  "  the  " 
their  own  dogs  aboard  ship  and  provision  for  them.  There 
is  an  intimation  as  to  the  ownership  of  these  two  dogs  in 
the  facts  that  on  certainly  two  occasions  John  Goodman  was 
accompanied  by  the  little  spaniel  (once  when  alone),  from 
which  it  may  perhaps  be  inferred  that  he  was  the  dog's 
master;  while  the  big  mastiffs  presence  when  only  Peter 
Browne  and  Goodman  were  together  suggests  that  Browne 
was  her  owner. 

The  goats,  swine,  rabbits,  and  poultry  were  doubtless 
penned  on  the  spar-deck  forward,  while  possibly  some 
poultry,  and  any  sheep  brought  for  food,  may  have  been 
temporarily  housed  —  as  was  a  practice  with  early  voyagers 
—  in  the  (unused)  ship's  boats,  though  these  appear  to  have 
been  so  few  in  number  and  so  much  in  demand  that  it  is 
doubtful  if  they  were  here  available  as  pens. 

The  heavy  cargo  and  most  of  the  lighter  was  of  course 
stowed  in  the  hold,  as  the  main  deck  (or  "  'tween  decks  ") 
was  mostly  occupied  as  quarters  for  the  male  passengers,  old 
and  young,  though  the  colonists'  shallop,  a  sloop-rigged 
boat  some  thirty  feet  in  length,^  had  been  "  cut  down  "  and 
stowed  "  between  the  decks  "  for  the  voyage.  A  glimpse 
of  the  weary  life  at  sea  on  that  long  and  dreary  passage  is 
given  in  Bradford's  remark  that  "  she  was  much  opened  with 
the  people's  lying  in  her  during  the  voyage."     This  shallop 


1.  Captain  Martin  Pring  had  at  Plymouth,  in  1603,  two  great 
"■  mastive  dogges  "  named  "  Fool  "  and  "  Gallant,"  the  former  being 
trained  to  carry  a  half-pike  in  his  mouth.  "  The  Indians  were  more 
afraid  of  these  dogs  than  of  twenty  men."  American  Magazine  of 
History ;   Goodwin,  Pilgrim  Republic,  p.  3. 

2.  Goodwin,  op.  clt.  p.  68.  He  says  she  was  "from  twelve  to 
fifteen  tons  burden." 


ILifeC'&tocb 


2o6 


The  May-Flower  {^  Her  Log 


^robtgionc: 


with  her  equipment,  a  possible  spare  skiff  or  two,  the  chests, 
"  boxes,"  and  other  personal  belongings  of  the  passengers, 
some  few  cases  of  goods,  some  furniture,  etc.,  constituted 
the  only  freight  for  which  there  could  have  been  room  "  be- 
tween decks,"  most  of  the  space  (aft)  being  occupied  by 
cabins  and  bunks. 

The  provisions  in  use,  both  by  passengers  and  crew,  were 
probably  kept  in  the  lazarette  or  "  runs,"  in  the  stern  of  the 
ship,  which  would  be  unusually  capacious  in  vessels  of  this 
model ;  some  —  the  bulkiest  —  in  the  hold  under  the  for- 
ward hatch,  as  the  custom  was,  and  to  some  extent  still  is. 
The  food  supply  of  the  Pilgrims,  constituting  part  of  the 
May-Flower's  cargo,  included,  as  appears  from  authentic 
sources : — 

Breadstuffs,  including,  — 

Biscuits  or  ship-bread  (in  barrels). 
Oatmeal  (in  barrels  or  hogsheads). 
Rye  meal  (in  hogsheads). 
Butter  (in  firkins). 

Cheese,  "  Hollands  "  and  English  (in  boxes). 
Eggs,  pickled  (in  tubs). 
Fish,  "  haberdyne  "  [or  salt  dried  cod]  (in  boxes). 

Smoked  herring  (in  boxes). 
Meats,  including,  — 

Beef,  salt,  or  "  corned  "  (in  barrels). 
Dry-salted  (in  barrels). 
Smoked  (in  sacks). 
Dried  neats'-tongues  (in  boxes). 
Pork,  bacon,  smoked  (in  sacks  or  boxes). 
Salt  ["  corned  "]  (in  barrels). 

Hams  and    shoulders,  smoked   (in  canvas  sacks  or 
hogsheads). 
Salt  (in  bags  and  barrels). 
Vegetables,  including,  — 
Beans  (in  bags  and  barrels). 
Cabbages  (in  sacks  and  barrels). 
Onions  (in  sacks). 
Turnips  (in  sacks). 
Parsnips  (in  sacks). 


The  May- Flower's  Lading 


207 


Pease  (in  barrels),  and 

Vinegar  (in  hogsheads),  while,  — 

Beer  (in  casks),  brandy,  "aqua  vitae "  (in  pipes),  and 
gin  ["  Hollands,"  "  strong  waters,"  or  "  schnapps  "]  (in 
pipes)  were  no  small  or  unimportant  part,  from  any 
point  of  view,  of  the  provision  supply. 

Winslow,  in  his  letter  to  George  Morton '  advising  him 
as  to  his  preparations  for  the  voyage  over,  says :  "  Be  careful 
to  have  a  very  good  bread-room  to  keep  your  biscuit  in." 
This  was  to  keep  them  from  dampness.  Winthrop  ^  gives 
us  the  memorandum  of  his  order  for  the  ship-bread  for  his 
voyage  in  1630.  He  says:  "Agreed  with  Keene  of  South- 
wark,  baker,  for  20,000  of  Biscuit,  15,000  of  brown,  and 
5,000  of  white."  Captain  Beecher  minutes:  "10  M.  of 
bread  for  the  ship  Arbella."  Beecher's  memorandum  of 
"  oatmeal "  is  "  30  bushels."  Winslow  mentions  "  oatmeal," 
and  Winthrop  notes  among  the  provisions  bought  by  Cap- 
tain William  Pierce,  "  4  hhds.  of  oatmeal."  Rye  meal  was 
usually  meant  by  the  term  "  meal,"  and  Winslow  in  his 
letter  to  George  Morton  advises  him  :  "  Let  your  meal  be  so 
hard-trod  in  your  casks  that  you  shall  need  an  adz  or  hatchet 
to  work  it  out  with ; "  and  also  to  "  be  careful  to  come  by 
[be  able  to  get  at]  some  of  your  meal  to  spend  [use]  by  the 
way." 

Notwithstanding  that  Bradford  ^  speaks  of  their  "  selling 
away  "  some  "  60  firkins  of  butter,"  to  clear  port  charges  at 
Southampton,  and  the  leaders,  in  their  letter  to  the  Adven- 
turers from  that  port  (August  3),  speak  of  themselves,  when 
leaving  Southampton  in  August,  1620,  as  "scarce  having 
any  butter,"  there  seems  to  have  been  some  left  to  give  as 
a  present  to  Ouadrequina,  Massasoit's  brother,  the  last  of 
March  following,  which  would  indicate  its  good  "  keeping  " 
qualities.*  Wood,  in  his  "  New  England's  Prospect "  (ch.  2), 
says :  "  Their  butter  and  cheese  were  corrupted."     Bradford 


1.  Young,  Chronicles,  p.  236. 

2.  History  of  New  England,  vol.  ii.  p.  339. 

3.  Historic,  Deane's  ed.  p.  61. 

4.  Mourt's  Relation;   Young,  op.  cit.  p.   183. 


probifiiong 


2o8 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


|Brot)i£(ion0 


mentions  that  their  lunch  on  the  exploration  expedition 
of  November  15,  on  Cape  Cod,  included  "Hollands  cheese," 
which  receives  also  other  mention.  There  is  a  single  men- 
tion, in  the  literature  of  the  day,  of  eggs  preserved  in  salt,  for 
use  on  shipboard.  "  Haberdyne  "  (or  dried  salt  cod)  seems 
to  have  been  a  favorite  and  staple  article  of  diet  aboard  ship. 
Captain  Beecher  minutes  "  600  haberdyne  for  the  ship  Ar- 
BELLA."*  Wood  ^  says:  "  Their  fish  was  rotten."  ^  Smoked 
"red-herring"  were  familiar  food  to  all  the  May-Flower 
company.  No  house  or  ship  of  England  or  Holland  in  that 
day  but  made  great  dependence  upon  them.  Bacon  was, 
of  course,  a  main  staple  at  sea.  In  its  half-cooked  state  as  it 
came  from  the  smoke-house  it  was  much  relished  with  their 
biscuit  by  seamen  and  others  wishing  strong  food,  and  when 
fried  it  became  a  desirable  article  of  food  to  all  except  the 
sick.  Mention  is  made  of  it  by  several  of  the  early  Pilgrim 
writers.  Carlyle,  as  quoted,  speaks  of  it  as  a  diet-staple 
on  the  May-Flower.  Salt  ("  corned  ")  beef  has  always  been 
a  main  article  of  food  with  seamen  everywhere.  Wood* 
states  that  the  "  beef"  of  the  Pilgrims  was  "  tainted."  In 
some  way  it  was  made  the  basis  of  a  reputedly  palatable 
preparation  called  "  spiced  beef,"  mentioned  as  prepared  by 
one  of  the  sailors  for  a  shipmate  dying  on  the  May-Flower 
in  Plymouth  harbor.  It  must  have  been  a  very  different 
article  from  that  we  now  find  so  acceptable  under  that  name 
in  England.  Winthrop^  gives  the  price  of  his  beef  at  "  19 
shillings  per  cwt."  Winslow  advises  his  friend  Morton,  in 
the  letter  so  often  quoted,  not  to  have  his  beef  "  dry-salted," 
saying,  "  none  can  do  it  better  than  the  sailors,"  which  is  a 
suggestion  not  readily  understood.  "  Smoked  "  beef  was 
practically  the  same  as  that  known  as  "jerked,"  "  smoked," 
or  "  dried  "  beef  in  America.  A  "  dried  neat's-tongue  "  is 
named  as  a  contribution  of  the   Pilgrims  to  the  dinner  for 


1.  Winthrop,  History  of  New  England^  vol.  ii.  p.  341. 

2.  New  England's  Prospect^  ch.  2. 

3.  Young,  Chronicles  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  vol.  ii.  p.  341. 

4.  Op.  cit.  ch.  2. 

5.  Op.  cit.  vol.  ii.  p.  339. 


The  May-Flower's  Lading 


209 


probtfliions 


Captain  Jones  and  his  men  on  February  21,  1621,  when  they 
had  helped  to  draw  up  and  mount  the  cannon  upon  the 
platform  on  the  hill  at  Plymouth.  Winthrop  paid  "  I4d.  a 
piece  "  for  his  "neats'  tongues."  The  pork  of  the  Pilgrims 
is  also  said  by  Wood  '  to  have  been  "  tainted."  Winthrop 
states  that  his  pork  cost  "20  pence  the  stone  "  (14  lbs.). 
Hams  seem  to  have  been  then,  as  now,  a  highly-prized 
article  of  diet. 

Goodwin'^  mentions  that  the  salt  used  by  the  Pilgrims 
was  (evaporated)  "  sea-salt "  and  very  "  impure."  Winthrop 
mentions  among  his  supplies,  "  White,  Spanish,  and  Bay 
salt." 

The  beans  of  the  Pilgrims  were  probably  of  the  variety 
then  known  as  "  Spanish  beans."  The  cabbages  were  appar- 
ently boiled  with  meat,  as  nowadays,  and  also  used  consid- 
erably for  "  sour-krout "  and  for  pickling,  with  which  the 
Leyden  people  had  doubtless  become  familiar  during  their 
residence  among  the  Dutch.  As  antiscorbutics  they  were  of 
much  value.  The  same  was  true  of  onions,  whether  pickled, 
salted,  raw,  or  boiled.  Turnips  and  parsnips  find  frequent 
mention  in  the  early  literature  of  the  first  settlers,  and  were 
among  their  stock  vegetables.  Pease  were  evidently  staple 
articles  of  food  with  the  Plymouth  people,  and  are  frequently 
named.  They  probably  were  chiefly  used  for  porridge  and 
puddings,  and  were  used  in  large  quantities,  both  afloat  and 
ashore. 

Vinegar  in  hogsheads  was  named  on  the  food-list  of  every 
ship  of  the  Pilgrim  era.  It  was  one  of  their  best  antiscorbu- 
tics, and  was  of  course  a  prime  factor  in  their  use  of  "  sour- 
krout,"  pickling,  etc.  The  fruits,  natural,  dried,  and  pre- 
served, were  probably,  in  that  day,  in  rather  small  supply. 
Apples,  limes,  lemons,  prunes,  olives,  rice,  etc.,  were  among 
the  luxuries  of  a  voyage,  while  dried  or  preserved  fruits 
and  small  fruits  were  not  yet  in  common  use. 

Winslow,  in  the  letter  cited,  urges  that  "  your  casks  for 
beer  ...  be  iron  bound,  at  least  for  the  first   [end]  tyre  " 


1.  New  England's  Prospect^  ch.  2. 

2.  Pilgrim  Republic,  p.   1 14. 


210 


'The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


CIoti)tn3 


[hoop].  Cushman  states  that  they  had  ample  suppHes  of 
beer  offered  them  both  in  Kent  and  Amsterdam.  The 
planters'  supply  seems  to  have  failed,  however,  soon  after 
the  company  landed,  and  they  were  obliged  to  rely  upon  the 
whim  of  the  Captain  of  the  May-Flower  for  their  needs, 
the  ship's  supply  being  apparently  separate  from  that  of  the 
planters,  and  lasting  longer.  Winthrop's  supply  seems  to 
have  been  large  ("42  tons"  —  probably  tuns  intended). 
It  was  evidently  a  stipulation  of  the  charter-party  that  the 
ship  should,  in  part  at  least,  provision  her  crew  for  the  voy- 
age, —  certainly  furnish  their  beer.  This  is  rendered  certain 
by  Bradford's  difficulty  (as  stated  by  himself)  with  Captain 
Jones,  previously  referred  to,  showing  that  the  ship  had  her 
own  supply  of  beer,  separate  from  that  of  the  colonists,  and 
that  it  was  intended  for  the  seamen  as  well  as  the  officers. 

Bradford  mentions  "  aqua  vitffi  "  as  a  constituent  of  their 
lunch  on  the  exploring  party  of  November  15.  "Strong 
waters "  (or  Holland  gin)  are  mentioned  as  a  part  of  the 
entertainment  given  Massasoit  on  his  first  visit,  and  they 
find  frequent  mention  otherwise.     Wine  finds  no  mention. 

Bradford  ^  states  in  terms :  "  Neither  ever  had  they  any 
supply  of  foode  from  them  [the  Adventurers]  but  what  they 
first  brought  with  them  ;  "  and  again,^  "  They  never  had  any 
supply  of  vitales  more  afterwards  (but  what  the  Lord  gave 
them  otherwise),  for  all  ye  company  [the  Adventurers]  sent 
at  any  time  was  allways  too  short  for  those  people  yt  came 
with  it." 

The  clothing  supplies  of  the  Pilgrims  included  hats,  caps, 
shirts,  neck-cloths,  jerkins,  doublets,  waistcoats,  breeches  (stuff 
and  leather),  "hosen,"  stockings,  shoes,  boots,  belts  (girdles), 
cloth,  piece-goods  (dress-stuffs),  "  haberdasherie,"  etc.,  etc., 
all  of  which,  with  minor  items  for  men's  and  women's  use, 
find  mention  in  their  early  narratives,  accounts,  and  corre- 
spondence. By  the  will  of  Mr.  Mullens  it  appears  that  he 
had  twenty-one  dozen  of  shoes  and  thirteen  pairs  of  boots  on 
board,  doubtless  intended  as  medium  of  exchange  or  barter. 


1.  Historic^  Mass.  ed.  p.  246. 

2.  Historic^  p.  140. 


The  May-Flower's  Lading 


2  I  I 


By  die  terms  of  the  contract  with  ttie  colonists,  the  Merchant 
Adventurers  were  to  supply  all  their  actual  necessities  ot  Clotl)ing 
food,  clothing,  etc.,  for  the  full  term  of  seven  years,  during 
which  the  labors  of  the  "  planters  "  were  to  be  for  the  joint- 
account.  Whether  under  this  agreement  they  were  bound 
to  fully  "  outfit "  the  colonists  before  they  embarked  (and 
did  so),  as  was  done  by  Higginson's  company  coming  to 
Salem  in  1628-29  at  considerable  coiX.per  capita,  and  as  was 
done  for  tliose  of  the  Leyden  people  who  came  over  in 
1629  with  Pierce  in  the  May-Flower  and  the  Talbot  to 
Salem,  and  again  in  1630  with  the  same  Master  (Pierce)  in 
the  Lion  by  the  Plymouth  successors  to  the  Adventurers 
(without  recompense),  does  not  clearly  appear.  No  mention 
is  found  of  any  "  outfitting  "  of  the  May-Flower  passengers 
except  the  London  apprentices.  There  is  no  doubt  that  a 
considerable  supply  of  all  the  above-named  articles  was  neces- 
sarily sent  by  the  Adventurers  on  the  May-Flower,  both  for 
the  Pilgrims'  needs  on  the  voyage  and  in  the  new  colony,  as 
also  for  trading  purposes.  There  seems  to  have  been  at  all 
times  a  supreme  anxiety,  on  the  part  of  both  Pilgrim  and 
Puritan  settlers,  to  get  English  clothes  upon  their  red  breth- 
ren of  the  forest,  whether  as  a  means  of  exchange  for  peltry, 
or  for  decency's  sake,  is  not  quite  clear. 

There  was  apparently  a  greater  disparity  in  character,  in- 
telligence, and  station  between  the  leaders  of  Higginson's 
and  Winthrop's  companies  and  their  followers  than  between 
the  chief  men  of  the  Pilgrims  and  their  associates.  With  the 
former  were  titles  and  considerable  representation  of  wealth 
and  position.  With  the  passengers  of  the  May-Flower  a 
far  greater  equality  in  rank,  means,  intelligence,  capacity,  and 
character  was  noticeable.  This  was  due  in  part,  doubtless, 
to  the  religious  beliefs  and  training  of  the  Leyden  contin- 
gent, and  had  prompt  illustration  in  their  Compact,  in  which 
all  stood  at  once  on  an  equal  footing.  There  was  but  little 
of  the  "  paternal "  nature  in  the  form  of  their  government 
(though  something  at  times  in  their  punishments),  and  there 
was  much  personal  dignity  and  independence  of  the  indi- 
vidual. An  equipment  having  so  much  of  the  character 
of  a  uniform  —  not  to  say  "  livery  "  —  as  that  furnished  by 


212 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Higginson's  company  to  its  people  suggests  the  "  hedger  and 
Clott)tns  ditcher  "  type  of  colonists  (of  whom  there  were  very  few 

among  the  Plymouth  settlers),  rather  than  the  scholar,  pub- 
lisher, tradesman,  physician,  hatter,  smith,  carpenter,  "  lay- 
reader,"  and  soldier  of  the  Pilgrims,  and  would  certainly  have 
been  obnoxious  to  their  finer  sense  of  personal  dignity  and 
proportion.  Doubtless  an  equivalent  provision  existed  — 
though  in  less  "  all-of-a-pattern  "  character  —  in  the  bales 
and  boxes  of  the  May-Flower's  cargo  for  every  need  sug- 
gested by  the  list  of  the  Higginson  "  outfit,"  which  is  given 
herewith,  both  as  matter  of  interest  and  as  affording  an  excel- 
lent idea  of  the  accepted  style  and  needs  in  dress  of  a  New 
England  settler  (at  least  of  the  men)  of  1620-30.  One 
cannot  fail  to  wonder  at  the  noticeably  infrequent  mention 
of  provision  in  apparel,  etc.,  for  the  women  and  children. 

The  inventory  of  the  "  Apparell  for  100  men  "  furnished 
by  Higginson's  company  in  1628-29  gives  us,  among 
others,  the  following  items  of  clothing  for  each  emi- 
grant :  — 

4  "  peares  of  shoes." 

4  "  peares  of  stockings." 

1  "  peare  Norwich  gaiters." 
4  "  shirts." 

2  "suits  dublet  and  hose  of  leather  lyn'd  with  oyld  skyn 
leather,  ye  hose  &  dublett  with  hooks  &  eyes." 

1  "  sute  of  Norden  dussens  or  hampshire  kersies  lynd  the 
hose  with  skins,  dublets  with  lynen  of  gilford  or  gedlyman 
kerseys." 

4  bands. 

2  handkerchiefs. 
1  "wastecoat  of  greene   cotton   bound   about  with    red 

tape." 

1  leather  girdle. 

1  "  Monmouth  cap." 

1  "  black  hatt  lyned  in  the  brows  with  lether." 

5  "  Red  knitt  capps  mill'd  about  5d  apiece." 

2  "  peares  of  gloves." 

1  "  Mandillion  lynd  with  cotton  "  [mantle  or  greatcoat]. 
1  "  peare  of  breeches  and  waistcoat." 


ne  May-Flower's  Laciino- 


213 


1  "leather  sute  ot"Dublett&  breeches  of  oyled  leather." 

1  "  peare  of  leather  breeches  and  drawers  to  weare  with 
both  there  other  sutes." 

In  1628  Josselyn  put  the  average  cost  of  clothing  to  emi- 
grants to  New  England  at  ^4  each.  In  1629  good  shoes 
cost  the  "Bay"  colonists  2s/7d  per  pair.  In  his  "Two 
Voyages  to  New  England  "  previously  referred  to,  Josselyn 
gives  an  estimate  (made  about  1 628)  of  the  "  outfit  "  in 
clothing  needed  by  a  New  England  settler  of  his  time.  He 
names  as  "  Apparel  for  one  man  —  and  after  this  rate  for 
more : "  — 
"  One  Hatt  (at  estimated  cost  of) 

One  Monmouth  Cap 


Three  falling  bands  . 
Three  Shirts 
One  Wastcoat 
One  Suite  of  Frize  {Frieze) 
One  Suite  of  Cloth  . 
One  Suite  of  Canvas 
Three  Pairs  of  Irish  Stockings 
Four  Pairs  of  Shoes  . 
One  Pair  of  Canvas  Sheets 
Seven  ells  of  coarse  canvas,  to  make  a  bed 
at  sea  for  two  men,  to  be  filled  with  straw 
One  Coarse  Rug  at  Sea     .         .         .         . 

The  Sum  Total  .         .         .         . 


/o— 3— o 
o — 1-10 
0—1—3 
o — 7 — 6 
o — 2 — 6 
0-19 — o 
0-15 — o 
o — 7 — 6 
o — 5 — o 
o_8— o 
0—8—0 

o — 5 — o 
o — 6 — o 

^4— o— o' 


The  Furniture  of  the  Pilgrims  has  naturally  been  matter  of 
much  interest  to  their  descendants  and  others  for  many  years. 
While  it  is  doubtful  if  a  single  article  now  in  existence  can 
be  positively  identified  and  truthfully  certified  as  having 
made  the  memorable  voyage  in  the  May-Flower  (nearly 
everything  having,  of  course,  gone  to  decay  with  the  wear 
and  tear  of  more  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  years),  this 
honorable  origin  is  still  assigned  to  many  heirlooms,  to  some 
probably  correctly.  Dr.  Oliver  Wendell  Holmes  in  his 
delightful  lines,  "On  Lending  a  Punch  Bowl,"  humorously 


i?umtture 


I.  Young,  Chronicles  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 


214 


The  May-Flower  ?S  Her  Log 


claims  tor  his  convivial  silver  vessel  a  place  with  the  Pil- 
grims :  — 

"  Along  with  all  the  furniture,  to  fill  their  new  abodes, 
To  judge  by  what  is  still  on  hand,  at  least  a  hundred  loads." 

To  a  very  few  time-worn  and  venerated  relics  —  such  as 
Elder  Brewster's  chair  and  one  or  more  books,  Myles  Stand- 
ish's  Plymouth  sword,  the  Peregrine  White  cradle,  Wins- 
low's  pewter,  and  one  or  two  of  Bradford's  books — a  strong 
probability  attaches  that  they  were  in  veritate,  as  tradition- 
ally avowed,  part  of  the  May-Flower's  freight,  but  of  even 
these  the  fact  cannot  be  proven  beyond  the  possibility  of  a 
doubt. 

From  its  pattern  and  workmanship,  which  are  of  a  period 
antedating  the  "  departure  from  Delfshaven,"  and  the  ancient 
tradition  which  is  traceable  to  Brewster's  time,  it  appears 
altogether  probable  that  what  is  known  as  "  Elder  Brewster's 
chair "  came  with  him  on  the  ship.  There  is  even  greater 
probability  as  to  one  of  his  books  bearing  his  autograph. 

The  sword  of  Myles  Standish,  in  possession  of  the  Pilgrim 
Society,  may  claim,  with  equal  probability,  May-Flower  re- 
lation, from  its  evident  antiquity  and  the  facts  that,  as  a 
soldier,  his  trusty  blade  doubtless  stayed  with  him,  and  that 
it  is  directly  traceable  in  his  descendants'  hands,  back  to  his 
time  ;  but  an  equally  positive  claim  is  made  for  similar  honors 
for  another  sword  said  to  have  also  belonged  to  the  Cap- 
tain, now  in  the  keeping  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society. 

The  "  Peregrine  White  cradle  "  is  strongly  indorsed  as  of 
the  May-Flower,  from  the  facts  that  it  is,  indubitably,  of  a 
very  early  Dutch  pattern  and  manufacture ;  that  Mrs.  White 
was  anticipating  the  early  need  of  a  cradle  when  leaving 
Holland ;  and  that  the  descent  of  this  one  as  an  heirloom  in 
her  (second)  family  is  so  fairly  traced. 

The  pewter  and  the  silver  flask  of  Winslow  not  only  bear 
very  early  "  Hallmarks,"  but  also  the  arms  of  his  family, 
which  it  is  not  likely  he  would  have  had  engraved  on  what 
he  may  have  bought  after  notably  becoming  the  defender  ot 
the  simplicity  and  democracy  of  the   "  Pilgrim  Republic." 


The  May-Flower's  Lading 


215 


Long  traceable  use  in  his  taniily  strengthens  beliet  in  the 
supposition  that  these  articles  came  with  the  Pilgrims,  and 
were  then  very  probably  heirlooms. 

One  of  Governor  Bradford's  books  (Pastor  John  Robin- 
son's "Justification  of  Separation  "),  published  in  1610,  and 
containing  the  Governor's  autograph,  bears  almost  -prima 
facie  evidence  of  having  come  with  him  in  the  May-Flower, 
but  of  course  might,  like  the  above-named  relics,  have  come 
in  some  later  ship. 

In  this  connection  it  is  of  interest  to  note  what  freight  tlie 
May-Flower  carried  for  the  intellectual  needs  of  the  Pil- 
grims. Of  Bibles,  as  the  "book  of  books,"  we  may  be  sure 
—  even  without  the  evidence  of  the  inventories  of  the  early 
dead  —  there  was  no  lack,  and  there  is  reason  to  believe 
that  they  existed  in  several  tongues,  viz.  in  English,  Dutch, 
and  possibly  French  (the  Walloon  contribution  from  the 
Huguenots),  while  there  is  little  doubt  that,  alike  as  pub- 
lishers and  as  "  students  of  the  Word,"  Brewster,  Bradford, 
and  Winslow,  at  least,  were  possessed  of  and  more  or  less 
familiar  with,  both  the  Latin  and  Greek  Testaments.  It  is 
altogether  probable,  however,  that  Governor  Bradford's  well- 
attested  study  ot  "  the  oracles  of  God  in  the  original "  He- 
brew, and  his  possession  of  the  essential  Hebrew  Bible,  gram- 
mar, and  lexicon,  were  of  a  later  day.  Some  few  copies  of 
the  earliest  hymnals  ("  psalme-bookes  ")  —  then  very  limited 
in  number  —  there  is  evidence  that  the  Holland  voyagers 
had  with  them  in  the  singing  of  their  parting  hymns  at  Ley- 
den  and  Delfshaven,  as  mentioned  by  Winslow  and  in  the 
earlier  inventories.  These  metrical  versions  of  the  Psalms 
constituted  at  the  time,  practically,  the  only  hymnology  per- 
mitted in  the  worship  of  the  "Separatists,"  though  the  grand 
hymn  ot  Luther,  "  Ein  feste  Burg  ist  unser  Gott,"  doubtless 
familiar  to  them,  must  have  commended  itself  as  especially 
comforting  and  apposite. 

Of  the  doctrinal  tracts  of  their  beloved  Pastor,  John  Robin- 
son, there  is  every  probability,  as  well  as  some  proof,  that 
there  was  good  supply,  as  well  as  those  of  Ainsworth  and 
Clyfton  and  of  the  works  of  William  Ames,  the  renowned 
Franeker  Professor,  the  controversial  opponent  but  sincere 


llBoobjt 


2l6 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Boobd 


friend  of  Robinson  :  the  founder  of  evangelical  "  systematic 
theology,"  whom  death  alone  prevented  from  becoming  the 
President  of  Harvard  College.  We  may  be  equally  sure 
that  the  few  cases  of  books  in  the  freight  of  the  Pilgrim  ship 
included  copies  of  the  publications  of  the  "  hidden  and 
hunted  press  "  of  Brewster  and  Brewer,  and  some  at  least  of 
the  issues  of  their  fellows  in  tribulation  at  Amsterdam  and  in 
Scotland  and  England.  Some  {^\^  heavy  tomes  and  early  clas- 
sics in  English,  Dutch,  Latin,  and  Greek  were  also  presumably 
among  the  goodly  number  of  books  brought  in  the  May- 
Flower  by  Brewster,  Bradford,  Winslow,  Fuller,  Hopkins, 
Allerton,  Standish,  and  others,  though  it  is  probable  that  the 
larger  part  of  the  very  considerable  library  of  four  hundred 
volumes,  left  at  his  death  by  Brewster  (including  sixty-two 
in  Latin),  and  of  the  respectable  libraries  of  Fuller,  Standish, 
and  others,  named  in  their  respective  inventories,  either 
were  brought  over  in  the  later  ships,  or  were  the  products  of 
the  earliest  printers  of  New  England.  One  is  surprised 
and  amused  that  the  library  of  the  good  Dr.  Fuller  should 
contain  so  relatively  small  a  proportion  of  medical  works 
(although  the  number  in  print  prior  to  his  death  in  1633  was 
not  great),  while  rich  in  religious  works  pertinent  to  his 
functions  as  deacon.  It  is  equally  interesting  to  note  that 
the  inventory  of  the  soldier  Standish  should  name  only  one 
book  on  military  science,  "  Bariffe's  Artillery,"  though  it 
includes  abundant  evidence  to  controvert,  beyond  reasonable 
doubt,  the  suggestion  which  has  been  made,  that  he  was  of 
the  Romanist  faith.  Just  which  of  the  books  left  by  the 
worthies  named,  and  others  whose  inventories  we  possess, 
came  with  them  in  the  Pilgrim  ship,  cannot  be  certainly 
determined,  though,  as  before  noted,  some  still  in  existence 
bear  intrinsic  testimony  that  they  were  of  the  number. 
There  is  evidence  that  Allerton  made  gift  of  a  book  to  Giles 
Heale  of  the  May-Flower  (perhaps  the  ship's  surgeon), 
while  the  ship  lay  at  Plymouth,  and  Francis  Cooke's  inven- 
tory includes  "  l  great  Bible  and  4  olde  bookes,"  which  as 
they  were  "  olde,"  and  he  was  clearly  not  a  book -buyer, 
very  probably  came  with  him  in  the  ship.  In  fact,  hardly 
an  adult  of  the   Leyden  colonists,   the  inventory  of  whose 


The  May- Flower's  Lading 


217 


estate  at  death  we  possess,  but  left  one  or  more  books  whicii 
may  have  been  his  companions  on  the  voyage. 

Some  of  the  early  forms  of  British  and  Dutch  calendars, 
"annuals,"  and  agricultural  "hand-books,"  it  is  certain  were 
brought  over  by  several  families,  and  were  doubtless  much 
consulted  and  well-thumbed  "guides,  counsellors,  and 
friends "  in  the  households  of  their  possessors.  The  great 
preponderance  of  reading  matter  brought  by  the  little  colony 
was,  however,  unquestionably  of  the  religious  controversial 
order,  which  had  been  so  much  a  part  of  their  lives,  and  its 
sum  total  was  considerable.  There  are  intimations,  in  the 
inventories  of  the  Fathers,  of  a  few  works  of  historical  cast,  but 
of  these  not  many  had  yet  been  printed.  "  Cesar's  Commen- 
taries," a  "  History  of  the  World,"  and  a  "  History  of  Turkey  " 
on  Standish's  shelves,  with  the  two  Dictionaries  and  "  Peter 
Martyr  on  Rome  "  on  Dr.  Fuller's,  were  as  likely  to  have  come 
in  the  first  ship,  and  to  have  afforded  as  much  satisfaction  to 
the  hungry  readers  of  the  little  community  as  any  of  the 
books  we  find  named  in  the  lists  of  their  little  stock. 

It  is  pathetic  to  note,  in  these  days  of  utmost  prodigality 
in  juvenile  hterature,  that  for  the  Pilgrim  children,  aside  from 
the  "  Bible  stories,"  some  of  the  wonderful  and  mirth-pro- 
voking metrical  renderings  of  the  "  Psalme  booke,"  and  the 
"  home  booke,"  or  primer  (the  alphabet  and  certain  elemen- 
tary contributions  in  verse  or  prose,  placed  between  thin 
covers  of  transparent  horn  for  protection),  there  was  almost 
absolutely  nothing  in  the  meagre  book-freight  of  the  Pilgrim 
ark.  "  Milk  for  Babes,"  whether  as  physical  or  mental 
pabulum,  was  in  poor  supply  aboard  the  May-Flower. 

The  most  that  can  be  claimed  with  confidence,  for  particu- 
lar objects  of  alleged  May-Flower  relation,  is  that  there  is 
logical  and  moral  certainty  that  there  was  a  supply  of  just 
such  things  on  board,  because  they  were  indispensable,  and 
because  every  known  circumstance  and  condition  indicates 
their  presence  in  the  hands  to  which  they  are  assigned,  while 
tradition  and  collateral  evidence  confirm  the  inference  and 
sometimes  go  very  far  to  establish  their  alleged  identity,  and 
their  presence  with  their  respective  owners  upon  the  ship. 
A  few  other  articles  besides  those  enumerated  in  possession  of 


IBoobd 


2l8 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


iFurntture 


the  Pilgrim  Society,  and  of  other  societies  and  individuals, 
present  almost  equally  strong  claims  with  those  named,  to  be 
counted  as  "  of  May-Flower  belonging,"  but  in  no  case  is 
the  connection  entirely  beyond  question.  Where  so  compe- 
tent, interested,  and  conscientious  students  of  Pilgrim  history 
as  Hon.  William  T.  Davis,  of  Plymouth,  and  the  late  Dr. 
Thomas  B.  Drew,  so  long  the  curator  of  the  Pilgrim  Society, 
cannot  find  warrant  for  a  positive  claim  in  behalf  of  any 
article  as  having  come,  beyond  a  doubt,  "in  the  May- 
Flower,"  others  may  well  hesitate  to  insist  upon  that  which, 
however  probable  and  desirable,  is  not  susceptible  of  conclu- 
sive proof. 

That  certain  articles  of  household  furniture,  whether  now 
existent  or  not,  were  included  in  the  ship's  cargo,  is  attested 
by  the  inventories  of  the  small  estates  of  those  first  deceased, 
and,  by  mention  or  implication,  in  the  narratives  of  Brad- 
ford, Winslow,  Morton,  and  other  contemporaries,  as  were 
also  many  utensils  and  articles  of  domestic  use.'  There  were 
also  beyond  question  many  not  so  mentioned,  which  may  be 
safely  named  as  having  very  certainly  been  comprised  in  the 
ship's  lading,  either  because  in  themselves  indispensable  to 
the  colonists,  or  because  from  the  evidence  in  hand  we  know 
them  to  have  been  inseparable  from  the  character,  social 
status,  daily  habits,  home  life,  or  ascertained  deeds  of  the 
Pilgrims.  When  it  is  remembered  that  furnishings,  how- 
ever simple,  were  speedily  required  for  no  less  than  nine- 
teen ^  "  cottages  "  and  their  households,  the  sum  total  called 
for  was  not  inconsiderable. 

Among  the  furniture  for  these  "  cottages  "  brought  on  the 
Pilgrim  ship  may  be  enumerated :  chairs,  table-chairs,  stools 
and  forms  (benches),  tables  of  several  sizes  and  shapes  (mostly 
small),  table-boards  and  "  cloathes,"  trestles,  beds,  bedding  and 


1.  See  Appendix. 

2.  Bradford,  in  Mourt's  Relation  (p.  68),  shows  that  the  colonists 
were  divided  up  into  "  nineteen  families,"  that  "  so  we  might  build 
fewer  houses."  Winslow,  writing  to  George  Morton,  December 
11/21,  1621,  says:  "  We  have  built  seven  dwelling-houses  and  four 
for  the  use  of  the  plantation."  Bradford  [Historie,  Mass.  ed.  p.  no) 
calls  the  houses  "  small  cottages." 


The  May- Flower's  Lading 


219 


bed-clothing,  cradles,  "  buffets,"  cupboards  and  "  cabinets," 
chests  and  chests  of  drawers,  boxes  of  several  kinds  and 
"  trunks,"  andirons,  "  iron  dogs  "  "  cob-irons,"  fire-tongs  and 
"slices  "  (shovels),  cushions,  rugs,  and  "blanrkets,"  spinning- 
wheels,  hand-looms,  etc.,  etc.  Among  household  utensils  were 
"  spits,"  "  bake-kettles,"  pots  and  kettles  (iron,  brass,  and 
copper),  frying-pans,  "  mortars  "  and  pestles  (iron,  brass,  and 
"  belle-mettle  "),  sconces,  lamps  (oil  "  bettys  "),  candlesticks, 
snuffers,  buckets,  tubs,  "  runlets,"  pails  and  baskets,  "  steel- 
yards," measures,  hour-glasses  and  sun-dials,  pewter-ware 
(platters,  plates,  mugs,  porringers,  etc.),  wooden  trenchers, 
trays,  "  noggins,"  "  bottles,"  cups,  and  "  lossets."  Earthen- 
ware, "latten"  ware  (mugs,  "jugs,"  and  "crocks"),  leather- 
ware  (bottles,  "  noggins,"  and  cups),  table-ware  (salt  "  sel- 
lars,"  spoons,  knives,  etc.),  etc.  All  of  the  foregoing,  with 
numerous  lesser  articles,  have  received  mention  in  the  early 
literature  of  the  Pilgrim  exodus,  and  were  undeniably  part  of 
the  May-Flower's  lading.     (See  Appendix.) 

The  May-Flower  origin  claimed  for  the  "Governor  Carver 
chair  "  and  the  "  Elder  Brewster  chair  "  rests  wholly  upon 
tradition,  and  upon  the  venerable  pattern  and  aspect  of  the 
chairs  themselves.  The  "  Winslow  chair,"  in  possession  of 
the  Pilgrim  Society  at  Plymouth  (Mass.),  tliough  bearing 
evidence  of  having  been  "  made  in  Cheapside,  London,  in 
1614,"  is  not  positively  known  to  have  been  brought  on  the 
May-Flower.  Thacher's  "History  of  Plymouth"  (p.  144) 
states  that  "  a  sitting-chair,  said  to  have  been  screwed  to  the 
floor  of  the  May-F lower's  cabin  for  the  convenience  of  a 
lady,  is  known  to  have  been  in  the  possession  of  Penelope 
Winslow  (who  married  James  Warren),  and  is  now  in 
possession  of  Hannah  White."  There  are  certain  venerable 
chairs  alleged,  with  some  show  of  probability,  to  have  been 
the  property  of  Captain  Standish,  now  owned  in  Bridgewater, 
but  there  is  no  record  attached  to  them,  and  they  are  not 
surely  assignable  to  either  ship  or  owner. 

That  some  few  tables  —  mostly  small  —  were  brought  in 
the  May-Flower,  there  is  some  evidence,  but  the  indications 
are  that  what  were  known  as  "  table-boards  "  —  long  and 
narrow  boards  covered  with  what  were  called  "  board-cloths" 


ifurniturc 


220 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


iFumiture 


—  very  largely  took  the  place  of  tables.  The  walnut-top 
table,  said  to  have  once  been  Governor  Winslow's  and  now 
in  possession  of  the  Pilgrim  Society,  is  not  known  to  have 
come  over  with  him,  and  probably  did  not.  It  was  very 
likely  bought  for  the  use  of  the  Council  when  he  was  gov- 
ernor. The  "  table-boards  "  mentioned  were  laid  on  "  trestles  " 
(cross-legged  and  folding  supports  of  proper  height),  which 
had  the  great  merit  that  they  could  be  placed  in  any  conve- 
nient spot  and  as  easily  folded  up,  and  with  the  board  put 
away,  leaving  the  space  which  a  table  would  have  perma 
nently  occupied  free  for  other  use. 

Bradford  mentions  that  when  the  fire  of  Sunday,  January 
14,  1621,  occurred  in  the  "  common  house,"  the  "  house  was 
as  full  of  beds  as  they  could  lie  one  by  another."  There  is  a 
doubt,  however,  whether  this  indicates  bedsteads  or  (probably) 
"  pallets  "  only.  Beds,  bedding  of  all  sorts,  pillow-"  beers," 
[pillow-cases]  and  even  "mattrises,"  are  of  most  frequent  men- 
tion in  the  earliest  wills  and  inventories.     (See  Appendix.) 

"  Buffets,"  "  cupboards,"  and  "  cabinets,"  all  find  mention 
in  the  earliest  writers  and  inventories,  and  one  or  two  speci- 
mens, for  which  a  May-Flower  history  is  claimed,  are  in 
possession  of  the  Pilgrim  Society  and  others.  The  *'  White  " 
cabinet,  of  putative  May-Flower  connection,  owned  by  the 
Pilgrim  Society,  is  a  fine  example  of  its  class,  and  both  its  "  ear- 
marks "  and  its  known  history  support  the  probable  truth  of 
the  claim  made  for  it.  Of  "  chests  "  and  "  chests-of-drawers " 
there  were  doubtless  goodly  numbers  in  the  ship,  but  with 
the  exception  of  a  few  chests  (or  the  fragments  of  them),  for 
which  a  May-Flower  passage  is  vaunted,  little  is  known  of 
them.  The  chest  claimed  to  be  that  of  Elder  Brewster, 
owned  by  the  Connecticut  Historical  Society,  was  not  improb- 
ably his,  but  that  it  had  any  May-Flower  relation  is  not 
shown.  A  fragment  of  a  chest  claimed  to  have  been 
"brought  by  Edward  Winslow  in  the  May-Flower"  is 
owned  by  the  Pilgrim  Society,  and  bears  considerable  evidence 
of  the  probable  validity  of  such  claim,  but  proof  positive  is 
lacking.  Boxes  of  several  kinds  and  sizes  were  part  of  the 
Pilgrims'  chattels  on  their  ship,  some  of  them  taking  the 
place  of  the  travellers'  "  trunks  "  of  to-day,  though  "  trunks  " 


l^he  May-Flower's  Lading 


221 


were  then  known  by  that  name  and  find  early  mention  in 
Pilgrim  inventories,  and  there  were  no  doubt  some  upon  the 
Pilgrim  ship.  A  i^v^  claiming  such  distinction  are  exhibited, 
but  without  attested  records  of  their  origin. 

"  Andirons,  fire-dogs,  and  cob-irons "  (the  latter  to  rest 
roasting  spits  upon)  were  enumerated  among  the  effects  of 
those  early  deceased  among  the  Pilgrims,  rendering  it  well- 
nigh  certain  that  they  must  have  been  part  of  their  belongings 
on  the  May-Flower.  Fire-tongs  and  "slices"  [shovels] 
are  also  frequently  mentioned  in  early  Pilgrim  inventories, 
placing  them  in  the  same  category  with  the  "  andirons  and 
fire-dogs." 

In  "  Mourt's  Relation,"  in  the  accounts  given  of  the  state 
reception  of  Massasoit,  "  a  green  rug  and  three  or  four  cush- 
ions "  are  shown  to  have  performed  their  parts  in  the  official 
ceremonies,  and  were,  of  course,  necessarily  brought  in  the 
May-Flower. 

Spinning-wheels  and  hand-looms  were  such  absolute  neces- 
sities, and  were  so  familiar  and  omnipresent  features  of  the 
lives  and  labors  of  the  Pilgrim  housewives  and  their  Dutch 
neighbors  of  Leyden,  that  we  should  be  certain  that  they 
came  with  the  Pilgrims,  even  if  they  did  not  find  mention 
in  the  earliest  Pilgrim  inventories.  Many  ancient  ones  are 
exhibited  in  the  "  Old  Colony,"  but  it  is  not  known  that  it  is 
claimed  for  any  of  them  that  they  came  in  the  first  ship. 
It  is  probable  that  some  of  the  "  cheese  fatts  "  and  chums  so 
often  named  in  early  inventories  came  in  the  ship,  though  at 
first  there  was,  in  the  absence  of  milch  kine,  no  such  use  for 
them  as  there  had  been  in  both  England  and  Holland,  and 
soon  was  in  New  England. 

Among  cooking  utensils  the  roasting  "  spit  "  was,  in  one 
form  or  another,  among  the  earliest  devices  for  cooking  flesh, 
and  as  such  was  an  essential  of  every  household.  Those 
brought  by  the  Plymouth  settlers  were  probably,  as  indicated 
by  the  oldest  specimens  that  remain  to  us,  of  a  pretty  prim- 
itive type.  The  ancient  "  bake-kettle  "  (sometimes  called 
"  pan  "),  made  to  bury  in  the  ashes  and  thus  to  heat  above 
and  below,  has  never  been  superseded  where  resort  must  be 
had  to  the  open  fire  for  cooking,  and  (practically  unchanged) 


i^OU0cl)olD 
(IEffect0 


222 


ne  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


jTatilitiEfl! 


is  in  use  to-day  at  many  a  sheep-herder's  and  cowboy's  camp- 
fire  of  the  Far  West.  We  may  be  sure  that  it  was  in  every 
May-Flower  family,  and  occasional  ancient  specimens  are 
yet  to  be  found  in  "  Old  Colony  "  garrets.  Pots  and  kettles 
of  all  sorts  find  more  frequent  mention  in  the  early  inven- 
tories than  anything  else,  except  muskets  and  swords,  and 
were  probably  more  numerous  upon  the  ship  than  any  other 
cooking  utensil.  A  few  claimed  to  be  from  the  Pilgrim  ship 
are  exhibited,  chief  of  which  is  a  large  iron  pot,  said  to  have 
been  "  brought  by  Myles  Standish  in  the  May-Flower," 
now  owned  by  the  Pilgrim  Society.     (See  Appendix.) 

Hardly  an  early  Pilgrim  inventory  but  includes  "a  mortar 
and  pestle,"  sometimes  of  iron,  sometimes  of  "  brass "  or 
"  belle-mettle  "  (bell  metal).  They  were  of  course,  in  the 
absence  of  mills,  and  for  some  purposes  for  which  small  hand- 
mills  were  not  adapted,  prime  necessities,  and  every  house- 
hold had  one.  A  very  fine  one  of  brass  (with  an  iron  pestle), 
nine  and  a  half  inches  across  its  bell-shaped  top,  —  exhibited 
by  the  Pilgrim  Society,  and  said  to  have  been  "  brought  in 
the  May-Flower  by  Edward  Winslow,"  —  seems  to  the 
author  as  likely  to  have  been  so  as  almost  any  article  for 
which  that  distinction  is  claimed. 

The  lighting  facilities  of  the  Pilgrims  were  fewer  and  cruder 
than  those  for  cooking.  They  possessed  the  lamp  of  the 
ancient  Romans,  Greeks,  and  Hebrews,  with  but  few  im- 
provements, —  a  more  or  less  fanciful  vessel  for  oil,  with  a 
protuberant  nose  for  a  wick,  and  a  loose-twisted  cotton  wick. 
Hand-lamps  of  this  general  form  and  of  various  devices,  called 
"  betty-lamps,"  were  commonly  used,  with  candlesticks  of 
various  metals,  —  iron,  brass,  silver,  and  copper, — ^  though  but 
few  of  any  other  ware.  For  wall-lighting  two  or  more  can- 
dle sockets  were  brought  together  in  "sconces,"  which  were 
more  or  less  elaborate  in  design  and  finish.  One  of  the  early 
writers  (Higginson)  mentions  the  abundance  of  oil  (from  fish) 
available  for  lamps,  but  all  tallow  and  suet  used  by  the  early 
colonists  was,  for  some  years  (till  cattle  became  plenti- 
ful), necessarily  imported.  Some  of  the  "  candle-snuffers  "  of 
the  "  first  comers  "  doubtless  still  remain.  We  may  be  sure 
every  family  had  its  candles,  "  betty-lamps,"  candlesticks,  and 


The  May- Flower's  Lading 


223 


primitive,  perforated 
darkness  visible"  — 


"  snuffers."     "  Lanthorns  "  were  of  the 

tin  variety  —  only  "serving   to   make 

now  found  in  a  few  old  attics  in  Pilgrim  towns,  and  on  the 

"bull-carts"  of  \kvt peons  of  Porto  Rico,  by  night.     Fire,  for 

any  purpose,  was  chiefly  procured  by  the  use  of  flint,  steel, 

and  tinder,  of  which  many  very  early  specimens  exist. 

Buckets,  tubs,  and  pails  were,  beyond  question,  numerous 
aboard  the  ship,  and  were  among  the  most  essential  and 
highly  valued  of  Pilgrim  utensils.  Most,  if  not  all  of  them, 
we  may  confidently  assert,  were  brought  into  requisition  on 
that  Monday  "  wash-day "  at  Cape  Cod,  the  first  week-day 
after  their  arrival,  when  the  women  went  ashore  to  do  their 
long-neglected  laundrying,  in  the  comparatively  fresh  water 
of  the  beach  pond  at  Cape  Cod  harbor.  They  are  frequently 
named  in  the  earliest  inventories.  Bradford  also  mentions 
the  filling  of  a  "  runlet "  with  water  at  the  Cape. 

The  "steel-yards"  and  "measures"  were  the  only  deter- 
miners of  weight  and  quantity  —  as  the  hour-glass  and  sun- 
dial were  of  time  —  possessed  at  first  (so  far  as  appears)  by 
the  passengers  of  the  Pilgrim  ship,  though  it  is  barely  possi- 
ble that  a  Dutch  clock  or  two  may  have  been  among  the 
possessions  of  the  wealthiest.  Clocks  and  watches  were  not 
yet  in  common  use  (though  the  former  were  known  in  Eng- 
land from  1540),  and  except  that  in  "  Mourt's  Relation  "  and 
Bradford's  "  Historic  "  mention  is  made  of  the  time  of  day 
as  such  "o'clock  "  (indicating  some  degree  of  familiarity  with 
clocks),  no  mention  is  made  of  their  possession  at  the  first. 
Certain  of  the  leaders  were  apparently  acquainted  at  Leyden 
with  the  astronomer  Galileo,  co-resident  with  them  there,  and 
through  this  acquaintance  some  of  the  wealthier  and  more 
scholarly  may  have  come  to  know,  and  even  to  own,  one  of 
the  earliest  Dutch  clocks  made  with  the  pendulum  invented 
by  Galileo,  though  hardly  probable  as  early  as  1620.  Pocket 
watches  were  yet  practically  unknown.     (See  Appendix.) 

Except  for  a  few  pieces  of  silver  owned  by  the  wealthiest 
of  their  number,  pewter  was  the  most  elegant  and  expensive 
of  the  Pilgrims'  table-ware.  A  pewter  platter  said  to  have 
been  "  brought  over  in  the  May-Flower  "  is  now  owned  by 
the  Pilgrim  Society,  which  also  exhibits  smaller  pewter   for- 


224 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


ant)  Cable.' 
^lfni£(l)ing£( 


merly  Edward  Winslow's,  and  bearing  his  "arms,"  for  which, 
as  previously  noted,  a  like  claim  is  made.  Platters,  dishes, 
"potts,"  ladles,  bottles,  "flaggons,"  "  skelletts,"  cups,  porrin- 
gers, "basons,"  spoons,  candlesticks,  and  salt  "sellars,"  were 
among  the  many  pewter  utensils  unmistakably  brought  on 
the  good  ship.     (See  Appendix.) 

The  wooden-ware  of  the  colonists,  brought  with  them,  was 
considerable  and  various.  The  Dutch  were  long  famous  for 
its  fabrication.  There  was  but  very  little  china,  glass,  or  pot- 
tery of  any  kind  in  common  use  in  western  Europe  in  1620  ; 
some  kinds  were  not  yet  made,  and  pewter,  wood,  and  leather 
largely  filled  their  places.  Wooden  trenchers  (taking  the 
place  of  plates),  trays,  "  noggins  "  (jug  or  pitcher-like  cups), 
cups,  and  "  lossets "  (flat  dishes  like  the  bread-plates  of  to- 
day), were  of  course  part  of  every  housewife's  providings. 
Some  few  of  Pilgrim  origin  possibly  still  exist.  As  neither 
coffee,  tea,  nor  china  had  come  into  use,  the  cups  and  saucers 
which  another  century  brought  in  —  to  delight  their  owners 
in  that  day  and  the  ceramic  hunter  in  this  —  were  not  among 
the  "  breakables  "  of  the  "  good- wife  "  of  the  May-Flower. 

The  "table-plenishings"  had  not  much  variety,  but  in  the 
aggregate  the  (first)  "nineteen  families"  must  have  required 
quite  a  quantity  of  spoons,  knives,  salt  "  sellars,"  etc.  Forks 
there  were  none,  and  of  the  accessories  of  to-day  (except 
napkins),  very  few.  Meat  was  held  by  the  napkin  while 
being  cut  with  the  knife.  Josselyn  ^  gives  a  list  of  "  Im- 
plements for  a  family  of  six  persons  "  going  to  New  Eng- 
land. 

Kitchen  utensils :  — 
"  1  Iron  Pot. 

1  Great  Copper  Kettle. 

1  Small  Kettle. 

1  Lesser  Kettle. 

1  Large  Frying  pan. 

1  Brass  Mortar. 

1  Spit. 

1  Gridiron. 

2  Skillets. 


I.    Two  Voyages  to  New  England^  p.  20. 


The  May-Flower's  Lading 


225 


31inplcnirntB! 
of  lipuBbanDrp 


Platters,  dishes,  and  spoons  ot  wood. 

A  pair  of  Bellows. 

A  Skoope,  etc." 
Among  the  implements  of  husbandry,  etc.,  and  mechan- 
ics' tools  we  find  evidence  of  hoes,  spades,  shovels,  scythes, 
"  sikles,"  mattocks,  bill-hooks,  garden-rakes, hay-torks  ("pitch- 
forks "),  besides  seed-grain  and  garden  seeds.  Axes,  saws, 
hammers,  "  adzs,"  augers,  chisels,  gouges,  squares,  hatchets, 
an  "  iron  jack-scrue,"  "  holdfasts  "  (vises),  blacksmiths'  tools, 
coopers'  tools,  iron  and  steel  in  bar,  anvils,  chains,  etc., 
"  staples  and  locks,"  rope,  lime  (for  mortar),  nails,  etc.,  are 
also  known  to  have  been  in  the  ship.  Francis  Eaton,  the 
carpenter,  seems  to  have  had  a  very  respectable  "  kit,"  and 
Fletcher,  the  smith,  was  evidently  fairly  "  outfitted." 

The  implements  of  husbandry  were  of  the  lighter  (?)  sort ; 
no  ploughs,  harrows,  carts,  harness,  stone-drags,  or  other 
farming  tools  requiring  the  strength  of  beasts  for  their  use, 
were  included.  In  nothing  could  they  have  experienced  so 
sharp  a  contrast  as  in  the  absence  of  horses,  cattle,  and  sheep 
in  their  husbandry,  and  especially  of  milch  kine.  Bradford 
and  Winslow  both  mention  hoes,  spades,  mattocks,  and 
sickles,  while  shovels,  scythes,  bill-hooks  (brush-scythes,  the 
terrible  weapons  of  the  English  peasantry  in  their  great  "  Mon- 
mouth "  and  earlier  uprisings),  pitchforks,  etc.,  find  very  early 
mention  in  inventories  and  colonial  records.  Josselyn,  in 
his  "Two  Voyages  to  New  England,"  gives,  in  1628,  the 
following  very  pertinent  list  of  "  Tools  for  a  Family  of  six 
persons,  and  so  after  this  rate  for  more, — intending  for  New 
England."  This  may  be  taken  as  fairly  approximating  the 
possessions  of  the  average  May-Flower  planter,  though 
probably  somewhat  exceeding  individual  supplies.  Eight 
years  of  the  Pilgrims'  experience  had  taught  those  who  came 
after  them  very  much  that  was  of  service. 
"5  Broad  Howes  [hoes].  6  Chisels. 


5  Narrow  Howes  [hoes]. 
5  Felling  Axes. 
2  steel  hand  saws. 
2  hand  saws. 


3  Gimblets. 

2  hatchets. 

2  frones  ('?)  to  cleave  pail.* 

2  hand-bills. 


I.  Probably  knives  for  cleaving  pail  stock. 


226 


The  May-Flower  2S  Her  Lo 


'g 


COOI0 


1  whip  saw,  set  and  filed     Nails  of  all  sorts. 

with  box.  2  Pick-axes. 

A  file  and  rest.  3  Locks  and  3  paire  fetters. 

2  Hammers.  2  Currie  Combs. 

3  Shovels,  Brands  for  beasts. 
2  Spades.  A  hand  vice. 

2  Augers.  A  pitchfork,  etc." 

2  Broad  Axes. 

Unhappily  we  know  little  from  contemporaneous  authority 
as  to  what  grain  and  other  seeds  the  Pilgrims  brought  with 
them  for  planting.  We  may  be  sure,  however,  that  rye, 
barley,  oats,  wheat,  pease,  and  beans  were  the  bulkiest  of 
this  part  of  their  freight,  though  Bradford  mentions  the 
planting  of  "  garden  seeds  "  their  first  spring. 

While  we  know  from  the  earliest  Pilgrim  chronicles  that 
their  mechanics'  implements  embraced  axes,  saws,  hammers, 
"  adzs,"  augers,  hatchets,  an  "  iron  jack-scrue,"  "  staples  and 
locks,"  etc.,  we  know  there  must  have  been  many  other  tools 
not  mentioned  by  them,  brought  over  with  the  settlers.  The 
"  great  iron-scrue,"  as  Bradford  calls  it  in  his  original  MS., 
played,  as  all  know,  a  most  important  part  on  the  voyage, 
in  forcing  the  "  cracked  and  bowed  "  deck-beam  of  the  ship 
into  place.  Governor  Bradford  tells  us  that  "  it  was  brought 
on  board  by  one  of  the  Leyden  passengers,"  and  one  may 
hazard  the  guess  that  it  was  by  either  Moses  Fletcher,  the 
smith,  or  Francis  Eaton,  the  "carpenter."  "Staples"  and 
"locks"  found  their  place  and  mention,  as  well  as  the 
"  chains,"  "  manacles,"  and  "  leg-irons  "  named  in  the  list  of 
accoutrements  for  offence  or  defence,  when  it  became  neces- 
sary to  chain  up  the  Indian  spy  of  the  Neponsets  (as  narrated 
by  Winslow  in  his  "  Good  Newes  from  New  England  ")  and 
other  evil-doers.  The  planters  seem  to  have  made  stiff 
"  mortar,"  which  premises  the  use  of  lime  and  indicates  a 
supply.     (See  Appendix.) 

Among  the  fishing  and  fowling  implements  of  the  May- 
Flower  colonists  are  recorded,  nets,  "seynes,"  twine,  fish- 
hooks, muskets  (for  large  game),  "fowling-pieces,"  powder, 
"goose-shot,"  "hail-shot,"  etc. 

Such  early  mention  is  found  of  the  nets,  "  seynes,"  etc.,  of 


The  May-Flower's  Lading 


227 


their  fishing  equipment,  as  to  leave  no  room  lor  doubt  that 
store  of  them  was  brought  in  the  ship.  They  seem  to  have 
been  unfortunate  in  the  size  of  their  fish-hooks,  which  are 
spoken  of  as  "  too  large "  even  for  cod.  They  must,  as 
Goodwin  remarks,  "  have  been  very  large."  Winslow  also 
says,*  "  We  wanted  fit  and  strong  seines  and  other  netting." 

They  seem  to  have  relied  upon  their  muskets  to  some 
extent  for  wild  fowl  (as  witness  Winslow's  long  and  success- 
ful shot  at  a  duck,  on  his  visit  to  Massasoit),  as  they  un- 
doubtedly did  for  deer,  etc.  They  were  apparently  fairly 
well  supplied  with  them,  of  either  the  "  matchlock  "  or  "  snap- 
hance  "  (flintlock)  pattern,  though  the  planters  complained 
to  the  Merchant  Adventurers  (in  their  letter  of  August  3, 
from  Southampton),  that  they  were  "  wanting  many  muskets," 
etc.  That  they  had  some  "  fowling-pieces  "  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that  young  Billington  seems  (according  to  Bradford)  to 
have  "  shot  one  off  in  his  father's  cabin  "  aboard  ship  in  Cape 
Cod  harbor,  and  there  are  several  other  coeval  mentions  of 
them. 

The  arms  and  accoutrements  (besides  ordnance)  of  the 
May-Flower  Pilgrims,  known  on  the  authority  of  Brad- 
ford and  Winslow  to  have  been  brought  by  them,  included 
muskets  ("  matchlocks  "),  "  snaphances  "  (flintlocks),  armor 
("corslets,"  "cuirasses,"  "helmets,"  "bandoliers,"  etc.),  swords, 
"curtlaxes"  (cutlasses),  "daggers,"  powder,  "mould-shot," 
"  match  "  (slow-match  for  guns),  "  flints,"  belts,  "  knapsacks," 
"  drum,"  "  trumpet,"  "  manacles,"  "  leg-irons,"  etc.,  etc.  "  Pis- 
tols "  (brass)  appear  in  early  inventories,  but  their  absence 
in  the  early  hand-to-hand  encounter  at  Wessagussett  indi- 
cates that  none  were  then  available,  or  that  they  were  not 
trusted. 

It  is  evident  from  the  statement  of  Bradford  that  every  one 
of  the  sixteen  men  who  went  out  (under  command  of  Stand- 
ish)  on  the  "  first  exploration  "  at  Cape  Cod  had  his  "  mus- 
ket, sword,  and  corslet ; "  that  they  relied  much  on  their 
armor,  and  hence,  doubtless,  took  all  possible  with  them  on 
the  ship.  They  probably  did  not  long  retain  its  use.  In 
the    letter  written   to   the    Adventurers    from    S<)urh:mi[non, 


3rmg  ant) 
Bccoutrfmcnts 


I.   Good  N ewes  from  New  England. 


228 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


armg  ano 
Accoutrements 


the  leaders  complain   of  "wanting   many   muskets,   much 
armour,  &c." 

Josselyn  gives '  the  equipment  he  considers  necessary  for 
each  man  going  to  New  England  to  settle :  — 
"  Armor  compleat :  — 

One  long  piece  [musket]  five  feet  or  five  and  a  half 
long. 

One  Sword. 

One  bandoleer. 

One  belt. 

Twenty  pounds  of  powder. 

Sixty  pounds  of  shot  or  lead,  pistol  and  Goose-shot." 
Another  list  gives  an  idea  of  "  complete  armor :  "  — 
"  Corselet 

Breast  [plate  or  piece]. 

Back  [ditto]. 

Culet  (?). 

Gorget  [throat-piece]. 

Tussis  [thigh-pieces]. 

Head-piece  "  [morion  skull-cap] ." 
Bradford  states  that  they  used  their  "curtlaxes"  (cut- 
lasses) to  dig  the  frozen  ground  to  get  at  the  Indians'  corn, 
"  having  forgotten  to  bring  spade  or  mattock."  "  Daggers  " 
are  mentioned  as  used  in  their  celebrated  duel  by  Dotey  and 
Leister,  servants  of  Stephen  Hopkins.  Bradford  narrates^ 
that  on  one  of  their  exploring  tours  on  the  Cape  the  length 
of  guard  duty  performed  at  night  by  each  "  relief  "  was 
determined  by  the  inches  of  slow-match  burned  ("  every  one 
standing  when  his  turn  came  while  five  or  six  inches  of 
match  was  burning"),  clearly  indicating  that  they  had  no 
watches  with  them.  The  "  drum  "  and  "  trumpet "  are  both 
mentioned  in  "  Mourt's  Relation  "  in  the  account  given  of 
Massasoit's  reception,  the  latter  as  eliciting  the  especial  atten- 
tion of  his  men,  and  their  efforts  at  blowing  it. 

The  Ordnance  (cannon)  brought    in  the   ship   consisted 
(probably)  of  ten  guns,  certainly  of  six.     Of  these,  two  (2) 


1.  Op.  cit.  p.  18. 

2.  Mourt's  Relation, 


'The  May- Flower's  Lading 


2  29 


were  "  sakers,"  — guns  ten  tcet  long  ot'31/2  X.o  \  inches  bore, 
weighing  t'rom  fifteen  to  eighteen  hundred  pounds  each ;  two 
(2)  were  "minions"  (or  "falcons"),  —  guns  of  3^  inch 
bore,  weighing  twelve  hundred  pounds  (1200  lbs.)  each; 
and  two  (2)  were  "bases,"  —  small  guns  of  ii^-inch  bore, 
weighing  some  three  hundred  pounds  (300  lbs.)  each.  These 
were  mounted  on  "  the  Hill  "  fort  or  platform.  It  is  prob- 
able that  besides  these  were  the  four  smallest  cannon, 
called  "  patereros  "  (or  "  murderers  "),  which,  at  the  time  of 
De  Rasiere's  visit  to  Plymouth  in  1627,  were  mounted  on  a 
platform  (in  front  of  the  Governor's  house),  at  the  intersec- 
tion of  the  two  streets  of  the  town,  and  commanded  its  sev- 
eral approaches.  It  is  not  likely  that  they  were  sent  for 
after  1621,  because  the  Adventurers  were  never  in  mood  to 
send  if  asked,  while  Bradford,  in  speaking  of  the  first  alarm 
by  the  Indians,  says,  "  This  caused  us  to  plant  our  great 
ordnance  in  places  most  convenient,"  leaving  a  possible  in- 
ference that  they  had  smaller  ordnance  in  reserve.  With 
this  ordnance  was  of  course  a  proper  supply  of  ammunition 
adapted  to  its  use.  The  "  sakers  "  are  said  to  have  carried 
a  four-pound  ball,  the  "  minions  "  a  three-pound  ball,  and 
the  "  bases  "  a  ball  of  a  pound  weight.  There  is  not  entire 
agreement  between  authorities,  in  regard  to  the  size,  weight, 
and  calibre  of  these  different  classes  of  early  ordnance,  or 
the  weight  of  metal  thrown  by  them,  but  the  above  are 
approximate  data,  gathered  from  careful  comparison  of  the 
figures  given  by  several.  There  is  no  doubt  that  with  this 
heavy  ordnance  and  ammunition  they  stowed  among  their 
ballast  and  dunnage  (as  was  the  case  in  Higginson's  ships), 
their  "  spare  chains  and  anchors,  chalk,  bricks,  sea-coal  (for 
blacksmithing),  iron,  steel,  lead,  copper,  red-lead,  salt,"  etc. ; 
all  of  which  they  also  necessarily  had,  and  from  their  bulk, 
character,   and  weight,   would   stow  as   low  in   the   ship   as 


might  be. 


That  a  considerable  "  stock  of  trading  goods  "  was  included 
in  the  May-Flower's  lading  is  mentioned  by  at  least  one 
writer,  and  that  this  was  a  fact  is  confirmed  by  the  records  of 
the  colonists'  dealings  with  the  Indians,  and  the  enumeration 
of  not  a  few  of  the  goods  which  could  have  had,  for   the 


©ronancr 


230 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


STraDing 


most  part,  no  other  use  or  value.  They  consisted  largely  of 
knives,  bracelets  (bead  and  metal),  rings,  scissors,  copper 
chains,  beads,  "blue  and  red  trading  cloth,"  cheap  (glass) 
jewels  ("for  the  ears,"  etc.),  small  mirrors,  clothing  (e.  g. 
"  red-cotton  horseman's  coats  —  laced,"  jerkins,  blankets, 
etc.),  shoes,  "  strong  waters,"  pipes,  tobacco,  tools  and  hard- 
ware (hatchets,  nails,  hoes,  fish-hooks,  etc.),  rugs,  twine,  nets, 
etc.,  etc.  A  fragment  of  one  of  the  heavy  hoes  of  the  an- 
cient pattern  —  "  found  on  the  site  of  the  Pilgrim  trading- 
house  at  Manomet  "  —  is  owned  by  the  Pilgrim  Society, 
and  speaks  volumes  of  the  labor  performed  by  the  Pilgrims, 
before  they  had  ploughs  and  draught-cattle,  in  the  raising  of 
their  wonderful  crops  of  corn. 

Such  was  the  May-Flower's  burden,  animate  and  inani- 
mate, when  —  the  last  passenger  and  the  last  piece  of  freight 
transferred  from  the  Speedwell  —  her  anchor  "  hove  short," 
she  swung  with  the  tide  in  Plymouth  roadstead,  ready  to 
depart  at  last  for  "  the  Virginia  plantations." 


231 


CHAPTER  IX 

The  yournal  of  the  Ship 
May-Flower  ' 

Thomas      'Jones,     Master,    frotn 
London,  Rngland,  towards  "  Hud- 
son's  River"  in  Virginia"^ 

t  • 

RAVESEND.  Finished  lad- 
ing. Got  passengers^  aboard 
and  got  under  way  for  South- 
ampton. Dropped  down  the 
Thames  to  Gravesend  with 
the   tide.^     Masters  Cushman  and    Martin, 


July  15/25 
1620 


1.  The  voyage  of  the  May-Flower  began  at  London,  as  her 
consort's  did  at  Delfshaven,  and  though,  as  incident  to  the  latter's 
brief  career,  we  have  been  obliged  to  take  note  of  some  of  the  hap- 
penings to  the  larger  ship  and  her  company  (at  Southampton,  etc.), 
out  of  due  course  and  time,  they  have  been  recited  only  because  of 
their  insuperable  relation  to  the  consort  and  her  company,  and  not 
as  part  of  the  May-Flower's  own  proper  record. 

2.  See  ante,  p.  74  et  seq. 

3.  See  ante,  p.  144  et  seq. 

4.  Vessels  leaving  the  port  of  London  always,  in  that  day, 
"  dropped  down  with  the  tide,"  tug-boats  being  unknown,  and  sail- 
headway  against  the  tide  being  difficult  in  the  narrow  river. 


232 


July  16/26 


jHontiai? 

July  17/27 


€UC!SDat 

July  18/28 

l^cDncjSDat 

July  19/29 


CljursSDat 

July  20/30 


72//V  21/31 


7^^  May- Flower  ^  //'^r  L^?^ 

agents     of    the     chartering  -  party,     came 
aboard^  at  London. 

IT 
Gravesend.2  Channel  pilot  aboard.  Favor- 
ing wind. 

H 
In  Channel.    Course  S.  W.  by  W.    Favor- 
ing wind. 

In  Channel.      Southampton  Water. 

H 
Southampton  Water.      Arrived  at  South- 
ampton and  came  to  anchor.^ 

f 
Lying   at  Southampton  off  north  end  of 
"West  Quay."^ 

H 
Lying  at  Southampton.     Masters  Carver, 
Cushman,  and  Martin,  three  of  the  agents 

1.  See  ante^  p.  144. 

2.  It  was  customary  then  to  take  the  Channel  pilot  at  Gravesend, 
and  on  some  voyages  to  "  take  departure,"  i.  e.  begin  the  voyage 
and  the  "  log  "  at  that  point.  In  later  days,  on  transatlantic  voy- 
ages, when  sailing  westward,  by  the  Isle  of  Wight,  "  departure  "  is 
sometimes  "  taken  "  from  there.  The  dropping  of  the  pilot  indicates 
usually  the  point  of  "  departure." 

3.  Both  ships  undoubtedly  lay  at  anchor  a  day  or  two,  before 
"  hauling  in  "  to  the  quay.  The  May-Flower  undoubtedly  lay 
at  anchor  until  after  the  Speedwell  arrived,  to  save  expense. 

4.  The  local  tradition  at  Southampton,  England  (whose  citizens 
take  great  interest  in  all  that  pertains  to  the  historic  connection  of 
the  May-Flower  with  their  port),  is,  that  the  ship  was  "  riding  at 
anchor  off  the  north  end  of  the  West  Quay."  Brown,  Pilgrim 
Fathers  of  New  England^  p.  195. 


The  yoiirnal 


233 


here.      Outfitting    ship,    taking    in    lading, 
and  getting  ready  tor  sea. 

IF 
Lying  off  Quay,  Southampton. 

IF 

Lying  off  Qiiay,  Southampton. 

IF 
Lying  off  Quay,  Southampton. 

IF 

Lying  off  Quay,  Southampton.    Waiting 
for  consort  to  arrive  from  Holland. 

IF 
Lying  off  Qiiay,  Southampton.  Pinnace 
Speedwell,  60  tons,  Reynolds,  Master,  from 
Delfshaven,  July  22,  consort  to  this  ship,  ar- 
rived in  harbor,  having  on  board  some  70 
passengers  and  lading  for  Virginia.  She  came 
to  anchor  off  north  end  "  West  Quay."  ^ 

IF 
Lying  at  Qiiay,  Southampton,  Speedwell 

warped  to  berth  at  Quay  near   the  ship,  to 

transfer  lading.^ 

IF 
Lying    at    Qiiay,    Southampton.      Much 

parleying   and  discontent   among   the   pas- 
sengers.^ 


1.  See  ante^  p.  232,  note  4. 

2.  Some  of  the  cargo  of  the  Speedwell  is  understood  to  have 
been  here  transferred  to  the  larger  ship  ;  doubtless  the  cheese,  "  Hol- 
lands," and  other  provisions,  ordered,  as  noted,  by  Cushman. 

3.  Bradford  gives  an  account   of  the  bickering  and  recrimination 


July  22 1  Aug.  I 
July  2llAug.  2 

iHouDat 

July  2\jAug.  3 

CucjSDat 

July  ISl^ug.  4 


H^cDiTcjSDat 

July  2b I  Aug.  5 


€l)ur!SDat 

July  2-]  I  Aug.  6 


friDat 

July  2%lAug.  7 


234 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


'July  1(^1  Aug.  8 


July  T^olAug.  9 

i^lonDat 

July  l\  I  Aug.  10 


Lying  at  Quay,  Southampton.  Some  of 
the  passengers  transferred  from  Speedwell 
and  some  to  her.  Master  Christopher 
Martin  chosen  by  passengers  their  "  Gov- 
ernour  "  for  the  voyage  to  order  them  by 
the  way,  see  to  the  disposing  of  their  pro- 
visions, etc.  Master  Robert  Cushman 
chosen  "  Assistant."  ^  The  ship  ready  for 
sea  this  day,  but  obliged  to  lie  here  on 
account  of  leakiness  of  consort,  which  is 
forced  to  retrim.^  Ship  has  now  go  pas- 
sengers and  consort  30.^ 

H 
Lying  at  Southampton. 

H 
Lying  at  Southampton.     Letters  received 

for   passengers   from    Holland.      One  from 

the   Leyden    Pastor   [Robinson]   read    out 

to    the    company  ^    that    came    from    that 

place. 


at  Southampton,  when  all  parties  had  arrived.  Pastor  Robinson  had 
rather  too  strenuously  given  instructions,  which  it  now  began  to  be 
seen  were  not  altogether  wise.  Cushman  was  very  much  censured, 
and  there  was  evidently  some  acrimony.  See  Cushman's  Dart- 
mouth letter  of  August  17,  to  Edward  Southworth,  Bradford's 
Historic,  Mass.  ed.  p.  86. 

1.  Bradford  has  made  a  minute  of  this  choice  of  the  officers  for 
the  voyage  against  his  copy  of  Cushman's  Dartmouth  letter.  Brad- 
ford, orig.  MS.  p.  43. 

2.  Cushman's  Dartmouth  letter  of  August  17,  1620. 

3.  Goodwin,  Pilgrim  Republic,  p.  51.      See,  also,  ante,  p.  160. 

4.  Bradford,  Historic,  Mass.  ed.  p.  82,  says  :  "The  company  was 
called  together  and  this  letter  [Robinson's]  read  amongst  them." 


'The  yoiirnal 


235 


Lying  at  anchor  at  Southampton.  Speed- 
well retrimmed  a  second  time  to  over- 
come leakiness.^ 

H 
Lying  at  anchor  at  Southampton.    Master 

Weston,  principal  agent  of  the  Merchants 
setting  out  the  voyage,  came  up  from  Lon- 
don to  see  the  ships  dispatched,^  but,  on 
the  refusal  of  the  Planters  to  sign  certain 
papers,^  took  offence  and  returned  to  Lon- 


1.  Cushman's  letter  of  August  17.  He  says;  "Though  she 
[the  consort]  was  twice  trimmed  at  Southampton." 

2.  Bradford,  Historic,  Mass.  ed.  p.  74  :  "  Master  Weston  likewise 
came  up  from  London  to  see  them  dispatched,"  etc. 

3.  The  two  "  conditions  "  which  Weston  had  changed  in  the 
proposed  agreement  between  the  Adventurers  and  Planters,  the  Ley- 
den  leaders  refused  to  agree  to.  Bradford,  op.  cit.  p.  61.  He  says: 
"  But  they  refused  to  sign,  and  answered  him  that  he  knew  right 
well  that  these  were  not  according  to  the  first  Agreement."  Dr. 
Griffis  has  made  one  of  those  little  slips  common  to  all  writers  — 
though  perfectly  conversant  with  the  facts  —  in  stating  as  he  does 
[The  Pilgrims  in  their  Three  Homes,  etc.  p.  158),  with  reference  to  the 
new  "conditions"  which  some  blamed  Cushman  for  assenting  to, 
as  "  more  fit  for  thieves  and  slaves  than  for  honest  men,"  that, 
"nevertheless  they  consented  to  them;"  while  on  p.  i6g  he  says  : 
"  The  Speedwell  people  [i.  e.  the  Leyden  leaders]  would  not  agree 
with  the  new  conditions,  without  the  consent  of  those  left  behind  in 
Leyden." 

The  fact  is  that  the  Pilgrims  did  not  assent  to  the  new  conditions, 
unwarrantably  imposed  by  Weston,  though  of  small  consequence 
in  any  view  of  the  case,  until  Cushman  came  over  to  New  Plym- 
outh in  the  Fortune,  in  1621,  and  by  dint  of  his  sermon  on  the 
"  Sin  and  Danger  of  Self-Love,"  and  his  persuasion,  induced  them 
(they  being  also  advised  thereto  by  Robinson)  to  sign  them.  All 
business  up  to  this  time  had  been  done  between  the  Adventurers  and 
the  Pilgrims,  apparently,  without  any  agreement  in  writing.  It  was 
probably  felt,  both   by   Robinson   and  the   Plymouth  leaders,  that   it 


Cuc0Dav 

Aug.  i/ii 


^ycDncjSDat 

Aug.   ZJ  12 


236 


T^he  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


M-  3/13 


don  in  displeasure,^   bidding  them    "  stand 
on  their  own  legs,"  etc. 

If 
Lying  at  anchor  at  Southampton.    After 

Master    Weston's    departure,    the    Planters 

had  a  meeting  and  resolved  to  sell  some  of 

such  stores  as  they  could  best  spare,  to  clear 

port  charges,  etc.,^  and   to  write  a  general 

letter   to   the   Adventurers    explaining    the 

case,  which  they  did.      Landed  some  three 

score  firkins  of  butter,^  sold  as  determined. 

H 
Lying  at  anchor  at  Southampton.  Con- 
sort nearly  ready  for  sea.  Heard  that  the 
King's  warrant  had  issued  to  Sir  James 
Coventry,*  under  date  of  July  23,  to  pre- 
pare a  Patent  for  the  Council  for  the 
Affairs  of  New  England  to  supersede  the 
Plymouth  Virginia  Company,  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando  Gorges  and  Sir  Robert  Rich  [the 
Earl  of  Warwick]  among  the  Patentees. 


!lfriDat 

Aug.  4rlli, 


was  the  least  reparation  they  could  make  Cushman  for  their  cruel 
and  unjust  treatment  of  him,  realizing  at  length  that,  through  all 
vicissitudes,  he  had  proven  their  just,  sagacious,  faithful,  and  efficient 
friend.  There  does  not  appear  to  be  any  conclusive  evidence  that 
any  articles  of  agreement  between  the  Adventurers  and  colonists 
were  signed  before  the  May-Flower  sailed. 

1.  Bradford,  Historic.,  Deane's  ed.  p.  6 1. 

2.  Bradford,  op.  cit.  p.  6i  ;  orig.  MS.  p.  38. 

3.  Bradford,  op.  cit.  p.  38. 

4.  The  Patent  to  the  Council  for  New  England  was  not  scaled 
until  November  3,  about  a  week  before  the  Pilgrims  landed  at  Cape 
Cod. 


The  yournal 


237 


Weighed  anchor,  as  did  consort,  and  in 
company  dropped  down  Southampton 
Water.^  Took  departure  from  Cowes, 
Isle  of  Wight, ^  and  laid  course  down  the 
Solent  to  Channel.  Winds  baffling.^  Gen- 
eral course  S.  W.  by  S. 

Head     winds.       Beating     out     Channel. 

Speedwell    in    company.      Passed    Bill   of 

Portland. 

If 
Wind   contrary.      Beating    out    Channel. 

Speedwell  in  company. 

H 
Wind  still  contrary.      Beating  out  Chan- 
nel.     Speedwell  in  company. 

Wind  ahead.  Beating  down  Channel. 
Consort  in  company. 

H 
Wind  fair.      All   sail    set.^      Speedwell  in 
company.      Signalled     by    consort,    which 
hove^    to.      Found    to    be    leaking    badly. 


1.  The  estuary,  at  the  head  of  which  is  the  port  of  Southampton, 
is  so  called. 

2.  The  real  commencement  of  the  voyage  but  for  their  returns. 

3.  Cushman's  letter  of  August  17  shows  that  they  had  adverse- 
winds  on  leaving  Southampton. 

4.  The  wind  seems  to  have  changed,  just  as  they  were  obliged  to 
put  back,  as  Bradford  says,  Hhtorie^  Mass.  ed.  p.  83  :  "  'T  was  done 
at  loss  of  time  and  of  a  fair  wind." 

5.  Bradford,  op.   c'lt.  p.   83 ;    Goodwin,   Pilgrim   Republic,  p.    55, 


Aug.  5/15 


Jug.  6/16 


ittoixDat 

Jug.  7/17 


CucjSDat 

Jug.  8/18 


l^cDncjjDar 

Jug.  g/iq 


Cl^utjiDat 

Jug.  10/20 


238 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Aug.  11 1 11 

^aturbat 

Aug.  12/22 


^unUat 

Aug.  Ill 21 


On  consultation  of  Masters  and  chief  of 
passengers^  of  both  ships,  it  was  concluded 
that  both  should  put  into  Dartmouth,  being 
nearest  port.^  Laid  course  for  Dartmouth 
with  wind  ahead. 

Wind  ahead.      Bearing  up  to  Dartmouth. 

H 
Made  port  at  Dartmouth.^     Speedwell  in 

company,  and  came  to  anchor  in  harbor. 

Lying  at  anchor  with  Speedwell  (leaking 
badly)  in  Dartmouth  harbor.  No  passen- 
gers, except  leaders,  allowed  ashore.^ 


says  :   "  When  four  days  out   from  Southampton,  Captain   Reynolds 
reported  the  Speedwell  as  '  leaking  very  dangerously.'  " 

1.  Bradford,  Historie,  Deane's  ed.  p.   68;  Goodwin,  Pilgrim  Re- 
public, p.  55. 

2.  Goodwin,  op.  cit. 

3.  Bradford,  op.  cit.  Deane's  ed.  p.  68,  note.  Russell  {Pilgrim 
Memorials,  p.  15)  says:  "The  ships  put  back  into  Dartmouth, 
August  13/23."  Goodwin  (»/).  «V.  p.  55)  says:  "The  port  was 
reached  about  August  23."  Captain  John  Smith  strangely  omits  the 
return  of  the  ships  to  Dartmouth,  and  confuses  dates,  as  he  says  : 
"  But  the  next  day  [after  leaving  Southampton]  the  lesser  ship 
sprung  a  leak  that  forced  their  return  to  Plymouth,"  etc.  Smith, 
New  England's  Trials,  2d  ed.  1622.  Cushman's  letter,  written  the 
17th,  says  they  had  then  lain  there  "four  days,"  which  would 
mean,  if  four  full  days,  the  13th,  14th,  15th,  and  i6th. 

4.  Cushman  in  his  letter  to  Edward  Southworth,  written  at  Dart- 
mouth, August  17,  says  that  Martin,  the  "governour"  of  the  passen- 
gers in  the  May-Flower,  "will  not  suffer  them  [the  passengers] 
to  go  ashore  lest  they  should  run  away."  This  probably  applied 
especially  to  such  as  had  become  disaffected  by  the  delays  and  dis- 
asters, the  apprenticed  ("  bound ")  servants,  etc.  Of  course  no 
responsible  colonist  would  be  thus  restrained  for  the  reason  alleged. 


The   yournal 


239 


Lying  at  anchor,  Dartmouth  harbor. 
Speedwell  at  Qiiay  taking  out  lading  for 
thorough  overhauling. 

H 
Lying  at  anchor,  Dartmouth  harbor. 

II 
Lying     at     anchor,    Dartmouth    harbor. 

Speedwell  being  thoroughly  overhauled  for 

leaks.     Pronounced  "  as  open  and  leaky  as  a 

sieve."  ^      Much  dissatisfaction  between  the 

passengers,  and    discontent   with  the  ship's 

"governour"    (Master    MartinV    between 

whom   and  Mr.  Cushman,  the  "  assistant," 

there  is  constant  disagreement.^ 

H 
Lying     at    anchor,    Dartmouth     harbor. 

Consort     being     searched     and    mended.^ 

Sailors  offended  at  Master  Martin  ^  because 

of  meddling. 


1.  Cushman's  letter  of  August  17. 

2.  Ibid.  Cushman  portrays  the  contemptible  character  and  man- 
ner of  Martin  very  sharply,  and  could  not  have  wished  to  punish  him 
worse  for  his  meannesses  than  he  has,  by  thus  holding  him  up  to  the 
scorn  of  the  world,  for  all  time.  He  says,  inter  alia :  "  If  I  speak 
to  him,  he  flies  in  my  face  and  saith  no  complaints  shall  be  heard  or 
received  but  by  himself,  and  saith  :  '  They  are  froward,  and  waspish, 
discontented  people,  and  I  do  ill  to  hear  them.'  " 

3.  Bradford,  Historic.,  Deane's  ed.  p.  68. 

4.  Cushman's  letter,  Dartmouth,  August  17.  He  says:  "The 
sailors  also  are  so  offended  at  his  ignorant  boldness  in  meddling  and 
controling  in  things  he  knows  not  what  belongs  to,  as  that  some 
threaten  to  mischief  him.  .  .  .  But  at  best  this  cometh  of  it,  that  he 
makes  himself  a  scorn  and  laughing  stock  unto  them." 


.%.  14/24 


CucjsiDat 

Jug.  15/25 
Jug.  16/26 


Jug.l-]l2-] 


240 


The  May- Flower  f^  Her  Lo, 


^g 


fnDat 

Aug.  18/28 


Aug.  19/29 


Aug.  20/30 

jHontiat 

Aug.i\l-i\ 


Cucjstia^ 

Aug.  22 1  Sept.  1 


l^cDncjSUa^ 

Aug.  22/ Sept.  2 


Cl^utjsDar 

Aug.  2^/ Sept.  2 


Lying  at  anchor,  Dartmouth  harbor.  Con- 
sort still  repairing.  Judged  by  workmen 
that  mended  her  sufficient  for  the  voyage.^ 

H 
Lying     at     anchor,    Dartmouth    harbor. 

Speedwell  relading. 

IT 

Lying  at  anchor,  Dartmouth  harbor. 

U 
Lying    at    anchor,     Dartmouth     harbor. 
Consort  relading. 

Lying  at  anchor,  Dartmouth  harbor. 
Both  ships  ready  for  sea.^ 

H 

Weighed  anchor,  as  did  consort.  Laid 
course  W.  S.  W.  Ships  in  company.  Wind 
fair. 

Comes  in  with  wind  fair.^  General 
course  W.  S.  W.      Consort  in  company. 


1.  Bradford,  Historic.,  Dearie's  ed.  p.  68.  He  says:  "Some  leaks 
were  found  and  mended  and  now  it  was  conceived  by  the  workmen 
and  all,  that  she  was  sufficient,  and  they  might  proceed  without  either 
fear  or  danger." 

2.  Bradford  shows  (op.  cit.  p.  69,  note')  that  they  must  have  left 
Dartmouth  "  about  the  21st  "  of  August.  Captain  John  Smith  gives 
that  date,  though  somewhat  confusedly.  Arber  {The  Story  of  the 
Pilgrim  Fathers.,  p.  343)  says :  "  They  actually  left  on  23  August." 
Goodwin  (Pilgrim  Republic.,  p.  55)  says:  "Ten  days  were  spent 
in  discharging  and  re-stowing  the  Speedwell  and  repairing  her  from 
stem  to  stern,"  etc. 

3.  Although  adverse  at  sailing  (for  Bradford  complains  that  by  the 


The  yournal 


241 


Comes  in  with  wind  fair.    Course  W.  S.  W. 
Speedwell  in  company. 

If 
Observations     showed    ship    above     100 

leagues^  W.  S.  W.  of  Land's  End.  Speed- 
well signalled^  and  hove  to.  Reported 
leaking  dangerously.  On  consultation  be- 
tween Masters  and  carpenters  of  both  ships, 
it  was  concluded  to  put  back  into  Plym- 
outh.^ Bore  up  for  Plymouth.  Consort 
in  company. 

H 
Ship   on    course    for    Plymouth.      Speed- 
well in  company. 

H 
Made    Plymouth    harbor,  and    came    to 

anchor  in  the  Catwater,  followed  by  con- 
sort. 

H 
At  anchor  in  roadstead.      At   conference 

of  officers  of  ship  and  consort  and  the  chief 

of  the  Planters,  it  was  decided  to  send  the 


Aug.  islScpt.  4 


^aturDav 

Aug.  2b/Si-p!.  5 


^unDat 

Aug.  2j/Sept.  6 


ittonUa^ 

Aug.  28/ &■/)/.  7 


CucjSDat 

Aug.  2q/Si-pt.  8 


delays  at  Dartmouth  they  "  lost  a  fair  wind  "),  the  wind  apparently 
changed  before  they  were  long  out,  for  on  Saturday,  August  26,  they 
were  "  above  a  hundred  leagues  beyond  Land's  End,"  which  would 
mean  nearly  one  hundred  and  thirty  leagues,  or  about  four  hundred 
miles  from  Dartmouth,  and  they  could  not  have  covered  this  dis- 
tance except  by  the  aid  of  a  fair  wind. 

1.  Bradford,  op.  cit.  p.  69. 

2.  Bradford  says :  "  Holding  company  together  [ship  and  consort] 
all  the  while." 

3.  Bradford,  op.  cit.  p.  69. 


242 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Speedwell  back  to  London^  with  some  18 
or  20  ^  of  her  passengers,  transferring  a 
dozen  or  more,  with  part  of  her  lading,  to 
the  May-Flower. 

At  anchor  in  Plymouth  roadstead  off  the 
Barbican.  Transferring  passengers  and  lad- 
ing from  consort,  lying  near  by.     Weather 


Jug.-^ojSept.f) 


Jug.  11 1  Sept.  10 


!ftiDar 

Sept.  l/ll 


me.^ 


IT 


At  anchor  in  Plymouth  roadstead.  Trans- 
ferring cargo  from  Speedwell. 

H 
At  anchor  in  Plymouth  roadstead.  Trans- 
ferring passengers  and  freight  to  and  from 
consort.  Master  Cushman  and  family. 
Master  Blossom  and  son,  William  Ring, 
and  others  with  children,  going  back  to 
London  in  Speedwell.^  All  of  Speedwell's 
passengers  who  are  to  make  the  voyage 
now   aboard.      New  "governour"    of  ship 

1.  Bradford,  Historic.,  Dearie's  ed.  p.  69. 

2.  Ibid.  p.  69,  note;  Smith,  New  England's  Trials.,  p.  16. 

3.  Goodwin  notes  {Pilgrim  Republic,  p.  57)  that  "  it  was  fortunate 
for  the  overloaded  May-Flower  that  she  had  fine  weather  while 
lying  at  anchor  there,  .  .  .  for  the  port  of  Plymouth  was  then  only 
a  shallow,  open  bay,  with  no  protection.  In  southwesterly  gales 
its  waters  rose  into  enormous  waves,  with  such  depressions  between 
that  ships  while  anchored  sometimes  struck  the  bottom  of  the  harbor 
and  were  dashed  in  pieces." 

4.  Bradford,  op.  cit.  p.  69 ;  Arber,  Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  355  ; 
Blossom's  letter  to  Bradford,  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  iii.  p.  42  ;  Young, 
Chronicles  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  438  ;    Goodwin,  op.  cit.  p.  56. 


'The  yournal 


243 


and     assistants     chosen.^ 
"governour." 

IT 


Master     Carver 


At  anchor,  Plymouth  roadstead.  Some 
of  principal  passengers  entertained  ashore 
by  friends  of  their  faith.^  Speedwell  sailed 
for  London.      Qiiarters  assigned,  etc.^ 


1.  We  have  seen  that  Christopher  Martin  was  made  "  governour  " 
of  the  passengers  on  the  May-Flower  for  the  voyage,  and  Cushman 
"  assistant."  It  is  evident  from  Cushman's  oft-quoted  letter  (see 
ante^  p.  239)  that  Martin  became  obnoxious,  before  the  ship  reached 
Dartmouth,  to  both  passengers  and  crew.  It  is  also  evident  that 
when  the  emigrants  were  all  gathered  in  the  May-Flower  there  was  a 
new  choice  of  officers  (though  no  record  is  found  of  it),  as  Cushman 
vacated  his  place  and  went  back  to  London,  and  we  find  that,  as 
noted  before,  on  November  ii  the  colonists  "confirmed  "  John  Car- 
ver as  their  "  governour,"  showing  that  he  had  been  such  hitherto. 
Doubtless  Martin  was  deposed  at  Southampton  (perhaps  put  into  Cush- 
man's vacant  place),  and  Carver  made  "  governour  "  in  his  stead. 

2.  Bradford  (^Mourfs  Relation,  p.  i),  Brown  (^Pilgrim  Fathers,  p. 
198),  and  Goodwin  (o/>.  f;'/.  p.  57)  note  the  courteous  and  hospitable 
entertainment  of  the  Pilgrims  by  Plymouth  friends,  during  their  en- 
forced stay  there,  as  long  gratefully  remembered  by  them.  Bradford 
says  :  "  Having  been  kindly  entertained  and  courteously  used  by  divers 
friends  there  dwelling."  Rev.  John  Cotton's  account  of  "The 
Church  of  Christ  in  Plymouth,"  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  iii.  p.  109, 
says  :  "  Called  by  the  Indians  Patuxet  and  by  them  [the  Pilgrims] 
New  Plymouth,  being  named  in  grateful  remembrance  of  the  Chris- 
tian friends  they  found  at  Plymouth,  England,  the  last  town  they 
left  in  their  Native  land."  While  we  know  this  to  be  an  error,  and 
that  Plymouth  was  so  named  by  Captain  John  Smith  (though  for 
the  same  English  town)  on  the  chart  made  by  him  several  years 
prior  to  the  Pilgrim  advent  (16 16),  the  paragraph  is  valuable  as 
another  authority  for  the  hospitality  of  the  Plymouth  (England) 
brethren  to  the  sorely  tried  Pilgrims  while  harboring  there.  See,  also. 
Dr.  Griffis,  The  Pilgrims  in  their  Three  Homes,  p.  172.  There  has 
been  erected  in  recent  times,  at  Plymouth,  England,  a  fine  memorial 
of  the  Pilgrim  exodus  and  their  harboring  there. 

3.  See  assignment  of  quarters,  p.  196,  ante. 


Sept.  1j  I  2 


244 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


&/)/.4/i4 


CucjciDat 

&/./.  5/15 


l^etincjSDat 

Sept.  b I  lb 


Sept.-jjl-j 


frlDar 

&/./.  8/18 

^atwDa^ 

Sept.()/l() 


Dunbar 

&/)/.  10/20 


At  anchor  in  Plymouth  roadstead. 

H 
At  anchor  in  Plymouth  roadstead.     Some 
of  company  ashore. 

H 

At  anchor  in  Plymouth  roadstead.     Ready 
for  sea. 

IF 
Weighed  anchor.      Wind  E.  N.  E.,  a  fine 

gale.^      Laid   course   W.  S.  W.  for  northern 
coasts  of  Virginia. 

Comes  in  with  wind  E.  N.  E.     Light  gale 
continues.      Made  all  sail  on  ship. 

Comes  in  with  wind  E.  N.  E.     Gale  con- 
tinues.     All  sails  full. 

Comes     in     with    wind     E.  N.  E.      Gale 
holds.^      Ship  well  off  the  land. 

H 
Comes  in  with  wind  E.  N.  E.    Gale  holds. 

Distance  lost,  when  ship  bore  up  for  Plym- 
outh, more  than  regained.^ 


1.  Bradford,  Historie,  Dearie's  ed.  p.  60.  He  says:  "With  a 
prosperous  winde."  Bradford  and  Winslow,  in  Mourt's  Relation, 
say  :   "  The  wind  coming  E.  N.  E.,  and  a  fine  small  gale." 

2.  Bradford  {op.  cit.  p.  60)  says  "  that  their  prosperous  wind 
continued  divers  days  together." 

3.  With  the  favoring  gale  they  had  enjoyed,  they  must  on  this 
date  have  been  at  least  "  lOO  leagues  beyond  Land's  End." 


'The  yournal 


Same;  and  so  without  material  change, 
the  daily  record  oi  wind,  weather,  and 
the  ship's  general  course — the  repeti- 
tion of  which  would  be  both  useless  and 
wearisome  —  continued  through  the  month 
and  until  the  vessel  was  near  half  the  seas 
over.^  Fine  warm  weather  and  the 
"harvest-moon."  The  usual  equinoctial 
weather  deferred.^ 

^  .         .  . 

One  of  the  seamen,  some  time  sick  with  a 

grievous  disease,  died  in  a  desperate  man- 
ner.^ The  first  death  and  burial  at  sea 
of  the  voyage^      A  sharp    change.      Equi- 


1.  Bradford,  Historie^  Deane's  ed.  p.  75.  Goodwin  (^Pilgrim  Re- 
public, p.  57)  says:  "A  fine  wind  from  E.  N.  E.  bore  them  rapidly 
out  of  sight  of  the  land  they  so  loved,  and  continued  until  they 
were  near  the  middle  of  the  Atlantic." 

2.  The  autumnal  equinox  occurring  at  this  time  usually  brings  a 
severe  storm  in  the  north  Atlantic  region,  but  this  year,  as  in  some 
others,  it  appears  to  have  been  belated. 

3.  Bradford,  op.  at.  p.  75. 

4.  We  can  readily  imagine  this  first  burial  at  sea  on  the  May- 
Flower,  and  its  impressiveness.  Doubtless  the  good  Elder  "  com- 
mitted the  body  to  the  deep"  with  fitting  ceremonial,  for  though  the 
young  man  was  of  the  crew,  and  not  of  the  Pilgrim  company,  his 
reverence  for  death  and  the  last  rites  of  Christian  burial  would  as 
surely  impel  him  to  offer  such  services,  as  the  rough,  buccaneering 
Master  (Jones)  would  surely  be  glad  to  evade  them. 

Dr.  Griffis  (77)^  Pilgrims  in  their  Three  Homes.,  p.  176)  says: 
"The  Puritans  [does  this  mean  Pilgrims  P'\  cared  next  to  nothing 
about  ceremonies  over  a  corpse,  whether  at  wave  or  grave."  This 
will  hardly  bear  examination,  though  Bradford's  phraseology  in  this 
case  would  seem  to  support  it,  as  he  speaks  of  the  body  as  "  thrown 
overboard  ;  "  yet  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  it  was  treated  quite  so 
indecorously  as  the  words    would  imply.      It    was   but   a  few  years 


245 


Sept.  11/21 


^aturDat 

Sept.  2^/ Oct.  i 


246 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Sept.  2^1  Oct.  3 
continued 


noctial  weather,  followed  by  stormy  west- 
erly gales;  encountered  cross,  winds  and 
fierce  storms.^  Ship  shrewdly  shaken  and 
her  upper  works  made  very  leaky.  One 
of  the  main  beams  in  the  midships  was 
bowed  and  cracked.  Some  fear  that  the 
ship  could  not  be  able  to  perform  the 
voyage.^  The  chief  of  the  company  per- 
ceiving the  mariners  to  fear  the  sufficiency 
of  the  ship  (as  appeared  by  their  mutter- 
ings)  they  entered  into  serious  consultation 
with  the  Master  and  other  officers  of  the 
ship,  to  consider,  in  time,  of  the  danger, 
and  rather  to  return  than  to  cast  themselves 
into  a  desperate  and  inevitable  peril.^ 

There  was  great  distraction  and  difference 
of  opinion  amongst  the  mariners  them- 
selves. Fain  would  they  do  what  would 
be  done  for  their  wages'  sake,  being  now 
near  half  the  ^  seas  over;  on  the  other  hand, 
they  were  loath  to  hazard  their  lives  too 
desperately.^  In  examining  of  all  opinions, 
the  Master  and  others  affirmed  they  knew 


after,  certainly,  that  we  find  both  Pilgrim  and  Puritan  making  much 
ceremony  at  burials.  We  find  considerable  ceremony  at  Carver's 
burial  only  a  few  months  later.  Choate,  in  his  masterly  oration  at 
New  York,  December  22,  1843,  pictures  Brewster's  service  at  the 
open  grave  of  one  of  the  Pilgrims  in  March,  1621. 

1.  Bradford,  Historie,  Deane's    ed.  p.  75.      Bradford's  exact  lan- 
guage is,  in  these  narrative  pages,  made  the  language  of  the  "  log." 

2.  Ibid.  4.   Ibid. 

3.  Ibid.  5.   Ibid. 


The  yournal 


the  ship  to  be  strong  and  hrm  under  water, 
and  for  the  buckling  [bending  or  bowing] 
of  the  main  beam,  there  was  a  great  iron 
scrue  ^  the  passengers  brought  out  ot  Hol- 
land which  would  raise  the  beam  into  its 
place.  The  which  being  done,  the  car- 
penter and  Master  affirmed  that  a  post  put 
under  it,  set  firm  in  the  lower  deck,  and 
otherwise  bound,  would  make  it  sufficient. 
As  for  the  decks  and  upper  works,  they 
would  caulk  them  as  well  as  they  could  ; 
and  though  with  the  working  of  the  ship 
they  would  not  long  keep  staunch,  yet 
there  would  otherwise  be  no  great  danger 
if  they  did  not  overpress  her  with  sails.  So 
they  resolved  to  proceed.^ 


1.  Bradford,  Historic^  Deane's  ed.  p.  75.  Griffis  has  apparently 
followed  Arber  in  his  palpable  error  of  interpretation  of  Bradford's 
expression,  "  and  for  the  buckling  of  the  main  beam,"  etc.  Arber 
construes  the  word  "  buckling"  to  mean  "  fastening  with  a  loop  of 
iron,"  when  to  those  familiar  with  this  old  English  word  it  is  appar- 
ent that  when  Bradford  used  it  he  intended  to  do  so  as  the  equivalent 
of"  bowing  "  or  "  bending,"  "  and  for  the  buckling  [bowing  or  bend- 
ing] of  the  main  beam,"  etc.  It  is  perfectly  evident,  first,  that  no 
"  loop  of  iron  "  which  would  have  been  of  the  least  use  under  the 
conditions  could  have  been  put  about  the  beam  without  a  black- 
smith's aid,  which  was  obviously  not  available  in  the  storm  ;  and, 
second,  that  the  simple  device  of  the  carpenter  (a  post  under  the 
beam)  would  be  far  more  effective  than  any  band,  however  skilfully 
applied.  Moreover,  the  definition  given  by  Arber  is  not  sanctioned 
by  any  lexicographer  found.  It  is  evident,  from  the  terms  used, 
"  would  raise  the  beam  into  its  place,"  that  the  displacement  or 
"buckling"  of  the  beam  was  downward. 

2.  Ibid.  This  famous  screw,  which  was  brought  out  of  Holland  by 
some  passenger,  —  either  Fletcher  or  Eaton,  probably,  —  has  become 


247 


^atuvDav 

Sept.  11^1  Oct.  1^ 
continued 


248 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


In  sundry  of  these  stormes,  the  winds 
were  so  fierce  and  the  seas  so  high,  as  the 
ship  could  not  bear  a  knot  of  sail,  but  was 
forced  to  hull  [drift  under  bare  poles]  for 
divers  days  together.^  A  succession  of 
strong  westerly  gales.  In  one  of  the  heavi- 
est storms,  while  lying  at  hull,^  a  lusty 
young  man,  one  of  the  passengers,  John 
Howland  by  name,  coming  upon  some 
occasion  above  the  gratings  [latticed  covers 
to  the  hatches],  was  with  the  seel  [roll]  of 
the  ship  thrown  into  the  sea,  but  caught 
hold  of  the  topsail  halliards,  which  hung 
overboard  and  ran  out  at  length  ;  yet  he 
held  his  hold,  though  he  was  sundry  fath- 
oms under  water,  till  he  was  hauled  up  by 
the   same   rope    to    the  brim  of  the  water, 


immortal.  It  has  been  pictured  by  Weir  in  the  foreground  of  his 
great  painting  of  the  "  Embarkation  of  the  Pilgrims,"  in  the  National 
Capitol,  —  a  fine  copy  of  which,  by  Edgar  Parker,  is  in  Pilgrim 
Hall,  Plymouth.  Rev.  Dr.  Griffis  (The  Pilgrims  in  their  Three 
Homes,  p.  173)  gives  an  extended  account  of  such  an  implement  as 
he  thinks  this  to  have  been,  as  then  made  in  Holland.  He  inclines 
also  to  make  of  this  screw  "  a  turning-point  in  modern  history," 
with  far  better  warrant  than  Professor  Arber  had,  in  his  absurd 
arraignment  of  the  Pilgrim  leaders  and  their  "overmasting"  of  the 
Speedwell,  and  with  incomparably  better  taste.  But  it  may  well 
be  doubted  if  there  was  anything  that  the  screw  could  do  that  a 
multiplication  of  wedges  would  not  have  accomplished. 

1.  Bradford,  Historie,  Deane's  ed.  pp.  75,  76. 

2.  "At  hull,"  —  the  situation  of  a  ship  when  her  sails  are  furled 
and  her  helm  lashed  on  the  lee  side.  She  then  lies  nearly  with  her 
side  to  the  wind  and  sea,  her  head  somewhat  towards  the  direction 
of  the  wind.      Mariner's  Dictionary,  1805. 


'The  yournal 


249 


and  then  with  a  boathook  and  other  means 
got  into  the  ship  again  and  his  life  saved. 
He  was  something  ill  with  it.^ 

The  equinoctial  disturbances  over  and 
the  strong  October  gales,  the  milder, 
warmer  weather  of  late  October  followed.^ 

Mistress  Elizabeth  Hopkins,  wife  of  Mas- 
ter Stephen  Hopkins,  of  Billericay,  in  Essex, 
was  delivered  of  a  son,  who,  on  account  of 
the  circumstances  of  his  birth,  was  named 
Oceanus^  the  first  birth  aboard  the  ship 
during  the  voyage. 

H 
A  succession  of  fine   days,  with   favoring 

winds. 

If 
William  Butten,  a  youth,  servant  to  Doc- 
tor Samuel  Fuller,  died.      The  first  of  the 
passengers  to  die  on  this  voyage.* 


1.  This  accident  to  Howland  is  said,  traditionally,  to  have  hap- 
pened about  the  first  of  October. 

2.  The  heavy  westerly  gales  of  the  north  Atlantic  at  that  season 
seem  to  have  been  as  violent  in  that  day  as  in  this.  Mariners  have 
long  recognized  the  almost  invariable  succession  of  fine  September 
weather,  fierce  equinoctial  storms,  and  heavy  gales  from  the  west  in 
October,  followed  by  the  frosty,  clear,  quiet  weather  of  November. 
The  May-Flower  Pilgrims  seem  to  have  experienced  just  this 
succession. 

3.  It  is  no  less  strange  than  true  that  the  exact  date  of  the  birth 
of  Oceanus  Hopkins  appears  to  have  entirely  failed  of  record,  and 
even  tradition  does  not  report  it.  It  is  a  pity  that  the  exact  date  of 
the  only  birth  upon  the  sea,  during  this  historic  voyage,  should  be 
lacking.      Collateral  facts  indicate  that  it  was  in  October. 

4.  Poor   Butten   evidently  finished   his  pilgrimage  but  a  few  days 


Nov.  bjib 


250 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Nov.  ■] fi-] 


l^etinejSlia^ 

Nov.^li^ 
Nov.  ()/i() 


The  body  of  William  Butten  committed 
to  the  deep.  The  first  burial  at  sea  of  a 
passenger,^  on  this  voyage. 

H 
Signs  of  land.^ 

H 
Closing  in  with  the  land  at  nightfall.^ 

after  the  birth  of  Oceanus  Hopkins.  Nothing  could  be  more  appo- 
site or  beautiful  than  Goodwin's  comment  upon  the  fact :  "  Thus 
attended  by  the  angels  of  life  and  of  death,  the  weary  May-Flower 
neared  her  goal." 

1.  It  is  possible  that  Butten  was  buried  the  same  day  he  died,  and 
if  a  sailor,  he  would  probably  (though  not  certainly)  have  been.  As 
one  of  the  passengers,  and  the  Doctor's  own  man  and  assistant, 
although  a  "  servant,"  there  would,  perhaps,  be  less  haste.  Sailors 
strongly  dislike  the  retention  of  a  dead  body  on  a  ship. 

2.  The  well-known  signs  of  land  undoubtedly  began  to  greet 
them  ere  this.  Land-birds,  wild  fowl,  tree  branches,  etc.,  as  well 
as  the  peculiar  atmospheric  conditions  (cloud-efFects,  etc.),  which 
denote  its  near  presence,  were  no  doubt  about  them  for  some  days 
before  they  saw  land. 

3.  Bradford  mistakenly  gives  this  (the  9th)  as  the  morning  of 
the  first  sight  of  land,  but  collateral  data  and  his  own  other  records 
conclusively  prove  that  he  is  a  day  early,  though  at  nightfall  the  ship 
could  have  been  but  a  short  distance  from  the  coast.  Dr.  GrifBs 
says  [The  Pilgrims  in  their  Three  Homes.,  p.  178)  :  "There  have  been 
many  theories,  some  ingenious,  others  absurd,  as  to  why  Cape  Cod 
was  made  [as  the  landfall  of  the  May-Flower]  and  held  to."  He 
adds :  "  Most  of  the  notions  entertained  are  modern  afterthoughts, 
and  some  are  spawned  out  of  disgraceful  prejudices.  Probably  the 
real  reason  lay,  not  in  the  total  depravity  of  the  captain,  or  of  the 
pilot,  or  of  the  Dutch,  but  in  the  Gulf  Stream,"  etc.  Simply  remark- 
ing that  the  "  pilott "  was  the  mate,  and  that  no  charge  of  treachery 
or  venality  has  ever  been  brought  against  either  of  the  mates,  and 
acquitting  the  Dutch  of  "depravity" — total  or  partial  —  in  the 
premises,  and  referring  to  the  text  for  proof  of  the  corrupt  bargain  of 
the  captain  and  his  masters  of  the  English  nobility,  it  only  remains 
to  add  that  it  is  difficult  to  understand  how  the  Gulf  Stream,  whose 


'The  yournal 


25 


Sighted    land    at    daybreak.^      The  land- 
fall made  out  to  be  Cape  Cod  [the    bluffs 


Nov.  10/20 


current  (whatever  deflections  its  northerly  and  eastward  trend  may 
make)  bears  at  a  pretty  good  rate  steadily  away  from  the  American 
coast,  could  "  drag  the  May-Flower  westward "  (as  Dr.  Griffis 
urges  in  terms),  toward  the  coast^  and  directly  opposite  to  its  flow.  It 
was  not  uncommon  to  make  Cape  Cod  the  landfall  on  Virginia 
voyages  in  those  days,  but  it  did  not  follow  that  a  ship  should 
"keep  in  with   the  land"  after  finding  it. 

I.  Bradford  says  {JVIourt's  Relation):  "Upon  the  9th  of  Novem- 
ber ...  by  break  of  day,  we  espied  land,  which  we  deemed  to  be 
Cape  Cod  and  so  afterward  it  proved,"  and  later  adds,  "  and  upon 
the  nth  of  November  we  came  to  an  anchor,"  etc.  In  the  Historic 
(Deane's  ed.  p.  77)  he  mentions  the  discovery  of  land  and  adds,  "And 
ye  next  day  they  gott  into  ye  Cape-harbor,  wher  they  ridd  in  saftie ;  " 
and  he  afterwards  says  (p.  80)  :  "  Being  thus  arrived  at  Cape-Codd 
ye  1 1  of  November,"  etc.  It  further  appears  that  they  anchored  on 
Saturday  afternoon,  and  Saturday  was  the  nth,  O.  S.  Winslow 
says  (^Hypocrisie  Unmasked,  p.  91)  :  "  Put  back  into  the  harbor  of 
Cape  Cod,  which  was  the  nth  of  November,  1620."  As  Mourt's 
Relation  and  the  Historie  do  not  agree,  it  is  safe  to  follow  that  account 
of  Bradford's  which  is  most  carefully  prepared,  and  which  is  sup- 
ported by  other  evidence.  Doing  this  we  shall  accept  Bradford  as 
he  declared  himself  in  his  Historie  (and  not  as  in  Mourt' s  Relation, 
where  he  ignores  a  day  and  night),  and  Friday,  November  10/20  as 
the  day  on  which  land  was  sighted,  not  Thursday,  November  9/19. 
Professor  Arber  (T'j?'^  Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  332)  supplies  the 
date  to  Winslow's  account  of  the  landfall,  but  gives  the  wrong  one 
(November  9).  Fiske,  Griffis,  and  several  others  have  erred  (natu- 
rally) in  following  Bradford's  mistake,  but  Goodwin  (^Pilgrim  Repub- 
lic, p.  59)  has  observed  and  demonstrated  the  error,  as  the  following 
analysis  may  further  do.  Whatever  the  assumed  date,  it  appears 
certain  that  the  May-Flower  company  "  first  sighted  land  [probably 
Truro  "  Highlands  "]  at  daybreak,"  which,  on  a  late  November 
morning,  must  have  been  not  far  from  7  o'clock,  if  they  were  able  to 
see  any  distance.  As  presumably  a  sharp  lookout  for  land  was  kept, 
both  day  and  night,  it  is  probable  that  when  it  was  "  sighted  "  the 
ship  was  some  ten  or  fifteen  miles  off  (probably  N.  E.)  from  the  north- 
ern extremity  of  the  Cape,  which  would  be  the  usual  landfall. 

We  are  told  that  she  "  tacked  about  and  laid  her  course  S.  S.  W.," 


252 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Nov.  10/20 
continued 


in  what  is  now  the  town  of  Truro,  Mass.]. 
After  a  conference  between   the  Master  of 


etc.,  and  that  she  sailed  that  course  "  about  half  a  day."  Half  a 
day's  sail  S.  S.W.,  with  a  fair  wind  — which  it  seems  they  had  — 
from  a  point  even  fifteen  miles  to  the  N.  E.  of  the  Cape's  end,  ought 
to  have  carried  the  ship  (say  from  7  a.  m.  to  I  P.  M.  —  six  hours), 
at  even  a  seven-knot  breeze,  to  Monomoy  Shoals,  —  say  about  forty- 
two  miles. 

She  got  out  of  the  "  rips  "  and  "  shoals,"  Bradford  says,  "  before 
night  overtook  them,"  and  "  at  night,  the  wind  coming  contrary,  .  .  . 
put  round  again."  They  evidently,  therefore,  had  their  experiences 
with  the  "  shoals  "  in  the  afternoon  of  the  day  land  was  sighted,  and 
were  out  of  them  by  that  night,  when  they  "  came  about  "  and  headed 
for  Cape  Cod  harbor. 

They  had  a  fair  wind  (as  Bradford  shows),  and  had  not  over  forty- 
five  miles  to  sail,  to  return  to  the  "  sighting"  point,  even  if  she  headed 
well  out,  to  be  safely  off  the  strange  coast  during  the  long  winter 
night,  —  "long  enough  for  almost  any  kind  of  weather  to  brew." 
Being  close  upon  the  coast,  with  a  lee  shore  imminent  on  a  slight 
shift  of  the  wind,  and  a  harbor  to  make  in  the  morning,  it  is  safe  to 
assert  that  she  carried  easy  sail  all  that  night,  and  at  daybreak  was 
pretty  well  off  the  land,  as  also  well  up  with  the  point  of  the  Cape. 
Allowing  from  dark  to  "  daybrake  "  as  twelve  hours,  and  assuming 
that  she  logged  (with  slack  and  short  sail)  four  knots  or  thereabouts 
an  hour,  the  ship  would  just  about  cover  during  the  night  the  distance 
named,  —  including  the  offing  she  would  make,  —  i.  e.  about  forty- 
five  miles.  She  had  then  only  to  make  the  harbor.  To  do  this,  as 
the  wind  was  presumably  still  southerly,  she  was  doubtless  obliged  to 
"  beat  in  "  some  fifteen  or  twenty  miles,  which  accounts  for  the  fact 
that  it  was  apparently  toward  noon  before  she  came  to  anchor. 
(With  a  S.E.  wind  on  her  quarter  she  might  have  made  a  "long  leg" 
toward  what  is  now  Barnstable,  and  short  tacks  into  the  harbor.) 

It  is  agreed  by  all  that  after  circumnavigating  Cape  Cod  harbor 
she  reached  her  anchorage  on  Saturday,  November  11/21,  1620. 
It  follows  obviously,  that  it  was  the  afternoon  previous  which  the 
ship  spent  among  Monomoy  shoals,  and  it  is  equally  clear  that  it 
was  "  at  daybreak  "  of  the  same  day  on  which  she  reached  Mono- 
moy that  she  first  "  sighted  land."  It  is  hence  beyond  reasonable 
doubt  that  this  was  the  morning  of  the  ioth/20th  of  November, 
1620,  and  not  the  gth/igth,  as  has  been  mistakenly  asserted. 


The  yournal 


253 


the  ship  and  the  chief  colonists,^  tacked 
about  and  stood  for  the  southward.  Wind 
and  weather  fair.^  Made  our  course  S.  S.  W., 
proposing  to  go  to  a  river  ten  leagues  south 
of  the  Cape  ^  [Hudson's  River].  After  had 
sailed  that  course  about  halt  the  day  fell 
amongst  dangerous    shoals  *   and    foaming 


1.  Bradford,  Historic^  p.  77.  He  says  :  "After  some  deliberation 
had  among  themselves,  and  with  the  Master  of  the  ship,  they  tacked 
about  and  resolved  to  stand  for  the  southward." 

2.  Ibid.  "  The  wind  and  weather  being  fair."  This  contradicts 
the  expression  of  Morton's  Memorial^  as  to  their  being  driven  to  har- 
bor by  a  storm. 

3.  Mourt's  Relation.,  Dexter's  ed.  1865  (p.  2)  says:  "We  made 
our  course  south  south-west,  purposing  to  go  to  a  river  ten  leagues 
to  south  of  the  Cape,"  etc. 

4.  There  is  no  doubt  that  these  were  the  shoals  off  Monomoy, 
though  such  high  authorities  as  Professor  Agassiz  and  Amos  Otis, 
Esq.,  of  Barnstable,  have  thought  them  the  shoals  ofFNauset  Beach, 
Eastham.  The  length  of  time  the  May-Flower  held  her  course 
would  certainly  have  carried  her  farther  than  to  Eastham,  while  the 
time  consumed  with  a  fair  wind  (which  she  had  coming  back  as  well 
as  going)  shows  that  the  distance  was  considerable,  probably  fully 
the  "  twelve  leagues  "  (thirty-six  miles)  on  which  Goodwin  reckons. 
Goodwin,  Pilgrim  Republic,  pp.  61,  62. 

Dr.  Young  (^Chronicles 0/  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  102,  note)  says: 
"  The  May-Flower  probably  made  the  Cape  towards  its  northern 
extremity.  The  perilous  shoals  and  breakers  among  which  she 
became  entangled,  after  sailing  above  half  a  day  south  (or  south 
south-west,  as  the  contemporary  account  in  Bradford's  yournal  states), 
were  undoubtedly  those  which  lie  off  the  southeastern  extremity  of 
the  Cape,  near  Monomoy  Point."  Goodwin,  who  knew  this  whole 
region — land  and  sea  —  better  than  any  other  Pilgrim  historian, 
beside  being  a  sailor,  confirms  Dr.  Young.  He  says  (op.  cit.  p.  61)  : 
"  These  waters  had  been  navigated  by  Gosnold,  Smith,  and  various 
English  and  French  explorers,  whose  descriptions  and  charts  must 
have  been  familiar  to  a  veteran  master  like  Jones.  He  doubtless 
magnified  the  danger  of  the  passage,  and  managed  to  have  only  such 
efforts  made  as  were  sure  to  fail." 


Nov.  10/20 
continued 


254 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Ntyu.  Ill 21 


breakers  [the  shoals  off  Monomoy]  got  out 
of  them  before  night  ^  and  the  wind  being 
contrary  ^  put  round  again  for  the  Bay  of 
Cape  Cod.^  Abandoned  efforts  to  go  fur- 
ther south  and  so  announced  to  passengers. 

II 
Comes    in    with    light,    fair    wind.      On 

course   for   Cape    Cod  harbor,    along    the 

coast.      Some   hints  of  disaffection  among 

colonists,  on   account   of  abandonment  of 

location*    ('for     settlement)    on     territory 


1.  Bradford  {Historic,  Deane's  ed.  p.  77)  says:  "And  thought 
themselves  happy  to  get  out  of  those  dangers  before  night  overtook 
them,  as  by  God's  good  Providence  they  did."  (Italics  the  author's.) 
This  note  and  the  next  determine  the  time  consumed  before  heading 
north  again  for  the  point  of  the  Cape. 

2.  Mourt's  Relation  (p.  60)  says  :  "  But  at  night  the  wind  being 
contrary  we  put  round  again." 

3.  Bradford  {Historie,  Mass.  ed.  p.  93)  says  :  "  They  resolved 
to  bear  up  again  for  the  Cape."  No  one  will  question  that  Jones's 
assertion  of  inability  to  proceed,  and  his  announced  determination  to 
return  to  Cape  Cod  harbor,  fell  upon  many  acquiescent  ears,  for,  as 
Winslow  says  :  "  Winter  was  come  ;  the  seas  were  dangerous  ;  the 
season  was  cold ;  the  winds  were  high,  and  the  region  being  well 
furnished  for  a  plantation,  we  entered  upon  discovery."  Tossed 
for  sixty-seven  days  on  the  north  Atlantic  at  that  season  of  the  year, 
their  food  and  firing  well  spent,  cold,  homesick,  and  ill,  the  bare 
thought  of  once  again  setting  foot  on  any  land,  wherever  it  might 
be,  must  have  been  an  allurement  that  lent  Jones  potential  aid  in 
his  high-handed  course. 

4.  Bradford  (in  Mourt's  Relation)  says :  "  This  day  before  we  come 
to  harbor  [Italics  the  author's],  observing  some  not  well  affected  to 
unity  and  concord,  but  gave  some  appearance  of  faction,  it  was 
thought  good  there  should  be  an  Association  and  Agreement  that  we 
should  combine  together  in  one  body  ;  and  to  submit  to  such  Gov- 
ernment and  Governors  as  we  should,  by  common  consent,  agree  to 


The  yoiirnal 


under  the  protection  of  the  patent  granted 
in    their    interest    to    |ohn    Pierce,    by    the 


make  and  choose,  and  set  our  hands  to  this  that  follows  word  for 
word."      [Then  follows  the  Compact^ 

Bradford  is  even  more  explicit  in  his  Historie  (Mass.  ed.  p.  109), 
where  he  says :  "  I  shall  a  little  returne  backe  and  begin  with  a 
combination  made  by  them  before  they  came  ashore,  being  ye  first 
foundation  of  their  governments  in  this  place ;  occasioned  partly  by 
ye  discontent  &  mutinous  speeches  that  some  of  the  strangers 
amongst  them  [i.  e.  not  any  of  the  Leyden  contingent]  had  let  fall 
from  them  in  ye  ship  —  That  when  they  came  ashore  they  would 
use  their  owne  libertie  :  for  none  had  power  to  command  them,  the 
patents  they  had  being  for  Virginia,  and  not  for  New-England  which 
belonged  to  another  Government,  with  which  ye  London  [or  First] 
Virginia  Company  had  nothing  to  doe,  and  partly  that  such  an  acte 
by  them  done  .  .  .  might  be  as  firm  as  any  patent,  and  in  some 
respects  more  sure." 

Dr.  Griffis  is  hardly  warranted  in  making  Bradford  to  say,  as  he 
does  {The  Pi/grims  in  their  Three  Homes,  p.  182),  that  "there  were  a 
few  people  '  shuffled  '  in  upon  them  [the  company]  who  were  prob- 
ably unmitigated  scoundrels."  Bradford  speaks  only  of  Billington 
and  his  family  as  those  "  shuffled  into  their  company,"  and  while  he 
was  not  improbably  one  of  the  agitators  (with  Hopkins)  who  were 
the  proximate  causes  of  the  drawing  up  of  the  Compact,  he  was  not, 
in  this  case,  the  responsible  leader. 

It  is  evident  from  the  foregoing  that  the  "  appearance  of  faction  " 
did  not  show  itself  until  the  vessel's  prow  was  turned  back  toward 
Cape  Cod  Harbor,  and  it  became  apparent  that  the  effort  to  locate 
"near  Hudson's  River  "was  to  be  abandoned,  and  a  location  found 
north  of  41  degrees  north  latitude,  which  would  leave  them  without 
charter  rights  or  authority  of  any  kind.  It  is  undoubtedly  history 
that  Master  Stephen  Hopkins,  —  then  "  a  lay-reader  "  for  Chaplain 
Buck,  —  on  Sir  Thomas  Gates's  expedition  to  Virginia,  had,  when 
some  of  them  were  cast  away  on  the  Bermudas,  advocated  just  such 
sentiments  —  on  the  same  basis  —  as  were  now  bruited  upon  the 
May-Flower,  and  it  could  hardly  have  been  coincidence  only  that 
the  same  were  repeated  here.  That  Hopkins  fomented  the  discord 
is  well-nigh  certain.  It  caused  him,  as  elsewhere  noted,  to  receive 
sentence  of  death  for  insubordination,  at  the  hands  of  Sir  Thomas 
Gates,  in  the  first  instance,  from  which   his  pardon  was   with  much 


255 


^aturDat 

Nov. 11/21 
continued 


256 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Nov.  Ill 21 
continued 


London  Virginia  Company.^      Meeting  in 
main  cabin  of  all  adult   male  passengers  — 


difficulty  procured  by  his  friends.  In  the  present  case,  it  led  to  the 
drafting  and  execution  of  the  Pilgrim  Compact,  a  framework  of  civil 
self-government  whose  fame  will  never  die ;  though  the  author  is  in 
full  accord  with  Dr.  Young  (^Chronicles,  p.  120)  in  thinking  that  "  a 
great  deal  more  has  been  discovered  in  this  document  than  the  signers 
contemplated,"  —  wonderfully  comprehensive  as  it  is.  Professor 
Herbert  B.  Adams,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University,  says  in  his  admir- 
able article  in  the  Magazine  of  American  History,  November,  1882 
(pp.  798,  799) :  "The  fundamental  idea  of  this  famous  document 
was  that  of  a  contract  based  upon  the  common  law  of  England,"  — 
certainly  a  stable  and  ancient  basis  of  procedure.  Their  Dutch 
training  (as  Griffis  points  out)  had  also  led  naturally  to  such  ideas  of 
government  as  the  Pilgrims  adopted.  It  is  to  be  feared  that  Griffis's 
inference  (The  Pilgrims  in  their  Three  Homes,  p.  184),  that  all  who 
signed  the  Compact  could  write,  is  unwarranted.  It  is  more  than  prob- 
able that  if  the  venerated  paper  should  ever  be  found,  it  would  show 
that  several  of  those  whose  names  are  believed  to  have  been  affixed  to 
it  "  made  their  '  mark.'  "  There  is  good  reason,  also,  to  believe  that 
neither  "  sickness  "  (except  unto  death)  nor  "  indifference  "  would 
have  prevented  the  ultimate  obtaining  of  the  signatures  (by  "  mark," 
if  need  be)  of  every  one  of  the  nine  male  servants  who  did  not  sub- 
scribe, if  they  were  considered  eligible.  Severe  illness  was,  we  know, 
answerable  for  the  absence  of  a  few,  some  of  whom  died  a  few  days 
later. 

The  fact  seems  rather  to  be,  as  noted,  that  age —  not  social  status — 
was  the  determining  factor  as  to  all  otherwise  eligible.     It  is  evident, 


I.  The  patent  granted  John  Pierce,  one  of  the  Merchant  Adven- 
turers, by  the  London  Virginia  Company  in  the  interest  of  the  Pil- 
grims, was  signed  February  2/12,  16 19,  and  of  course  could  con- 
vey no  rights  to,  or  upon,  territory  not  conveyed  to  the  Company 
by  its  charter  from  the  King  issued  in  1606,  and  the  division  of 
territory  made  thereunder  to  the  Second  Virginia  Company.  By 
this  division  the  London  Company  was  restricted  northward  by  the 
41st  parallel,  as  noted,  while  the  Second  Company  could  not  claim 
the  38th  as  its  southern  bound,  as  the  charter  stipulated  that  the 
nearest  settlements  under  the  respective  companies  should  not  be 
within  one  hundred  miles  of  each  other. 


The  yournal 


257 


except  their  two  hired  seamen,  Trevorc  and 
Ely,  and  those   too  ill  —  to  make  and  sign 


too,  that  the  fact  was  recognized  by  all  parties  (by  none  so  clearly 
as  by  Master  Jones)  that  they  were  about  to  plant  themselves  on 
territory  not  within  the  jurisdiction  of  their  steadfast  friends,  the 
London  Virginia  Company,  but  under  control  of  those  formerly  of 
the  Second  (Plymouth)  Virginia  Company,  who  (by  the  intelligence 
they  received  while  at  Southampton)  they  knew  would  be  erected 
into  the  "  Council  for  the  Affairs  of  New  England."  Goodwin  is 
in  error  in  saying  (Pilgrim  Republic,  p.  62),  "  Neither  did  any  other 
body  exercise  authority  there ; "  for  the  Second  Virginia  Company 
under  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  as  noted,  had  been  since  1606  in  con- 
trol of  this  region,  and  only  a  week  before  the  Pilgrims  landed  at 
Cape  Cod  (i.  e.  on  November  3)  King  James  had  signed  the  patent 
of  the  Council  for  New  England,  giving  them  full  authority  over  all 
territory  north  of  the  forty-first  parallel  of  north  latitude,  as  succes- 
sors to  the  Second  Virginia  Company. 

If  the  intention  to  land  south  of  the  forty-first  parallel  had  been 
persisted  in,  there  would,  of  course,  have  been  no  occasion  for  the 
Compact,  as  the  patent  to  John  Pierce  (in  their  interest)  from  the 
London  Virginia  Company  would  have  been  in  force.  The  Compact 
became  a  necessity,  therefore,  only  when  they  turned  northward  to 
make  settlement  above  41°  north  latitude.  Hence  it  is  plain  that 
as  no  opportunity  for  "  faction "  —  and  so  no  occasion  for  any 
"  Association  and  Agreement  "  —  existed  till  the  May-Flower 
turned  northward,  late  in  the  afternoon  of  Friday,  November  10, 
the  Compact  was  not  drawn  and  presented  for  signature  until  the 
morning  of  Saturday,  November  11.  Bradford's  language,  "This 
day,  before  we  came  into  harbour,"  leaves  no  room  for  doubt  that  it 
was  rather  hurriedly  drafted  —  and  also  signed — before  noon  of  the 
I  ith.  That  they  had  time  on  this  winter  Saturday — hardly  three 
weeks  from  the  shortest  day  in  the  year  —  to  reach  and  encircle  the 
harbor  ;  secure  anchorage  ;  get  out  boats  ;  arm,  equip,  and  land  two 
companies  of  men  ;  make  a  considerable  march  into  the  land ;  cut 
firewood ;  and  get  all  aboard  again  before  dark,  indicates  that  they 
must  have  made  the  harbor  not  far  from  noon.  These  facts  serve 
also  to  correct  another  error  of  traditional  Pilgrim  history,  which  has 
been  commonly  current,  and  into  which  Davis  falls  (Jncient  Land- 
marks of  Plymouth,  p.  64),  viz.  that  the  Compact  was  signed  "in  the 
harbor  of  Cape  Cod."     It  is  noticeable  that  the  instrument  itself 


Nov.  1 1/21 
continued 


258 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Nov.  11/21 

continued 


a  mutual  "Compact"^  to  regulate  their 
civil  government.  This  done,  they  con- 
firmed Master  Carver  ('their  "governour" 
in  the  ship  on  the  voyage")  their  "  govern- 
our  "  for  the  year.^  Bore  up  for  the  Cape, 
and  by  short  tacks  made  the  Cape  [Paomet, 
now  Provincetown]  Harbor,  coming  to  an 
anchorage  a  furlong  within  the  point.^ 
The  bay  so  circular  that  before  coming  to 


simply  says,  "  Cape  Cod,"  not  "  Cape  Cod  harbour,"  as  later  they 
were  wont  to  say.  The  leaders  clearly  did  not  mean  to  get  to  port 
till  there  was  a  form  of  law  and  authority. 

1.  The  Compact  is  too  well  known  to  require  reprinting  here 
(see  Appendix) ;  but  a  single  clause  of  it  calls  for  comment  in 
this  connection.  In  it  the  framers  recite  that,  "  Having  undertaken 
to  plant  the  first  colony  in  the  northern  parts  of  Virginia,"  etc. 
From  this  phraseology  it  would  appear  that  they  here  used  the  words 
"  northern  parts  of  Virginia  "  understandingly,  and  with  a  new  rela- 
tion and  significance,  from  their  connection  with  the  words  '■'■the 
first  colony  in"  for  such  declaration  could  have  no  force  or  truth 
except  as  to  the  region  north  of  41°  north  latitude.  They  knew,  of 
course,  of  the  colonies  in  Virginia  under  Gates,  Wingfield,  Smith, 
Raleigh,  and  others  (Hopkins  having  been  with  Gates),  and  that, 
though  there  had  been  brief  attempts  at  settlements  in  the  "  north- 
ern plantations,"  there  were  none  there  then,  and  that  hence  theirs 
would  be  in  a  sense  "  the  first,"  especially  if  considered  with  reference 
to  the  new  Council  for  New  England.  The  region  of  the  Hudson 
had  heretofore  been  included  in  the  term  "  northern  parts  of  Vir- 
ginia," although  in  the  southern  Company's  limit ;  but  a  new  mean- 
ing was  now  designedly  given  to  the  words  as  used  in  the  Compact., 
and  New  England  was  contemplated. 

2.  They  "  confirmed  "  Carver  "governour,"  strictly  speaking,  for 
the  balance  of  their  calendar  year  (not  only  for  the  ship,  but  for  the 
shore  as  well,  the  latter  being,  indeed,  the  main  purpose,  as  they  were 
soon  to  leave  the  ship),  which  expired  in  that  period  on  March  24, 
instead  of  December  31.  The  later  records  show  that  a  few  days 
before  March  25  he  was  reelected  for  the  year  to  follow. 

3.  Young,  Chronicles  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers.,  p.  120,  note. 


-/■ (  V 


\k^    I'  r  o  V  i  n  c  e  I  o  w  n 


\> 


Cape 

il^.   Cod 

Harlxiur 


CAPE    COD    HARBOUR 


The  yournal 


259 


anchor  the  ship  boxed  the  compass  [i.  e.  went 
clear  around  all  points  of  it]. 

Let  go  anchors  three  quarters  of  an  Eng- 
lish mile  off  shore,*  because  of  shallow 
water,  sixty-seven  days  from  Plymouth 
(Eng.Y  eighty-one  days  from  Dartmouth, 
ninety-nine  days  from  Southampton,  and 
one  hundred  and  twenty  from  London.^ 
Got  out  the  long-boat  and  set  ashore  an 
armed  party  of  fifteen  or  sixteen  in  armor, 
and  some  to  fetch  wood,  having  none  left,^ 
landing  them  on  the  long  point  or  neck, 
toward  the  sea.^  Those  going  ashore  were 
forced  to  wade  a  bow-shot  or  two  in  going 
aland. ^      The   party    sent   ashore   returned 


1.  Young,  op.  cit.  p.  120;   Mauri's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  5. 

2.  Goodwin  (op.  cit.  p.  66)  erroneously  states  that  the  greater 
portion  of  the  May-Flower  passengers  "  had  passed  one  hundred 
and  thirty-three  days  in  cramped-up  quarters  on  shipboard  since  they 
had  given  that  paning  salute  to  their  friends  in  the  harbor  of  Delft- 
haven."  He  probably  intended  to  say  one  hundred  and  thirteen 
days,  which  would  be  correct.  Bradford,  in  his  Hiuorie  (orig.  MS. 
p.  45),  says  :  "  Being  thus  arrived  in  a  good  harbour,  and  brought 
safe  to  land ;  they  fell  upon  their  knees  and  blessed  ye  God  of 
heaven  ;  who  had  brought  them  over  ye  vast  and  furious  ocean,  and 
delivered  them  from  all  ye  periles  and  miseries  thereof;  againe  to 
set  their  feete  on  ye  firm  and  stable  earth,  theire  proper  element." 

3.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  9. 

4.  The  strip  of  land  now  known  as  Long  Point,  Provincetown 
(Mass.)  harbor.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  5.  There  is  no 
warrant  whatever  for  Dr.  Dexter's  supposition  (op.  cit.  p.  10)  that 
this  party  landed  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  harbor,  or  that  they 
"started  early  in  the  day."  They  clearly  did  not  make  harbor 
before  noon. 

5.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  5. 


AW.  11/21 
continued 


26o 


'The  May- Flower  {^  Her  Log 


Nov.  12/22 


Nov.  Ill 21 


at  night  having  seen  no  person  or  habita- 
tion, having  laded  the  boat  with  juniper- 
vv^ood  ^  [Savin  —  of  the  cedar  family,  yuni- 
perus  VirginiandX. 

H 
At   anchor    in    Cape    Cod   harbor.      All 

hands  piped  to  service.      Weather  mild. 

H 
At  anchor  in  Cape  Cod  harbor,  unshipped 

the  shallop  and  drev^  her  on  land  to  mend 

and    repair    her.^      Many    went    ashore    to 


1.  Mourfs  Relation^  Dexter's  ed.  p.  7. 

2.  Bradford  (Hhtorie.,  Mass.  ed.  p.  97)  says  :  "  Having  brought  a 
large  shallop  with  them  out  of  England,  stowed  in  quarters  in  ye 
ship  they  now  gott  her  out  and  sett  their  carpenters  to  worke  to 
trime  her  up  :  but  being  much  brused  and  shatered  in  ye  ship  with 
foule  weather,  they  saw  she  sould  be  longe  in  mending."  In  Mourt's 
Relation  he  says:  "  Monday,  the  13th  of  November,  we  unshipped 
our  shallop  and  drew  her  on  land  to  mend  and  repair  her,  having 
been  forced  to  cut  her  down,  in  bestowing  her  betwixt  the  decks, 
and  she  was  much  opened,  with  the  peoples  lying  in  her,  which  kept 
us  long  there :  for  it  was  sixteen  or  seventeen  days  before  the  Car- 
penter had  finished  her."  Goodwin  says  she  was  "  a  sloop-rigged 
craft  of  twelve  or  fifteen  tons."  There  is  an  intimation  of  Bradford 
that  she  was  "  about  thirty  feet  long."  It  is  evident  from  Brad- 
ford's account  {Historie,  Mass.  ed.  p.  105)  of  her  stormy  entrance 
to  Plymouth  harbor  that  the  shallop  had  but  one  mast,  as  he  says : 
"  But  herewith  they  broake  their  mast  in  3  pieces  and  their  saill  fell 
overboard  in  a  very  grown  sea."  That  she  probably  carried  both 
mainsail  (a  square  sail  on  a  yard,  as  the  fore-and-aft  sails  were  not 
then  used)  and  a  jib  is  rendered  probable  by  Bradford's  expression 
(Mourt's  Relation)  :  "  At  length,  we  got  clear  of  the  sandy  point  and 
got  up  our  saills."  As  she  had  but  one  mast,  any  second  sail  must 
have  been  a  jib,  unless  she  carried  a  "  jigger."  Some  idea  of  her 
size  and  displacement  may  be  had  from  the  fact  that  when  her 
rudder-hinges  broke  in  the  afternoon  she  made  Plymouth  harbor,  it 
required  two  stout   sailors  with  oars  to  steer  her  while  she  carried 


The  yournal 


261 


refresh     themselves,    and    the    women    to 
wash.^ 

If 
Lying  at  anchor.     Carpenter  at  work  on 

shallop.      Arms   and    accoutrements   being 

got  ready  for  an  exploring  party  inland.^ 

Lying  at  anchor  in  harbor.  Master  and 
boat's  crew  went  ashore,^  followed  in  the 
afternoon  by  an  armed  party  of  sixteen 
men  under  command  of  Captain  Myles 
Standish.  Masters  William  Bradford, 
Stephen  Hopkins,  and  Edward  Tilley  being 
joined    to    him  for   council.*      The   party 


sail.  That  she  was  without  deck  or  house  we  know  from  Bradford, 
and  the  Pilgrims  were  obliged  to  cover  their  corn  (maize)  or  other 
cargo  with  tarpaulins  to  keep  it  from  being  wet.  She  was  undoubt- 
edly the  first  Pilgrim  craft  to  enter  the  harbor  of  New  Plymouth;  the 
first  to  touch  at  "  the  Rock,"  and  she  performed  gallant  and  invalu- 
able service  to  the  Pilgrim  colony  in  many  ways.  As  part  of  the 
cargo  of  the  May-Flower  across  seas,  as  her  pilot  boat  in  Cape 
Cod  and  New  Plymouth  harbors,  and  as  her  principal  tender  dur- 
ing her  long  tarries  in  both,  she  was  indeed  very  much  a  part  of  the 
Pilgrim  ship  and  her  history. 

1.  Mourt's  Relation,  p.   15. 

2.  Bradford,  Historic,  Deane's  ed.  p.  81  ;  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's 
ed.  p.  13. 

3.  Mourt's  Relation  p.  15. 

4.  The  language  used  here  (^Mourt's  Relation,  p.  14)  makes  it 
difficult  to  determine  whether  there  were  sixteen  men  and  Captain 
Standish,  or  sixteen  only,  including  Captain  Standish  and  those  who 
were  "joined  to  him  for  council,"  viz.  Bradford,  Hopkins,  and 
Edward  Tilley.  The  most  rational  inference  appears  to  be  that  the 
sixteen  men  constituted  the  whole  party,  including  the  Captain,  and 
that  the  facts  stated  (viz.  that  Standish  was  the  one  of  the  sixteen  in 
command,  and  that    Bradford,    Hopkins,  and  Tilley  were  the  three 


Nov..  14/24 


Nov.  15/25 


262 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Nov.  lb  J  2b 


fritia^ 

Nov.  i']l2'] 


to  be  gone  from  the  ship  a  day  or  two. 
Weather  mild  and  ground  not  frozen.^ 

Lying  at  anchor  in  harbor.  Exploring 
party  still  absent  from  ship.  Weather 
continues  open.^ 

IF 
At   anchor,  Cape    Cod   harbor.    Weather 

open.  Saw  signal-fire  on  the  other  side  of 
bay  this  morning,  built  by  exploring  party 
as  arranged.  The  Master,  Governor  Car- 
ver, and  many  of  the  company  ashore  in 
afternoon,^  and  met  exploring  party  there 
on  their  return  to  ship.  Hearing  their 
signal-guns  before  they  arrived  at  the  shore, 
sent  long-boat  to  fetch  them  aboard.^  They 
reported  seeing  Indians  and  following  them 
ten  miles  without  coming  up  to  them  the 
first  afternoon  out,  and  the  next  day  found 
store  of  corn  buried,  and  a  big  ship's  kettle, 
which  they  brought  to  the  ship  with  much 
corn.  Also  saw  deer  and  found  excellent 
water.  [See  diagram  of  exploring  party's 
route.] 


by  whom  he  was  to  be  advised)  are  simply  to  be  taken  as  parenthet- 
ical. 

1.  That  the  ground  was  not  frozen  is  evident  from  the  ease  with 
which  they  dug  up  the  buried  corn,  etc. 

2.  The  weather  according  to  the  record  continued  open  for  some 
days  longer. 

3.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  27. 

4.  Ibid.  p.  26. 


The  yournal 


263 


At  anchor,  Cape  Cod  harbor.  Planters 
helving  tools,  etc.  Carpenter  at  work  on 
shallop,  which  takes  more  labor  than  at 
first  supposed.  Weather  still  moderate. 
Fetched  wood  and  water. 

IF 

At  anchor,  Cape  Cod  harbor.  Second 
Sunday  in  harbor.  Services  aboard  ship. 
Seamen  ashore.  Change  in  weather. 
Colder.^ 

At  anchor.  Cape  Cod  harbor.  Carpenter 
and  others  at  work  on  shallop,  getting  out 
stock  for  a  new  shallop,  helving  tools,  mak- 
ing articles  needed,  etc.^ 

H 
At  anchor  in   harbor.      Much  inconven- 
ienced in  going  ashore.      Can  only  go  and 
come  at  high  water  except  by  wading,  from 
which  many  have  taken  coughs  and  colds.^ 

At  anchor  in  harbor.  Weather  cold  and 
stormy,  having  changed  suddenly. 


1.  Mauri's  Relation^  Dexter's  ed.  p.  27. 

2.  Ibid. 

3.  Ibid.  Griffis  makes  an  error  in  saying  {The  Pilgrims  in  their 
Three  Homes,  p.  186)  that  these  men  "  had  to  wade  through  the 
freezing  cold  brine,  because  the  anonymous  shallop  had  been  sagged 
out  of  shape,"  etc.  The  shallowness  of  the  water  near  the  shore  is 
clearly  stated  by  Bradford  to  have  compelled  the  wading,  which  was 
no  less  imperative  when  landing  from  the  shallop.  In  fact,  the  latter 
could  probably  not  get  as  near  as  the  "  long-boat "  to  land. 


^aturDat 

Nov.  1 8/28 


N'ov.  19/29 


Nov.  20/30 


Cucjstiat 

Nov.  21/ Dec.  I 


Nov.  22/ Dec.  2 


264 


'The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Nov.  z-^l Dec.  3 

ifrfDa^ 

Nov.  i^jDec.  4 


^aturtia^ 

Nov.  2Sl Dec.  5 


^unDa^ 

Nov.  2b/Dec.  6 


jHonDa^ 

Nov.  zjjDec.  7 


At  anchor  in  harbor.  Cold  and  stormy. 
Work,  progressing  on  shallop. 

At  anchor  in  harbor.  Continues  cold 
and  stormy. 

At  anchor  in  harbor.  Weather  same. 
Work  on  shallop  pretty  well  finished  and 
she  can  be  used,  though  more  remains  to 
be  done.^  Another  exploration  getting 
ready  for  Monday.  Master  and  crew  anx- 
ious to  unlade  and  return  for  England.^ 
Fetched  wood  and  water. 

H 
At    anchor,    Cape    Cod    harbor.      Third 

Sunday  here.  Master  notified  Planters 
that  they  must  find  permanent  location  and 
that  he  must  and  would  keep  sufficient  sup- 
plies for  ship's  company  and  their  return.^ 

H 
At   anchor.   Cape    Cod    harbor.      Rough 

weather   and    cross   winds.^      The  Planters 


1.  Mauri's  Relation.,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  27.  There  was  afterwards 
two  days'  more  work  upon  her. 

2.  Bradford,  Historic.,  Mass.  ed.  p.  96  ;  Mourfs  Relation,  Dexter's 
ed.  p.  39. 

3.  Bradford,  Historic,  Mass.  ed.  p.  96.  The  doubt  as  to  how  the 
ship's  and  the  colonists'  provisions  were  divided  and  held  is  again  sug- 
gested here.  It  is  difBcult,  however,  to  understand  how  the  Master 
"  must  and  would  "  retain  provisions  with  his  small  force  against  the 
larger,  if  it  came  to  an  issue  of  strength  between  Jones  and  Standish. 

4.  Morton,  New  England's  Memorial,  pp.  28,  29  ;  Mourt's  Rela- 
tion, Dexter's  ed.  p.  28. 


The  yournal 


265 


determined  to  send  out  a  strong  exploring 
party,  and  invited  the  Master  of  the  ship  to 
join  them  and  go  as  leader,*  which  he  agreed 
to,  and  offered  nine  of  the  crew  and  the 
long-boat,  which  were  accepted.  Of  the 
colonists  there  were  four  -  and- twenty, 
making  the  party  in  all  four-and-thirty.^ 
Wind  so  strong  that  setting  out  from  the 
ship  the  shallop  and  long-boat  were  obliged 
to  row  to  the  nearest  shore  ^  and  the  men 
to  wade  above  the  knees  to  land.^  The 
wind  proved  so  strong  that  the  shallop  was 
obliged  to  harbor  where  she  landed.^  Mate 
in  charge  of  ship.  Blowed  and  snowed  all 
day  and  at  night,  and  froze  withal.^  Mis- 
tress White  delivered  of  a  son  which  is 
called  "Peregrine.'"'  The  second  child 
born  on  the  voyage,  the  first  in  this  harbor. 


1.  Mourt's  Relation^  Dexter's  ed.  p.  28.  Bradford  says  of  the 
second  exploration  {Historic^  Mass.  ed.  p.  lOo),  "Ye  Mr.  of  ye  ship 
desired  to  goe  him  selfe,  so  ther  went  some  30  men."  Knowing  his 
wish,  they  invited  him  to  command  the  party  as  a  matter  of  policy, 
apparently,  as  elsewhere  appears. 

2.  Ihid. 

3.  Ibid. 

4.  Ibid. 

5.  Ibid. 

6.  Ihid. 

7.  Bradford's  Pocket  Book  was  most  fortunately  as  long  as  it  was, 
before  its  apparently  final  loss,  in  the  hands  of  the  chronologist.  Rev. 
Thomas  Prince,  as  noted  by  Goodwin  (^Pilgrim  Republic,  p.  457, 
note),  for  to  it  and  to  him  we  owe  the  exact  dates  of  these  events, 
of  so  great  and  lasting  value,  and  many  other  data  of  inestimable 
service. 


Nov.  l-jjDec.  7 
continued 


266 


The  May- Flower  £^  Her  Log 


Nov.  %%IDec.  8 


l^elinejSDar 

Nov.  2()lDec,  9 


At  anchor,  Cape  Cod  harbor.  Cold. 
Master  Jones  and  exploring  party  absent 
on  shore  with  long-boat  and  colonists'  shal- 
lop.^ The  latter,  which  beached  near  ship 
yesterday  in  a  strong  wind  and  harbored 
there  last  night,  got  under  way  this  morn- 
ing and  sailed  up  the  harbor,  following  the 
course  taken  by  the  long-boat  yesterday,^ 
the  wind  favoring.  Six  inches  of  snow 
fell  yesterday  and  last  night.^  Crew  at 
work  clearing  snow  from  ship. 

At  anchor.  Cape  Cod  harbor.  Cold. 
Foul  weather  threatening.^  Master  Jones 
with  sixteen  men  in  the  long-boat  and 
shallop  came  aboard  towards  night  (eigh- 
teen men  remaining  ashore),  bringing  also 
about ^  ten  bushels  of  Indian  corn  ^  which 
had  been  found  buried.  The  Master  re- 
ports a  long  march,  the  exploration  of  two 
creeks,  great  numbers  of  wild  fowl,  the 
finding  of  much  corn  and  beans,'  etc. 


1.  The  first  mate,  Mr.  Clarke,  would  presumably  keep  the  ship's 
log  in  the  absence  of  the  Master  on  shore. 

2.  Morton,  New  England's  Memorial,  pp.  28,  29  ;  Mourt's  Rela- 
tion, Dexter's  ed.  p.  28. 

3.  Ibid.  p.  29. 

4.  Ibid.  p.  31. 

5.  Ibid.  p.  32. 

6.  Ibid.  p.  31. 

7.  This  seems  to  be  the  first  mention  of  beans  (in  early  Pilgrim 
literature)  as  indigenous  (presumably)  to  New  England.  They 
have  held  an  important  place  in  her  dietary  ever  since. 


The  yonrnal 


267 


At  anchor  in  harbor.  Sent  shallop  to 
head  of  harbor  with  mattocks  and  spades,^ 
as  desired  by  those  ashore,  the  seamen  tak- 
ing their  muskets  also.^  The  shallop  came 
alongside  at  nightfall  ^  with  the  rest  of  the 
explorers  —  the  tide  being  out — bringing 
a  lot  of  Indian  things,  baskets,  pottery, 
wicker-ware,  etc.,  discovered  in  two  graves 
and  sundry  Indian  houses  ^  they  found 
after  the  Master  left  them.  They  report 
ground  frozen  a  foot  deep.^ 

At  anchor.  Cape  Cod  harbor.  Carpenter 
finishing  work  on  shallop.^  Colonists  dis- 
cussing locations  visited,  as  places  for  settle- 
ment.'^ 

H 
At   anchor   in  harbor.      Much   discussion 

among     colonists    as    to    settlement,^    the 

Master  insisting  on  a  speedy  determination.^ 


1.  Mourfs  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  32. 

2.  Ibid.  p.  34. 

3.  Ibid.  p.  37.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Dexter's  view,  as 
here  expounded,  —  that  the  exploring  party  went  aboard  the  ship 
that  night,  —  is  correct.  Prince  had  the  idea  {^Annals,  vol.  i.  p.  75) 
that  they  only  "  got  to  the  shallop  "  that  night. 

4.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  37. 

5.  Ibid.  p.  31. 

6.  Ibid.  p.  43. 

7.  Ibid.  pp.  38,  39. 

8.  Ibid,  pp,  40,  41 ;   Morton,  Memorial,  p.  29. 

9.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  39  ;  Bradford,  Historic,  Mass. 
ed.  p.  96. 


Nov.  ^o/Dec.  10 


Dec.  l/ll 


^aturDat 

Dec.  2/12 


268 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Dec.  4/14 


Whales  playing  about  the  ship  in  consider- 
able numbers.  One  lying  within  half  a 
musket-shot  of  the  ship,  two  of  the  Planters 
shot  at  her,  but  the  musket  of  the  one 
who  gave  fire  first  blew  in  pieces  both  stock 
and  barrel,  yet  no  one  was  hurt.^  Fetched 
wood  and  water. 

At  anchor  in  Cape  Cod  harbor.  The 
fourth  Sunday  here.  Scarce  any  of  those 
aboard  free  from  vehement  coughs,  some 
very  ill.      Weather  very  variable.^ 

At  anchor  in  Cape  Cod  harbor.  Carpen- 
ter completing  repairs  on  shallop.^  Much 
discussion  of  plans  for  settlement.  The 
Master  urging  that  the  Planters  should 
explore  with  their  shallop  at  some  distance, 
declining  in  such  season  to  stir  from  the 
present  anchorage  till  a  safe  harbor  is 
discovered  by  them  where  they  would  be 
and  he  might  go  without  danger.^  This 
day  died  Edward  Thompson,  a  servant  of 
Master  William  White,^  the  first  to  die 
aboard  the  ship  since   she  anchored  in  the 


1.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  38. 

2.  Ibid.  p.  39. 

3.  Ibid.  p.  43. 

4.  Bradford,  op.  cii.  p.  79. 

5.  Bradford's  Pocket  Book ;    Prince,  Jnnals,  vol.  i. ;  Young,  Chroni- 
cles, p.  148 ;   Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  3. 


The  yournal 


269 


harbor.      Burying- party   sent    ashore  after 
services  to  bury  him.^ 

H 
At  anchor  in  harbor.  Francis  Billington, 
a  young  son  of  one  of  the  passengers,  put 
the  ship  and  all  in  great  jeopardy,  by  shoot- 
ing off  a  fowling-piece  in  his  father's  cabin 
between  decks, ^  where  there  was  a  small 
barrel  of  powder  open,  and  many  people 
about  the  fire  close  by.^  None  hurt. 
Weather  cold  and  foul.* 

H 
At    anchor  in   harbor.      Very   cold,   bad 
weather.^      This   day   died  Jasper   More,  a 
lad    bound    to    Governor    Carver.®       The 


1.  Those  who  died  on  board  the  May-Flower  while  she  lay  in 
Cape  Cod  (now  Provincetown)  harbor  are  traditionally  reported  to 
have  been  buried  on  Long  Point,  as  it  is  now  known,  which  was 
then  quite  heavily  wooded  with  savin  trees,  and  perhaps  others.  It 
was  the  nearest  land  to  the  ship.  Poor  Thompson  was  the  first  of 
the  Pilgrim  company  to  be  buried  in  New  England  soil. 

2.  Afourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  43. 

3.  Ibid.  The  first  indication  of  any  means  of  artificial  warmth 
they  had  aboard  the  ship.  Dr.  Griffis  (op.  cit.  p.  193)  errs  in  fol- 
lowing Arber  as  to  the  "  fire  "  between  decks,  when  young  Billing- 
ton nearly  blew  up  the  ship.  He  accepts  Arber's  interpretation  of 
Bradford's  sentence,  "  the  fire  being  within  four  feet  of  the  bed," 
viz.  that  the  word  "  fire  "  means  "  discharge  "  [of  a  gun] .  No- 
thing would  seem  to  be  clearer  than  Bradford's  expression, "  and 
many  people  about  the  fire  ;  "  which  immediately  follows  the  above. 

4.  Ibid.  pp.  43-45. 

5.  Ibid.  p.  46. 

6.  Bradford's  Pocket  Book ;  Prince,  Annah,  vol.  i. ;  Young,  op.  cit. 
p.  148  ;  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  46,  note  ;  Bradford,  His torie, 
Mass.  ed.  Appendix,  p.  531. 


Dec.  s/ 1 5 


Dec.  6/16 


270 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Lo 


'g 


Dec.  ill-] 


second  death  in  the  harbor.  The  third  ex- 
ploring party  got  away  from  the  ship  in  the 
afternoon  in  the  shallop,^  intent  on  finding 
a  harbor  recommended  by  the  second  mate, 
Robert  Coppin,  who  had  visited  it.^  Cap- 
tain Standish  in  command,  with  whom  were 
Governor  Carver,  Masters  Bradford,  Wins- 
low,  John  Tilleyand  Edward  Tilley,  War- 
ren and  Hopkins,  John  Howland,  Edward 
Dotey,  and  two  of  the  colonists'  seamen, 
Alderton  and  English,  and  of  the  ship's 
company,  the  mates  Clarke  and  Coppin, 
the  master-gunner  and  three  sailors,^  eigh- 
teen in  all.  The  shallop  was  a  long  time 
getting  clear  of  the  point,  having  to  row, 
but  at  last  got  up  her  sails  and  out  of  the 
harbor.^  Sent  burying-party  ashore  with 
body  of  little  More  boy,  after  services 
aboard. 

At   anchor   in    Cape  Cod   harbor.      This 


1.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  pp.  43-45. 

2.  Morton,  New  England's  Memorial,  P-  3^  ;  Mauri's  Relation, 
Dexter's  ed.  p.  41. 

3.  Eighteen  in  all,  apparently.  It  is  quite  noticeable  that  on  this 
occasion  the  Captain  certainly  permitted  both  the  ship's  "  mates  "  (or 
"  pilotts  "),  Clarke  and  Coppin,  to  leave  the  ship  at  the  same  time. 
There  are  other  instances  on  record  where  this  seems  to  have  been 
done,  but  in  this  case  there  can  be  no  doubt  about  it.  Even  if  there 
were  third  and  fourth  mates  it  would  be  unusual,  and  of  course 
could  occur  only  when  the  Master  was  aboard.  Mourt's  Relation, 
Dexter's  ed.  pp.  43,  44. 

4.  Morton,  op.  cit.  p.  31  ;   Mourt's  Relation,   Dexter's  ed.  p.  46. 


The  yournal 


27 1 


day  Mistress  Dorothy  Bradford,  wife  of 
Master  Bradford,  who  is  away  with  the 
exploring  party  to  the  westward,  fell  over- 
board and  was  drowned.^ 

H 
At   anchor  in   harbor.      A  strong   south- 
east gale  with  heavy  rain,  turning  to  snow 
and    growing     cold    toward    night,    as    it 
cleared.^      This  day  Master  James  Chilton 


I.  Bradford's  Pocket  Book  is  the  original  and  only  contemporaneous 
authority  for  this  date  and  event.  Mourfs  Relation.,  Dexter's  ed.  p. 
60,  note  ;  Prince,  op.  cit.  vol.  i.  p.  76,  note.  Mourfs  Relation  and  Prince 
only  mention  the  death  in  footnotes.  Goodwin  {op.  cit.  p.  95) 
says:  Mrs.  Bradford  fell  "overboard  from  the  ship,  or  a  boat  along- 
side, finding  a  watery  grave."  (Italics  the  author's.)  No  authority 
for  this  mention  of  a  "  boat "  or  intimation  as  to  the  non-recovery 
of  the  body  has  been  found.  The  latter  is  suggested  as  a  probability, 
by  the  location  of  the  ship,  and  especially  by  the  fact  that  absolutely 
no  mention  by  Winslow,  Morton,  or  other  contemporaneous  w^riters 
appears  as  to  the  details  of  Mrs.  Bradford's  death  or  burial.  It 
would  seem  that,  as  the  wife  of  one  of  the  chief  men  of  the  colony, 
some  mention  of  her  burial,  etc.,  would  have  been  made  by  others, 
if  not  by  Bradford  himself,  if  there  had  been  burial  services.  His 
own  reticence  is  not  surprising,  in  view  of  his  affliction,  his  custom- 
ary modesty  as  to  himself  and  his  affairs,  and  the  fact  that  he  was 
absent  at  the  time  of,  and  for  nearly  a  week  after,  the  occurrence. 
The  notable  absence  of  any  comment  whatever  upon  the  death  of 
Mrs.  Bradford,  remarkable  as  it  and  its  attendant  conditions  were, 
is  doubtless  responsible  for  the  various  conjectures  and  "  imagin- 
ings "  to  which  romancists  have  (without,  so  far  as  appears,  the 
semblance  of  authority)  given  currency.  There  is  no  warrant, 
except  possibly  tradition,  for  the  theory  of  suicide  which  has  been 
advanced,  and  there  is  absolutely  no  authority  for  the  suggestion 
which  has  been  made,  that  Mrs.  Bradford's  marriage  was  an  unhappy 
one. 

2.   Mourt's  Relation.,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  56. 


Z)6r.  8/18 


272 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Dec.  9/19 


Dec.  10/20 


died  aboard  the  ship.^  The  third  passen- 
ger, and  first  head  of  a  family,  to  die  in 
this  harbor. 

H 
At    anchor    in   harbor.        Burying- party 

sent   ashore   after   services  aboard,  to  bury 

Chilton.^      Fetched  wood  and  water. 

H 
At   anchor   in    Cape   Cod   harbor.      The 

fifth  Sunday  in  this  harbor.  The  explor- 
ing party  still  absent.  Four  deaths  (one 
by  drowning^ ;  very  severe  weather ;  the 
ship's  narrow  escape  from  being  blown  up; 
and  the  absence  of  so  many  of  the  princi- 
pal men,  have  made  it  a  hard,  gloomy 
week. 

H 
At  anchor  in  harbor. 

H 
At  anchor  in  harbor, 
still  absent. 

% 
At  anchor  in  harbor. 


jttontiat 

Dec.  1 1/2 1 

Cuej3Dat 

Dec.  12/22 


l^eDnejinar 

Dec.  13/23 


Clear  weather. 
Exploration  party 


Exploration  party 
returned  to  ship,^  where   much  sad  intelli- 

1.  Bradford's  Pocket  Book ;  Prince,  Annals.,  vol.  i. ;  Young,  Chroni- 
cles., p.  162. 

2.  The  death  of  Chilton  was  the  first  of  the  head  of  a  family, 
and  it  may  readily  be  imagined  that  the  burial  was  an  especially 
affecting  scene,  especially  as  following  so  closely  upon  the  tragic 
death  of  Mrs.  Bradford. 

3.  Dexter,  in  his  edition  of  Mourt's  Relation  (p.  60,  note).,  thinks 
the  party  reached  the  ship  on  Tuesday.      If  they  did,  it  was   by  the 


ROUTES    OF    THE    THREE    EXPLORATIONS    MADE    WHILE    IN 
CAPE    COD    HARBOUR 


The  yournal 


273 


gence  met  them  ('especially  Master  Brad- 
ford, as  to  his  wife's  drowning^.  The 
exploring  party  report  finding  a  consider- 
able Indian  burying-place ;  several  Indian 
houses ;  a  fierce  attack  on  them  by  Indians 
on  Friday  morning,  but  without  harm  ;  a 
severe  gale  on  the  same  afternoon,  in  which 
their  rudder-hinges  broke, ^  their  mast  was 
split  in  three  pieces,^  their  sail  fell  over- 
board in  a  heavy  sea,  and  they  were  like 
to  have  been  cast  away  in  making  a  har- 
bor which  Master  Coppin  thought  he  knew, 
but  was  deceived  about.  They  landed  on 
an  island  ^  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  which 


help  of  a  very  good  wind,  and  then  late  at  night.  Young  (op.  cit. 
p.  162,  note)  says:  "They  .  .  .  reached  her  [the  ship]  the  13th" 
—  which  is  probable. 

1.  Bradford  (Historh,  Mass.  ed.  p.  105)  says  :  "  They  breake  their 
rudder,"  —  not  the  "  hinges,"  as  Mourt's  Relation  has  it,  though  both 
statements  may  be  correct,  and  doubtless  are. 

2.  Bradford  says  (op.  cit.  Mass.  ed.  p.  105),  what  Goodwin  and 
no  other  repeats,  "  &  their  saill  fell  overboard  in  a  very  grown  sea." 
To  one  familiar  with  the  place  and  conditions  (as  is  the  author 
from  personal  experiences),  it  is  a  marvel  they  were  not  swamped. 
Bradford  (as  above)  says  :  "  Coppin  said,  Lord  be  mercifull  unto 
them  for  his  eys  never  saw  yt  place  before  &  he  and  the  Mr.  mate 
[Clarke]  would  have  rune  her  ashore,  in  a  cove  full  of  breakers,  be- 
fore ye  winde.  But  a  lusty  seaman  [probably  English]  which  steered, 
bad  [bade]  those  which  rowed,  if  they  were  men,  about  with  her,  or 
ells  they  were  all  cast  away,  the  which  they  did  with  speed." 

3.  Dr.  Griffis  says  (op.  cit.  p.  195):  "Late  in  the  afternoon  they 
found  an  island,"  etc.  Bradford  says  {Mourt's  Relation)  :  "  Night 
grew  on,"  and  "  darke  night  growing  upon  us,"  and  (^Historic,  Mass. 
ed.  p.  105)  "night  drawing  on,"  and  "  although  it  was  very  darke;" 
from   all  which  it  seems  certain  that  it  was  night  before  they  got  to 


Dec.  13/23 
continued 


274 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Dec.  14/24 


ifriDa^ 

Dec.  15/25 


they  named  for  Master  Clarke,  the  first 
mate,  and  spent  Saturday  and  Sunday  there, 
and  on  Monday  examined  the  harbor  they 
found,  and  are  agreed  that  it  is  the  place 
for  settlement.  Much  satisfaction  with  the 
report  among  the  colonists. 

H 
At  anchor,  Cape  Cod  harbor.  The  colo- 
nists have  determined  to  make  settlement 
at  the  harbor  they  visited,^  and  which  is 
apparently,  by  Captain  John  Smith's  chart 
of  i6i6,^  no  other  than  the  place  he  calls 
"  Plimoth  "  thereon.  Fetched  wood  and 
water. 

Weighed  anchor  to  go  to  the  place  the 
exploring  party  discovered.  Course  west, 
after  leaving  harbor.  Shallop  in  company. 
Coming  within  two  leagues,  the  wind  com- 
ing northwest,  could  not  fetch  the  harbor, 
and  was  faine  to  put  round  again  towards 
Cape  Cod.^     Made  old  anchorage  at  night. 


Clarke's  Island.  It  appears,  further,  that  they  could  not  discover 
anything  as  to  their  situation,  for  Bradford  adds  {Historic,  p.  116), 
"  they  knew  not  this  to  be  an  island  till  morning." 

1.  As  the  exploring  party  returned  on  Wednesday,  December 
13/23,  and  the  ship  sailed  for  New  Plymouth  Harbor  on  December 
15/25,  and  it  probably  took  the  intervening  day  to  consider,  they 
doubtless  decided  upon  the  Plymouth  settlement  on  Thursday,  December 
14/24. 

2.  Captain  Smith's  map,  as  shown  in  his  Generall  Historic. 

3.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  60  ;  Bradford,  op.  cit.  p.  88. 


,  Orn>j>!f*  ;;..^t, 


Ctelci  Nctt  llubor 


/■/m   I/i,/'<  rine 


:     I      /\V;il  ,,11 

Sayqmah  Pt 


Fium  ii  skt'tib  by 

Chiirles  Blashozuitch 


Flimoitu  jt,: 


CurlKl  Pi. 


From  C/.'/imp/ii///'  i  ikctch,  i6o 


PLYMOUTH    HARBOUR 


'The  yournal 


275 


The  thirty-fifth  night   have   lain  at  anchor 
here.      Shallop  returned  with  ship. 

*\\ 
Comes   in  with    fair  wind    for   Plymouth. 

Weighed  anchor  and  put   to  sea  again  and 

made  harbor  safely.      Shallop  in  company. 

Within  half  an  hour  of  anchoring  the  wind 

changed,  so  if  letted  [hindered]  but  a  little 

had  gone  back  to  Cape  Cod.^     A  fine  har- 


I.  Ibid.  Some  of  the  May-Flower's  company  unquestionably 
sailed  the  shallop  across  the  Bay  in  company  with  the  ship  on  both 
days  when  the  latter  essayed  —  the  last  time  successfully  —  to  enter 
New  Plymouth  harbor.  It  goes  without  saying  that  she  would  not 
be  hoisted  upon  the  deck  of  the  ship  when  she  was  needed  as  a  pilot 
into  the  harbor,  had  just  made  the  trip  there  and  back,  and  was 
intended  for  just  such  coasting  voyages.  She  might  have  been 
towed  part  way,  but  as  the  wind  was  fair  her  pilot  services  were 
needed,  and  she  would  probably  sail  nearly  as  fast  as  the  ship,  she 
undoubtedly  went  chiefly  under  her  own  canvas.  That  she  returned 
with  the  ship  (the  night  of  the  unsuccessful  attempt  to  make  Plym- 
outh harbor)  to  Cape  Cod  harbor  is  altogether  probable,  as  there 
could  be  no  reason  for  her  remaining  there  alone  with  scant  provi- 
sion, —  even  if  there  had  been  no  fear  of  Indians,  —  as  it  was  wholly 
uncertain  when  the  May-Flower  could  make  anotiier  attempt  to 
reach  Plymouth  and  might  lie  at  the  Cape  some  days,  or  even  weeks. 
There  is  little  room  for  doubt  that  Thomas  English,  who,  Bradford 
states  (op.  cit.  p.  533),  "was  hired  to  goe  Master  of  a  [the]  shal- 
lop here,"  was  in  charge  of  her  from  the  time  she  was  put  into  the 
water  in  Cape  Cod  harbor.  We  know  that  he  was  one  of  the  com- 
pany "told  oflF"  (according  to  Bradford,  op.  cit.  p.  533)  to  go  in 
her  when  Coppin  undertook  to  pilot  the  expedition  to  "  Thievish 
Harbor,"  and  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that,  hired  as  he  was 
as  an  expert  in  the  handling  of  such  craft,  he  was  at  all  times  her 
"  Master,"  including  the  Friday  night  when  in  storm  and  darkness 
—  her  rudder  worthless,  her  mast  broken,  and  her  sail  lowered  — 
she  was  being  urged  (on  the  advice  of  Clarke  and  Coppin)  by  her 
oarsmen  into  a  "  cove  full  of  breakers  "  at  the  "  Gurnet."    As  Master 


Dec.  lb  1 2b 


276 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Dec.  17/27 


bor.      Let 
spur  of  b 


within   a   long 

from   shore. ^ 

voyage ;     one 


go  anchors  just 

each  a  mile  or  more 

The    end    of  the    outward 

hundred    and  two    days    from    Plymouth 

(England)  to  Plymouth  (New  England). 
One  hundred  and  fifty-five  days  from 
London. 

T^he  Ship's  yournal  while  she   lay  in 
Plymouth   Harbor 

At  anchor  in  Plymouth  harbor.     Services 
on  ship.     This  harbor  is  a  bay  greater  than 


and  expert  steersman  he  was  properly  at  the  helm  (obliged  in  fact  to 
steer  with  an  oar  in  place  of  the  disabled  rudder),  and  was  beyond 
reasonable  doubt  the  "  lusty  seaman  which  steered,"  who  "  bade  those 
which  rowed,  if  they  were  men,  about  with  her  [to  pull  her  round] 
or  ells  they  were  all  cast  away."  That  the  May-Flower  entered 
the  harbor  of  New  Plymouth  in  company  with,  and  under  the  pilot- 
age of,  the  Pilgrim  shallop,  and  not  as  a  lone  vessel  slowly  feeling  her 
way  by  lead-line  into  an  unknown  haven,  —  as  she  has  long  been 
pictured  on  canvas  and  in  the  popular  mind,  —  is  practically  certain. 
Halsall's  great  picture  shows  the  ship  piloted  through  an  icy  channel 
by  her  long-boat.  It  should  have  shown  an  open  channel  (for  Plym- 
outh harbor  did  not  freeze  over  that  winter),  and  the  shallop  instead 
of  the  long-boat. 

I.  Bradford,  op.  cit.  p.  90,  note  ;  Mourt' s  Relation.,  Dexter's  ed.  p. 
69,  note;  Young,  Chronicles.,  p.  171,  note.  Goodwin  (^Pilgrim  Re- 
public, p.  98)  agrees  that  "  she  probably  lay  at  anchor  in  the  channel 
just  inside  the  end  of  the  beach,"  as  Dr.  Dexter  suggests  in  his  note 
to  Mourt's  Relation.  If  she  had  lain  in  the  "  Cow-yard,"  as  Dr. 
Young  {op.  cit.  p.  171,  note')  thinks,  she  would  have  been  twice  as 
far  off. 

Goodwin  says, —  and  he  in  all  such  matters  is  the  prime  authority, 
—  "  Within  the  beach,  half  way  between  the  Rock  and  the  excel- 
lent anchorage  called  the  '  Cow-Yard,'  the  '  May-Flower  '  came  to 
rest.  .  .  .  Freedom's  ark  had  reached  its  Ararat." 


'The  yotirnal 


277 


Cape  Cod,  compassed  with  goodly  land. 
It  is  in  fashion  like  a  sickle  or  fish-hook.^ 

IT 
At  anchor,  Plymouth  harbor.    The  Master 

of  the  ship,  with  three  or  four  of  the  sailors 
and  several  of  the  Planters,  went  aland  and 
marched  along  the  coast  several  miles.^ 
Made  careful  examination  of  locality. 
Found  many  brooks  of  fine  water,  abun- 
dant wood,  etc.  The  party  came  aboard 
at  night  weary  with  marching. 

H 
At  anchor,  Plymouth  harbor.  A  party 
from  the  ship  went  ashore  to  discover,  some 
going  by  land  and  some  keeping  to  the 
shallop.^  A  creek  was  found  leading  up 
within  the  land  and  followed  up  three 
English  miles,  a  very  pleasant  river  at  full 
sea.  It  was  given  the  name  of  "Jones 
River "  in  compliment  to  the  Master  of 
the  ship.^  A  bark  of  thirty  tons  may  go 
up  at  high  tide,  but  the  shallop  could  scarcely 
pass  at  low  water.  All  came  aboard  at  night 
with  resolution  to  fix,  to-morrow,  which  of 
the  several  places  examined  they  would  settle 
upon. 

1.  See  plate.     Young,  op.  cit.  p.  164;  Mourfs  Relation,  Dexter's 
ed.  p.  61,  note. 

2.  Mourt's  Relation.,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  61. 

3.  Ibid.  p.  63. 

4.  Young,  op.  cit.  p.  166,  and  note. 


Dec.  18/28 


■CueiSDat 

Dec.  19/29 


278 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Dec,  20/30 


At  anchor,  Plymouth  harbor,  many  ill. 
After  service  the  colonists  decided  to  go 
ashore  this  morning  and  determine  upon 
one  of  two  places  which  were  thought 
most  fitting  for  their  habitation.  So  a 
considerable  party  went  ashore  and  left 
twenty  of  their  number  there  to  make  a 
rendezvous,^  the  rest  coming  on  board  at 
night.  They  reported  that  they  had  chosen 
by  the  most  voices  the  site  first  looked  at 
by  the  largest  brook,  near  where  they  landed 
on  the    iith  on    a   large   rock  ^    ^Plymouth 


1.  Young,  op.  cit.  p.  168;  Mourfs  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  65. 
This  was  the  first  time  any  of  the  company  spent  the  night  on 
shore  at  Plymouth,  and  secured  "  a  local  habitation  and  a  name." 

2.  The  "Rock"  seems  to  have  become  the  established  landing 
place  of  the  Pilgrims,  from  the  time  of  the  first  visit  of  the  third 
exploring  party  on  December  11/21.  The  absurdity  of  the  claims 
of  the  partisans  of  Mary  Chilton,  in  the  foolish  contention  which 
existed  for  many  years  as  to  whether  she  or  John  Alden  was  the 
first  person  to  set  foot  upon  the  "  Rock,"  is  shown  by  the  fact  that, 
of  course,  no  women  were  with  the  third  exploring  party  which  first 
landed  there,  while  it  is  also  certain  that  Alden  was  not  of  that  ex- 
ploring party.  That  Mary  Chilton  may  have  been  the  first  woman 
to  land  at  Cape  Cod  harbor  is  entirely  possible,  as  it  is  that  she  or 
John  Alden  may  have  been  the  first  person  to  land  on  the  "  Rock  " 
after  the  ship  arrived  in  Plymouth  harbor.  It  was  a  vexatious  travesty 
upon  history  (though  perpetuated  by  parties  who  ought  to  have  been 
correct)  that  the  Association  for  building  the  Pilgrim  Monument  at 
Plymouth  should  issue  a  pamphlet  giving  a  picture  of  the  "  Landing 
of  the  Pilgrims,  December  21,  1620,"  in  which  women  are  pictured, 
and  in  which  the  shallop  is  shown  with  a  large  fore-and-aft  mainsail, 
while  on  the  same  page  is  another  picture  entitled,  "  The  Shallop  of 
the  May-Flower,"  having  a  large  yard  and  square-sail,  and  a 
"  cuddy  "  (which  last  the  May-Flower's  shallop  we  know  did  not 
have).    The  printed  description  of  the  picture,  however,  says :  "  The 


r 


DVU    X    B  U  R   Y 


r. 


D    U    X    B    U    R  Y 
B    A    Y 


A 


/> 


/■ 


K  ftN  C/'S  TON 


jooo  looa  looo/f.         0 


PLYMOUTH    HARBOUR    OF    rO-DA^' 


l^he  yournal 


279 


Roc}i\.  It  was  planned  that  all  who  could 
should  go  ashore  in  the  morning  to  build 
houses. 

At  anchor,  Plymouth  harbor.  Wet  and 
stormy,  so  the  Planters  could  not  go  ashore 
as  planned,  having  blown  hard  and  rained 
extremely  all  night.  Very  uncomfortable 
for  the  party  on  shore.  So  tempestuous 
that  the  shallop  could  not  go  to  land  as 
soon  as  was  meet,  for  they  had  no  victuals 
on  land.  About  eleven  o'clock  the  shal- 
lop went  off  with  much  ado  with  provision, 
but  could  not  return,  it  blew  so  strong. 
Such  foul  weather  forced  to  ride  with  three 
anchors  ahead. ^  This  day  Richard  Brit- 
teridge,  one  of  the  colonists,  died  aboard 
the  ship,  the  first  to  die  in  this  harbor.^ 

H 
At  anchor,  Plymouth  harbor.    The  storm 

continues,^  so  that  no  one  could  go  ashore. 


cut  is  copied  from  a  picture  by  Van  der  Veldt,  a  Dutch  painter  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  representing  a  shallop,"  etc.  It  is  matter  of  re- 
gret to  find  that  a  book  like  Colonel  T.  W.  Higginson's  Book  of  Ameri- 
can Explorers,  intended  for  a  text-book,  and  bearing  the  imprint  of 
a  house  like  Longmans,  Green  &  Co.  should  actually  print  a  "  cut " 
showing  Mary  Chilton  landing  from  a  boat  full  of  men  (in  which  she 
is  the  only  woman)  upon  a  rock,  presumably  Plymouth  Rock. 

1.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  66. 

2.  Britteridge  was  the  first  of  the  adults  of  the  Leyden  contingent 
of  the  colonists  to  die,  and  the  first  to  be  buried  on  the  hill  near  the 
landing-place  (now  known  as  Cole's  Hill),  where  the  many  early 
dead  of  the  colony  were  laid. 

3.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  66. 


Dec.  21/31 


Dec.  Ill  Jan.  I 
1620/1 


28o 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Dec.  ^■^|Jan.  2 


Dec.  2^1  Jan.  3 


jttontiat 

Dec.  2^1  Jan.  4 


or  those  on  land  come  aboard.  This  morn- 
ing goodwife  Allerton  was  delivered  of  a 
son,  but  dead-born.^  The  third  child  born 
on  board  the  ship  since  leaving  England, 
—  the  first  in  this  harbor. 

If 
At   anchor   in    Plymouth    harbor.      Sent 

body  of  Britteridge   ashore   for  burial,  the 

storm  having  prevented  going  before,  and 

also  a  large  party  of  colonists  to  fell  timber,^ 

etc.      Left  a  large  number  on  shore  at  the 

rendezvous.      Fetched  wood  and  water. 

II 
At  anchor,   Plymouth    harbor.       Second 

Sunday  here.  This  day  died  Solomon 
Prower,^  one  of  the  family  of  Master  Mar- 
tin, the  treasurer  of  the  colonists,  being 
the  sixth  death  this  month,  and  the  second 
in  this  harbor.  A  burying-party  went 
ashore  with  Prower's  body,  after  services 
aboard. 

H 
At  anchor  in  Plymouth  harbor.  Christ- 
mas Day,  but  not  observed  by  these  colo- 
nists, they  being  opposed  to  all  saints' 
days,  etc.  The  men  on  shore  Sunday 
reported   that  they  "  heard   a   cry  of  some 


1.  Mourt's  Relation.,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  66;  Prince,  Annals.,  vol.  i. 

2.  Ibid. 

3.  Ibid.;   Prince,  Annals  {irom  Bradford's  Ptffi^/ 5(7»/^),  vol.  i.  p.  80. 


The  yournal 


281 


savages,"  as  they  thought,  that  day.^  A 
large  party  went  ashore  this  morning  to 
fell  timber  and  begin  building.^  They 
began  to  erect  the  first  house  about  twenty 
feet  square  for  their  common  use,  to  re- 
ceive them  and  their  goods.^  Another 
alarm  as  of  Indians  this  day.  All  but 
twenty  of  the  Planters  came  aboard  at 
night,  leaving  the  rest  to  keep  court  of 
guard.*  The  colonists  began  to  drink 
water,  but  at  night  the  Master  caused  them 
to  have  some  beer.^ 

At  anchor   in  Plymouth  harbor.      A  vio- 


1.  Mourfs  Relation^  Dexter's  ed.  pp.  66,  67. 

2.  If  we  were  to  accept  the  conclusion  of  Mr.  S.  H.  Gay  in  his 
article,  "When  did  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  land  at  Plymouth"  (^Atlantic 
Monthly,  November,  1881),  that  Bradford's  word  '■'■we"  (when  he 
says  '■'■we  went  on  shore,"  Monday,  December  25,  1620)  "means 
the  whole  company  ;  all  on  that  day  landed  upon  the  Rock,"  —  we 
should  make  a  grand  and  stupid  blunder.  There  is  no  warrant  what- 
ever for  supposing  that  any  women  went  ashore  on  that  day ;  in  fact, 
such  a  supposition  is  strongly  contra-indicated.  It  was  a  party  of 
hardworking  men,  for  rough  and  heavy  work,  who  went  "  aland  " 
that  morning.  Mr.  Gay  assumes  altogether  too  much,  and  his 
arguments  are  both  illogical  and  unsupported.  Many  of  the  planters 
were  that  day  sick  on  board  the  May-Flower,  their  wives  and 
daughters  were  attending  them,  and  several  weeks  passed  before  the 
last  of  the  passengers  left  the  ship,  which  some  never  did  alive. 
Moreover,  after  the  burning  of  the  roof  of  the  common-house,  some 
who  had  gone  ashore  to  remain  were  forced  to  return  temporarily  to 
the  ship  for  shelter.      (See  p.  287,  post.') 

3.  Mauri's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  72  ;  Bradford,  op.  cit.  Mass. 
ed.  p.  107. 

4.  Mauri's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  67. 

5.  Ibid. 


Dec.  zbljan.  5 


282 


The  May-Flower  f^  Her  Log 


Dec.  2"] I  Jan.  6 


Ci^utjStiat 

Dec.  28/  Jan.  7 


lent  Storm  of  wind  and  rain.  The  weather 
so  foul  this  morning  that  none  could  go 
ashore.^ 

H 
At    anchor    in    harbor.      Sent    working- 
party   ashore.      All    but    the    guard   came 
aboard  at  night. 

If 
At    anchor.      All    able  went    ashore    this 

morning  to  work  on  a  platform  for  ord- 
nance on  the  hill  back  of  the  settlement, 
commanding  the  harbor.^  The  Planters 
this  day  laid  out  their  town-site  and  allotted 
ground  to  the  several  families.^  Many  of 
the  colonists  ill  from  exposure.  All  but 
the  guard  came  off  to  the  ship  at  night. 

At  anchor  in  harbor.  No  working-party 
went  aland.  The  Planters  fitting  tools,  etc., 
for  their  work.     The  weather  wet  and  cold.* 

H 
At  anchor   in  harbor.      Very  stormy  and 

cold.     No  working-party  sent  aland.     The 

Planters   fitting   tools,  etc.      Great   smokes 

of  fires  visible  from   the   ship,  six  or   seven 

miles  away,  probably  made  by  Indians.^ 


fritiar 

Dec.  2()IJan.  8 


Dec.  -^oljan.  9 


1.  Mourt's  Relation.,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  67. 

2.  Ibid. 

3.  Ibid.  p.  68. 

4.  Ibid. 

5.  Ibid.  p.  69,  note. 


The  yournal 


At  anchor  in  harbor.  The  third  Sunday 
in  this  harbor.  Sailors  given  leave  to  go 
ashore.      Many  colonists  ill. 

H 
At    anchor    in    Plymouth   harbor.      This 

day    Degory   Priest,  one    of  the    colonists, 

died  aboard  the  ship.^     A  large  party  went 

ashore    early    to    work.      Much    time    lost 

between   ship   and   shore,  the  ship  drawing 

so  much  water  as  obliged  to  anchor  a  mile 

and  a  half  off.^      The  working-party  came 

aboard   at   nightfall.      Fetched   wood    and 

water. 

K 
At    anchor    in    harbor.      Sent     burying- 

party  ashore  with  Priest's  body.      Weather 

good.      Working-party  aland  and  returned 

to  ship  at  night. 

At  anchor  in  harbor.  Working-party 
aland,  returned  at  night.  They  report 
seeing  great  fires  of  the  Indians.^  Smoke 
seen  from  the  ship.  Have  seen  no  savages 
since  arrival. 

H 
At   anchor   in    Plymouth   harbor.      Cap- 
tain Standish,  with  four  or  five  men,  went 


1.  Bradford's  Pocket  Book;   Prince,  Annals.,  vol.  ii.  p.  96. 

2.  Mauri's  Relation^  Dexter's  ed.  p.  69. 

3.  Ibid.  p.  70. 


283 


Dec.  ^ijjan.  10 


0^onDat 

Jan.  1 1  i  I 


CuciSDat 

Jan.  2/12 


>«-3/i3 


Cl^urjSDar 

7<7«.4/i4 


284 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


ftfDar 

Jan.  si  IS 


^aturnar 

Jan.  b/16 


^untiat 

Jan.  y/ 17 


PLortaav 

Jan.S/iS 


to  look  for  savages,  and  though  they  found 
some  of  their  old  houses  ["  wigwams "], 
could  not  meet  with  any  of  them.^ 

If 
At  anchor  in  Plymouth  harbor.  Work- 
ing-party went  aland  early.  One  of  the 
sailors  found  a  live  herring  upon  the  shore, 
which  the  Master  had  to  his  supper.  As 
yet  have  caught  but  one  cod.^ 

At  anchor  in  harbor.  In  judgment  of 
Masters  Brewster,  Bradford,  and  others. 
Master  Martin,  the  colonists'  treasurer, 
was  so  hopelessly  ill  that  Governor  Carver, 
who  had  taken  up  his  quarters  on  land, 
was  sent  for  to  come  aboard  to  speak  with 
him  about  his  accounts.^  Fetched  wood 
and  water. 

H 
At    anchor    in    harbor.      Fourth   Sunday 

here.      Governor    Carver   came   aboard   to 

talk  with  Master   Martin,  who  was  sinking 

fast.* 

H 
At  anchor  in  Plymouth  harbor.      A  very 

fair  day.      The   working-party  went  aland 


1.  Afourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  70. 

2.  Bid. 

3.  loid.  note;  Young,  Chronicles,  p.  171. 

4.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  70. 


The  yournal 


285 


early.  The  Master  sent  the  shallop  for 
fish.  They  had  a  great  tempest  at  sea  and 
were  in  some  danger.^  They  returned  to 
the  ship  at  night,  with  three  great  seals 
they  had  shot,  and  an  excellent  great  cod. 
Master  Martin  died  this  day.^  He  had 
been  a  "governour"  of  the  passengers  on 
the  ship,  and  an  "assistant,"  and  was  an 
Adventurer.  One  of  the  Master-mates  took 
a  musket,  and  went  with  young  Francis 
Billington  to  find  the  great  inland  sea  the 
latter  had  seen  from  the  top  of  a  tree,  and 
found  a  great  water,  in  two  great  lakes 
[Billington  Sea],  also  Indian  houses. 

H 
At    anchor   in   harbor.      Fair  day.      Sent 

burying-party  ashore  after  services  aboard, 
with  the  body  of  Master  Martin,  and  he 
was  buried  with  some  ceremony  on  the  hill 
near  the  landing-place.  The  settlers  drew 
lots  for  their  meersteads  and  garden-plots. 
The  common-house  nearly  finished,  want- 
ing only  covering.^ 


7««.9/i9 


1.  iT/aar/'j  ^i-to/aw,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  71.  The  expression,"  the  Mas- 
ter sent  the  shallop  for  fish,"  doubtless  meant  that,  with  the  probable 
exception  of  English,  her  Master,  and  the  Pilgrims'  sailors,  he  furnished 
the  men.  It  is  possible,  of  course,  that  the  Pilgrims'  sailors  were  busy 
in  transferring  cargo  to  shore,  and  the  Master  of  the  ship  furnished 
them  all,  except  English,  who  was  hired  to  sail  her  and  no  doubt  did. 

2.  Bradford's  Pocket  Book;  Prince,  Annals,  vol.  ii.  p.  76  ;  Mourt's 
Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  70,  note. 

3.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  72. 


286 


The  May- Flower  f^  Her  Log 


'Jan.  10/20 


Jan.  1 1/2 1 


friDat 

y^;;.  12/22 


^atuttiat 

Jan.  13/23 


At  anchor  in  harbor.  Party  went  aland 
from  ship.      Frosty. 

At  anchor  in  harbor.  A  fair  day.  Party 
ashore  from  ship  and  coming  off  at  night, 
reported  Master  William  Bradford  very  ill.^ 
Many  ill  aboard. 

At  anchor  in  harbor.  Began  to  rain  at 
noon  and  stopped  all  work.^  Those  coming 
aboard  ship  at  night  reported  John  Good- 
man and  Peter  Browne,  two  of  the  colonists, 
missing,^  and  fears  entertained  that  they 
may  have  been  taken  by  Indians.^  Froze 
and  snowed  at  night.  The  first  snow  for 
a  month.^      An  extremely  cold  night. 

H 
At  anchor  in  harbor.     The  Governor  sent 

out  an  armed  party  of  ten  or  twelve  to  look 
for  the  missing  men,  but  they  returned  with- 
out seeing  or  hearing  anything  at  all  of 
them.^  Those  on  shipboard  much  grieved, 
as  deeming  them  lost.  Fetched  wood  and 
water. 


1.  Bradford's  own  account  in  Mourt's  Relation.,  Dexter's  ed.  pp. 

72,  73- 

2.  Mourt's  Relation.,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  73. 

3.  Ibid.  pp.  73,  74. 

4.  Ibid.  p.  74. 

5.  Ibid.  p.  75. 

6.  Ibid.  p.  74. 


The  yournal 


287 


At  anchor  in  harbor.  About  six  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  the  wind  being  very  great, 
the  watch  on  deck  spied  the  great  new 
rendezvous  on  shore  on  fire  and  feared  it 
fired  by  Indians,  but  the  tide  being  out, 
men  could  not  get  ashore  for  three  quarters 
of  an  hour,  when  they  went  armed. ^  At 
the  landing  they  heard  that  the  lost  men 
were  returned,  some  frost-bitten,  and  that 
the  thatch  of  the  common-house  only  was 
burnt  by  a  spark,  but  no  other  harm  done 
the  roof.  The  most  loss  was  Governor 
Carver's  and  Master  Bradford's,  both  of 
whom  lay  sick  in  bed,  and  narrowly  missed 
being  blown  up  with  powder.^  The  meet- 
ing was  to  have  been  kept  ashore  to-day, 
the  greater  number  of  the  people  now  being 
there,  but  the  fire,  etc.,  prevented.^  Some 
of  those  sick  in  the  common-house  were 
fain  to  return  aboard  for  shelter.^  Fifth 
Sunday  in  this  harbor. 

H 
At  anchor  in  Plymouth  harbor.     Rained 

much  all  day.      They  on   shipboard   could 

not   go  ashore   nor   they  on   shore   do   any 

labor,  but  were  all  wet.^ 


Jan.  \\j^i, 


Jan.  15/25 


1.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  76. 

2.  3td.  p.  77. 

3.  Ibid.  p.  76,  and  note. 

4.  Bradford,  Historie,  Mass.  ed.  p.  120. 

5.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  77. 


288 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Jan.  ibfzb 


l^eDnejsDat 

Jan.  \-]lzi 


7««.  18/28 


fttDat 

Jan.  19/29 


^atutliat 

Jan.  20/30 

^unUat 

7fl«.  21/31 


At  anchorage.  A  fine,  sunshining  day 
like  April.  Party  went  aland  betimes. 
Many  ill  both  on  ship  and  on  shore. 

H 
At  anchorage.      Another  fine,  sunshining 

day.       Working-party    went    aland    early. 

Set  on  shore  some  of  the  Planters'  goods.^ 

H 
At  anchorage.     Another  fine,  bright  day. 

Some  of  the  common  goods  [i.  e.  belonging 

to  all]  set  on  shore. 

IF 
At   anchorage.      A   shed    was    begun    on 

shore   to   receive   the  goods  from  the   ship. 

Rained  at  noon  but  cleared  toward  night.^ 

H 
At  anchorage.    Shed  made  ready  for  goods 
from  ship.      Fetched  wood  and  water. 

H 
At   anchor  in    Plymouth   harbor.      Sixth 

Sunday   in   this   harbor.      Many    ill.      The 

Planters  kept  their  meeting  on  land  to-day 

for  the  first  time,^  in  the  common-house. 


1.  Mourt's  Relation.,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  77.  Bradford  states  {pp.  cit. 
Mass.  ed.  p.  no)  that  they  were  hindered  in  getting  goods  ashore 
by  "want  of  boats,"  as  well  as  sickness.  Mention  is  made  only  of 
the  "  long-boat  "  and  shallop.  It  is  possible  there  were  no  others, 
except  the  Master's  skiff. 

2.  Cleared  toward  evening  (though  wet  at  noon),  and  John  Good- 
man went  out  to  try  his  frozen  feet,  as  is  recorded,  and  had  his 
encounter  with  wolves. 

3.  Mourt's  Relation.,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  78,  note.      Undoubtedly  Elder 


The  yournal 


289 


At  anchorage.      Fair  day.      Hogsheads  of 
meal  sent  on   shore   from   ship  and  put   in 


storeh 


ouse.' 


IT 


At  anchorage.  The  general  sickness  in- 
creases, both  on  shipboard  and  on  land.^ 

At  anchor  in  harbor.  Fair  weather. 
Party  on  shore  from  ship  and  returned  at 
night. 

H 
At  anchorage.     Weather  good.     Party  set 

ashore  and  came  aboard  at  night. 

H 
At    anchorage.     Weather    good.      Party 

set  ashore.      The  sickness  increases.^ 

At  anchorage.  Weather  fair.  Good 
working  weather  all  the  week,  but  many 
sick.      Fetched  wood  and  water. 

H 
At  anchorage,  Plymouth  harbor.    Seventh 

Sunday  in   this   harbor.      Meeting  kept  on 


Jan.  ^ijFeb.  I 


Jan.  2-^1  Fib.  2 


?^ctincj2iDa^ 

Jan.  l^jFeb.  3 


Jan.  2^1  Feb.  4 

iftiDa^ 

Jan.  zbJFeb.  5 


^atut:Dat 

Jan.  l-]l Feb.  6 


^imDat 

Jan.  2S/Feb.  7 


Brewster  held   his  general  service  for  all,  in  "  the  common-house  " 
on  this  day, /or  the  first  time. 

1.  Mourfs  Relation.,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  78. 

2.  The  mortality  of  the  month  of  January  (as  given  by  Bradford's 
Pocket  Book),  viz.  "  eight,"  shows  that  the  sickness  had  considerably 
increased. 

3.  There  was  at  this  time  a  considerable  increase  in  the  general 
sickness,  as  shown  conclusively  in  the  death  rate  of  the  next  month 
(February),  which  was  more  than  double  that  of  January. 


290 


'The  May-Flower  @^  Her  Log 


Jan.  2()lFeb.  8 


CuejiDat 

Jan.  30/iv^.  9 


Jan.  lijFeb.  10 


shore.  Those  of  Planters  on  board  who 
were  able,  and  some  of  the  ship's  company, 
went  ashore,  and  came  off  after  service. 

H 
At  anchor,  Plymouth  harbor.      Morning 

cold,  with  frost  and  sleet,  but  after  reason- 
ably fair.^  Both  long-boat  and  shallop 
carrying  Planters'  goods  on  shore.^  Those 
returning  reported  that  Mistress  Rose  Stand- 
ish,  wife  of  Captain  Standish,  died  to-day.^ 

H 
At  anchorage.      Cold,  frosty  weather,  so 

no  working-party  went  on  shore  from  ship. 
The  Master  and  others  of  the  ship's  com- 
pany saw  two  savages  that  had  been  on 
the  island  near  the  ship  [Clarke's  Island]. 
They  were  gone  so  far  back  again  before 
they  were  discovered  that  could  not  speak 
with  them.  The  first  natives  actually  seen 
since  the  encounter  on  the  Cape.* 

H 
At    anchor    in    harbor.      Still    cold    and 

frosty,  with  sleet.     No  party  went  on  shore. 

Eight  of  the  colonists  have  died  this  month 

on  the  ship  and  on  shore.^ 


1.  Mourt's  Relation^  Dexter's  ed.  p.  78. 

2.  Ibid. 

3.  Ibid.  p.  78,  note  ;   Bradford's   Pociet  Book ;   Prince,  Annals.,  vol. 
ii.  p.  97. 

4.  Mourt's  Relation^  Dexter's  ed.  p.  78. 

5.  Bradford's  Pocket  Book;  Prince,  Annals. 


The  yournal 


291 


At  anchor  in  harbor.  Weather  better, 
and  some  of  those  on  board  the  ship  went 
on  shore  to  work,  but  many  ill. 

If 
At  anchorage.      The  same. 

U 
At     anchorage.       Weather     threatening. 

Fetched  wood  and  water. 

H 
At  anchor,  Plymouth  harbor.    The  eighth 

Sunday  in  this  harbor,  and  now  inexpedient 

to  think  of  getting  away,  till  both  Planters 

and  crew  in  better  condition  as  to  health.^ 

A  very  rainy  day  with  the  heaviest  gusts  of 

wind  yet  experienced.      The   ship  in  some 


I.  Bradford, ///V^ar/V,  p.  92  ;  Young,  Chronicles,  p.  198.  Bradford 
says  (op.  cit.  Mass.  ed.  pp.  120,  121):  "The  reason  on  their  parts 
why  she  stayed  so  long  was  ye  necessitie  and  danger  that  lay  upon 
them,  for  it  was  well  toward  ye  ende  of  December  before  she  could 
land  anything  here,  or  they  able  to  receive  anything  ashore.  After- 
wards, ye  14  of  January  the  house  which  they  had  made  for  a  gen- 
eral randevoze  by  casulty  fell  afire,  and  some  were  faine  to  retire 
aboard  for  shelter.  Then  the  sickness  begane  to  fall  sore  amongst 
them,  and  ye  weather  so  bad  as  they  could  not  make  much  sooner 
dispatch.  Againe,  the  Governor  &  chiefe  of  them  seeing  so  many 
dye,  and  fall  down  sick  dayly,  thought  it  no  wisdom  to  send  away 
the  ship,  their  condition  considered,  and  the  danger  they  stood  in 
from  ye  Indians,  till  they  could  procure  some  shelter ;  and  therefore 
thought  it  better  to  draw  some  more  charge  upon  themselves  &  friends 
["demurrage  ?  "]  than  hazard  all.  The  Mr.  and  sea-men  likewise, 
though  before  they  hasted  ye  passengers  a  shore  to  be  goone  [gone], 
now  many  of  their  men  being  dead,  and  of  ye  ablest  of  them  [as  is 
before  noted],  and  of  ye  rest  many  lay  sick  &  weake,  ye  Mr.  durst 
not  put  to  sea  till  he  saw  his  men  begine  to  recover,  and  ye  hart  of 
winter  over." 


Feb.  ll II 


ifriDa^ 

Feb.  2/12 

^aturDa^ 

Feb.  2/13 


^imtiat 

Feb.\jl\ 


292 

The  May-Flower  ^  //^r  ^,^^ 

danger  of  oversetting,  being  light  and   un- 

ballasted.^ 

H 

iSlpontiav 

Feb.  Sj  IS 

At  anchor  in  harbor.      Clearing  weather. 

Cue^Dat 

Feb.  b lib 

At  anchor  in  harbor.      Cold  and  clear. 

l^ctincjSDaT 

Feb.-jll-J 

At  anchor  in  harbor.      Much  colder. 

Feb.%ll% 

At  anchorage.       Hard,  cold  weather.^ 

frtDa^ 

Feb.  9/19 

At  anchorage.      Cold  weather  continues. 
Little  work  possible.      The  little  house  for 

the  sick  people  on  shore  took  fire  this  after- 

noon, by  a  spark  that  kindled  in  the   roof. 

No  great  harm  done.^      The  Master  going 
ashore,  killed   five  geese,  which  he  distrib- 

uted   among    the    sick    people.      He   also 

found  a  good  deer  the  savages  had   killed, 

having  also  cut  off  his  horns.      A  wolf  was 

eating  him.    Cannot  conceive  how  he  came 

^aturDar 

Feb.  10/20 

there.'' 

At  anchor  in  harbor.      Getting  goods  on 
shore,  but  sickness  makes  both  Planters  and 

crew    shorthanded.        Fetched    wood     and 

water. 

1.  Mourfs  Relation.,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  79, 

2.  Ibid. 

3.  Ibid. 

4.  Ibid. 

'The  yournal 


At  anchor   in  Plymouth   harbor.      Ninth 
Sunday  in  this  harbor. 

At  anchorage.      Getting  goods  on  shore. 

II 
At  anchorage.      Rainy. 

H 
At  anchorage.     More  sickness  on  ship  and 

on  shore  than  at  any  time,  and  more  deaths.^ 

Rainy,  clearing. 

H 
At     anchorage.        Northerly    wind     and 
frost.2 

U 
At  anchorage.    Northerly  wind  continues, 

which  continues  the  frost.^    Those  from  on 

shore   reported    that  one   of   the   Planters, 

being  out  fowling  and  hidden  in  the  reeds, 

about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  settlement, 

saw   twelve    Indians   marching   toward    the 

plantation    and    heard    many    more.      He 

hurried  home  with    all  speed  and  gave  the 

alarm,  so   all  the  people    in    the  woods  at 

work   returned  and  armed  themselves,  but 

saw  nothing  of  the  Indians.    Captain  Stand- 

ish's  and  Francis  Cooke's   tools  also  stolen 

by  Indians  in  woods.      A  great  fire  toward 


1.  The  sickness  and  mortality  had  rapidly  increased  and  was  now 
at  its  height. 

2.  Mourfi  Relation,  Dextcr's  ed.  p.  79. 

3.  Ibid.  p.  80. 


293 


ftt>.  Ill  21 


jttonDat 

Feb.  12/22 

CucjSDat 

Feb.  13/23 

32?cDnc0Dat 

Feb.  l\lx\ 


CIjutjiDat 

Feb.  15/25 


iJftiDat 

Feb.  16/26 


294 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Feb.  17/27 


Feb.  18/28 


iEonDa^ 

Feb.  lC)IMar. 


night  seen  from  the  ship,  about  where  the 
Indians  were  discovered. 

H 
At  anchorage.      All  the   colonists  on  the 

ship  able  to  go  on  shore  went  this  morning 
to  attend  the  meeting  for  the  establishment 
of  military  orders  among  them.^  They  chose 
Captain  Standish  their  captain,  and  gave  him 
authority  of  command  in  affairs.^  Two  sav- 
ages appeared  on  the  hill,  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
from  the  plantation,  while  the  Planters  were 
consulting,  and  made  signs  for  Planters  to 
come  tothem„  All  armed  and  stood  ready, 
and  sent  two  towards  them,  Captain  Standish 
and  Master  Hopkins,  but  the  natives  would 
not  tarry .^  It  was  determined  to  plant  the 
great  ordnance  in  convenient  places^  at 
once.      Fetched  wood  and  water. 

H 
At    anchor   in    Plymouth    harbor.      The 

tenth  Sunday  in   this  harbor.      Many  sick, 

both  on  board  the  ship  and  on  shore. 

H 
At  anchorage.      Got  one  of  the  great  guns 

on    shore    with    the  help    of  some    of   the 

Planters.^ 


1.  Mourfs  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p. 

2.  Ibid. 

3.  Ibid.  p.  81. 

4.  Ibid. 

5.  Ibid. 


p.  80. 


The  yournal 


295 


At    anchorage.      Getting   cannon   ashore 
and  mounted.^ 

H 
At  anchorage.  The  Master,  with  many 
of  the  sailors,  went  on  shore,  taking  one  of 
the  great  pieces  called  a  minion,  and  with 
the  Planters  drew  it  up  the  hill,^  with 
another  piece  that  lay  on  the  shore,  and 
mounted  them  and  a  sailer  and  two  bases 
—  five  guns  —  on  the  platform  made  for 
them.^  A  hard  day's  work.  The  Master 
took  on  shore  with  him  a  very  fat  goose 
he  had  shot,  to  which  the  Planters  added  a 
fat  crane,  a  mallard,  and  a  dried  neat's- 
tongue  [ox  tongue],  and  Planters  and  crew 
feasted  together.  When  the  Master  went 
on  shore,  he  sent  off  the  Governor  to  take 
the  directions  of  Master  Mullens  as  to  his 
property,  as   he  was  lying   near   to   death,^ 


1.  Mourt's  Relation^  Dexter's  ed.  p.  80. 

2.  Ibid.  Griffis  is  clearly  in  error  in  stating  {The  Pilgrims  in 
their  Three  Homes^  p.  201)  that  "  in  the  fort  the  Pilgrim  battery  con- 
sisted of  four  cannon."  Bradford  shows  clearly  that  they  mounted 
(by  mention)  five  guns  on  February  21,  and  De  Rasieres  says 
{New  York  Historical  Collection,  vol.  ii.  new  series) :  "  Upon  the  top  of 
which  the  fort,  they  have  six  (6)  cannons."  It  is  true  that  the  latter 
wrote  in  1627,  but  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  guns 
were  all  mounted  at  the  same  time  (in  162 1 ),  except,  probably, 
the  (4)  "  patereros "  in  front  of  the  Governor's  house,  command- 
ing the  sally-ports  of  the  stockade  and  the  streets  on  which  they 
opened. 

3.  Mourt's  Relation,  p.  82. 

4.  Governor  Carver  was  then  living  on  shore. 


Feb.  lOjMar.  2 


l^cDncjstiat 

Feb.  2 1  /Alar.  3 


296 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Feb.  22 1  Mar.  i\. 


—  as  also  Master  White.  Master  Mullens 
dictated  his  will  to  the  Governor,^  which ; 
he  noted  down,  and  Giles  Heale,  the  chirur- 
geon,  and  Christopher  Joanes,  of  the  crew, 
witnessed,  they  being  left  aboard  to  care 
for  the  sick,  keep  the  ship,  etc.^  Master 
Mullens  and  Master  White  both  died  this 
day.^  Two  others  also  died."*  Got  the 
men  aboard  about  nightfall.^ 

H 
At  anchorage.      Large   burial-party  went 

ashore  with  bodies  of  Masters  Mullens  and 
White,  and  joined  with  those  on  shore  made 
the  chief  burial  thus  far  had.  The  service 
on  shore,  the  most  of  the  people  being  there, 
Master  Mullens  being  one  of  the  chief  sub- 
scribing Adventurers,^  as  well  as  one  of  the 


1.  Waters,  Genealogical  Gleanings  in  England^  Part  III.;  Mourt's 
Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  82,  note. 

2.  The  Master  and  most  of  the  ship's  company,  who  were  able, 
were  on  shore  this  day  mounting  the  guns,  but  of  course  a  few  had 
to  be  left  to  take  care  of  the  ship,  and  some  who  were  ill. 

3.  Bradford's  Pocket  Book;  Prince,  Jnnals,  vol.  ii.  p.  98;  Mourt's 
Relation.,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  82,  note. 

4.  Ibid. 

5.  As  they  had  a  long  and  very  hard  day's  work  and  a  big  feast 
with  the  planters  that  day,  and  had  a  mile  and  a  half  to  go  to  get 
aboard  ship,  it  is  easy  to  understand  that  it  must  have  been,  in  the 
short  Februar)'  day,  well  after  dark  before  the  Captain  got  his  tired, 
but  well-satisfied,  crew  aboard. 

6.  See  list  of  Adventurers,  pp.  59,  64,  ante.,  and  Appendix  VIII. 
Mullens's  subscription  is  understood  to  have  been  some  ^^500,  though 
this,  in  part,  rests  on  collateral  evidence,  and  he  had  nine  planters' 
shares,  four  conditionally. 


The  yournal 


297 


chief  men  ot  the  Planters,  as  was  Master 
White.      Their  deaths  much  deplored. 

H 
At  anchorage.    Party  from  the  ship  went 

on  shore  to  help  finish  work  on  the  ord- 
nance. 

H 
At    anchorage.      Same.      Fetched    wood 

and  water. 

IT 
At  anchorage  in  Plymouth  harbor.  Elev- 
enth Sunday  in  this  harbor.  Mistress  Mary 
Allerton,  wife  of  Master  Isaac  Allerton,  one 
of  the  chief  men  of  the  colonists,  died^  on 
board  this  day,  not  having  mended  well 
since  the  birth  of  her  child,  dead-born 
about  two  months  agone.^ 

At  anchor  in  harbor.  Burying-party  went 
ashore  to  bury  Mistress  Allerton,  services 
being  held  there. 

H 
At  anchorage.      The   sickness  and  deaths 

of  the  colonists  on  shore  have  steadily  in- 
creased, and  have  extended  to  the  ship, 
which  has  lost  several  of  its  petty  officers, 
including  the  master  gunner,  three  quarter- 


1.  Bradford's  Pocket  Book;   Prince,  Annals^  vol.  ii.  p.  98  ;  Young, 
Chronicles^  p.  181  ;   Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  82,  note. 

2.  The  child  was  still-born  December  22. 


Feb.  ^ijMar.  5 


^atutDat 

Feb.  24/  Mar.  6 


^unDat 

Feb.  X^jMar.  7 


ittonDat 

Feb.  ibjMar.  8 


CucjSDat 

Feb.  2-]  I  Alar.  9 


298 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Lo 


'g 


Feb.  2% I  Mar.  10 


Mar.  i/ii 


friDa^ 

Mar.  2 1 12 

^atutDat 

Alar.  3/13 


masters,  and  cook,  and  a  third  of  the  crew, 
many  from  scurvy.^ 

At  anchorage.  The  last  day  of  the  month. 
The  fifty-third  day  the  ship  has  lain  in  this 
harbor,  and  from  the  present  rate  of  sick- 
ness and  death  aboard,  no  present  capacity 
or  prospect  of  getting  away,  those  better 
being  yet  weak.  The  Planters  have  lost 
seventeen  this  month,  their  largest  mor- 
tality. 

At  anchorage.  Blustering  but  milder 
weather. 

H 
At  anchorage.       Same. 

At  anchorage.  Wind  south.  Morning 
misty  [foggy].^  Towards  noon  warm  and 
fine  weather.  At  one  o'clock  it  thundered. 
The  first  heard.  It  rained  sadly  from  two 
o'clock  till  midnight.^  Fetched  wood  and 
water. 


1.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  both  planters  and  ship's  crew  suf- 
fered severely  from  scurvy.  The  conditions  ail  favored  it,  the 
sailors  were  familiar  with  it,  and  would  not  be  likely  to  be  mistaken 
in  their  recognition  of  it,  and  Dr.  Fuller,  their  competent  physician, 
would  not  be  likely  to  err  in  his  diagnosis  of  it.  Tuberculosis  was 
its  very  natural  associate. 

2.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  82. 

3.  Ibid. 


T'he  yournal 


299 


At  anchor  in  Plymouth  harbor.  The 
twelfth  Sunday  in  this  harbor.  Cooler. 
Clear  weather. 


At  anchorage. 
At  anchorage. 


Rough  weather. 

If 
Same. 

H 
At    anchor    in    harbor.      Wind   full  east, 

cold  but  fair.    The  Governor  went  this  day 

with   a   party  of  five,  to  the   great  ponds, ^ 

discovered  by  one  of  the  ship's  mates   and 

Francis  Billington.      Some  planting  done  in 

the  settlement. 

H 
At    anchor    in   harbor.      Rough    easterly 

weather. 

At  anchorage.     Same.    Many  sick  aboard. 

H 
At  anchorage.    Same.    Fetched  wood  and 

water. 

H 
At   anchorage,    Plymouth    harbor.      The 

thirteenth  Sunday  the  ship  has  lain  in  this 

harbor.      Many  of  crew  yet   ill,   including 

boatswain.^ 


^unDav 

Mar.  4/14 


^onDat 

Mar.  5/15 

CucjSDat 

Mar.  6/  1 6 

l^cDncjSDat 

Mar.  7/17 


1.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  71.  "  Billington-Sea  "  was 
one  of  these,  of  which  one  of  the  Masters-mates  was  a  joint  dis- 
coverer. 

2.  Bradford,  Historic,  Mass.  ed.  pp.  1 1 2,  113. 


Ci^urjSDat 

A/ar.8/l8 


{friDar 

Mar.  c)/ig 

^aturua^ 

Mar.  10/20 


^unDat 

Mar.  1 1/2 1 


300 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Mar.  12/22 

CueiSDat 

Mar.  13/23 


l^eDitejSDa^ 

i^^jr.  14/24 

Ci^urjstiaY 

yJ/ar.  15/25 
1621 

iJfriDat 

Mar.  16/26 


At  anchorage. 
At  anchorage. 


At  anchorage.      Easterly  weather. 

H 
At   anchorage.      The  sickness   and  mor- 
tality on  ship  and  on  shore  continue. 

H 
Same. 

U 
Same. 

II 
At  anchorage.    A  fair,  warm  day,  towards 

noon.  The  Master  and  others  went  ashore 
to  the  general  meeting.^  The  plantation 
was  startled  this  morning  by  a  visit  from 
an  Indian  who  spoke  some  English  and  bade 
"  Welcomed  He  is  from  Monhiggon,  an 
island  to  the  eastward  some  days'  sail,  near 
where  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  had  a  settle- 
ment. He  was  friendly,  and  having  had 
much  intercourse  with  Englishmen  who 
came  to  fish  in  those  parts,  very  comfort- 
able with  them.  He  saw  the  ship  in  the 
harbor  from  a  distance  and  supposed  her  to 
be  a  fishing  vessel.^  He  told  the  Governor 
that  the  plantation  was  formerly  called 
Patuxet"   [or  Apaum],   and  that    all    its 


i,i, 


1.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  83.  The  Master,  of  course, 
went  as  a  spectator  only. 

2.  Young  (Chronicles,  p.  182)  says:  "Seeing  the  May-Flower  in 
the  harbour  he  no  doubt  took  her  for  a  fishing  vessel.  This  explains 
his  boldness  in  coming  directly  to  them." 


The  yoiirnal 


301 


inhabitants  had  been  carried  ofF  by  a  plague 
about  four  years  ago.^ 

All  the  afternoon  was  spent  in  communi- 
cation with  him.  The  Governor  purposed 
sending  him  aboard  the  ship  at  night,  and 
he  was  well  content  to  go  and  went  aboard 
the  shallop  to  come  to  the  ship,  but  the 
wind  was  high  and  water  scant  [low],  so  that 
the  shallop  could  not  go  to  the  ship.  The 
Governor  sent  him  to  Master  Hopkins's 
house  and  set  a  watch  over  him.^ 

H 
At  anchor  in  harbor.      The  Master  and 

others  came  off  to  the  ship.^      Samoset  the 

Indian  went   away  back   to  the    Massasoits 

whence  he  came.^      A   reasonably  fair  day. 

Fetched  wood  and  water. 

H 
At    anchor    in    Plymouth   harbor.      The 

fourteenth  Sunday  the  ship  has  lain  at  this 
anchorage.  A  fair  day.  The  sickness 
stayed  a  little.  Many  went  on  shore  to 
the  meeting  in  the  common-house.  Samo- 
set the  savage  came  again,  and  brought  five 
others  with  him.^     They  left  their  bows  and 


1.  Brigham's  Laws  of  the  Colony  of  New  Plymouth,  p.  50. 

2.  Mauri's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  85. 

3.  The  Master  and  others  evidently  could  not  have  gone  aboard 
the  night  before,  as  the  shallop  could  not  get  off  with  Samoset,  as 
intended.     Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  85. 

4.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  85. 

5.  Ibid.      This  Sunday  visit  was  doubtless  very  much  to  the  dislike 


Mar.  17/27 


^uttuat 

Mar.  18/28 


302 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Mar.  19/29 


CuejSDat 

Mar.  20/  30 


arrows  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  town, 
as  instructed.  The  Planters  gave  them 
entertainment,  but  would  not  truck^  with 
them.  They  sang  and  danced  after  their 
manner,  and  made  semblance  of  amity  and 
friendship.  They  drank  tobacco  and  car- 
ried pounded  corn  to  eat.  Their  faces 
were  painted.  They  brought  a  few  skins 
which  they  left  with  the  Planters,  and  re- 
turned the  tools  which  Captain  Standish 
and  Francis  Cooke  left  in  the  woods.  The 
Planters  dismissed  them  with  a  few  trifles 
as  soon  as  they  could,  it  being  Sunday,  and 
they  promised  soon  to  return  and  trade. 
Samoset  would  not  go  with  them,  feigning 
sick,  and  stayed.^  Those  on  shore  from 
the  ship  came  off  to  her  at  night. 

At  anchorage.      A  fair  day.      The  Plant- 
ers digging  and  sowing  seeds.^ 

H 
At    anchorage.      A    fine    day.       Digging 


of  the  good  brethren,  or  at  least  of  the  leaders,  but  policy  dictated 
every  possible  forbearance.  Their  consciences  drew  the  line  at  trade, 
however,  and  they  got  rid  of  their  untimely  visitors  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible without  giving  offense.  Massasoit's  men  seem  to  have  shown, 
by  leaving  their  peltry  with  them,  a  confidence  in  their  new  white 
neighbors  that  is  remarkable  in  view  of  the  brevity  of  their  friendship. 

1.  "Truck  —  to  trade."  All  early  and  modern  lexicographers 
give  the  word,  which,  though  now  obsolete,  was  in  common  use  in 
parts  of  New  England  fifty  years  ago. 

2.  Mauri's  Relation^  Dexter's  ed.  p.  89. 

3.  Ibid. 


The  yournal 


and  planting  of  gardens  on  shore.      Those 
sick  of  the  crew  mending. 

H 
At  anchorage.  A  fine  warm  day.  Be- 
ginning to  put  ship  in  trim  for  return  voy- 
age. Bringing  ballast,  etc.^  Some,  includ- 
ing the  Masters-mates,  went  on  shore,  who 
on  return  reported  that  the  Planters  sent 
the  Indian  Samoset  away.^  A  general 
meeting  of  the  Planters  was  held  at  the 
common-house,  to  conclude  laws  and 
orders,  and  to  confirm  the  military  orders 
formerly  proposed,  and  twice  broken  ofF 
by  the  savages  coming,  as  happened  again. 
After  the  meeting  had  held  an  hour  or  so, 
two  or  three  savages  appeared  on  the  hill 
over  against  the  town,  and  made  semblance 
of  daring  the  Planters.  Captain  Standish 
and  another,  with  their  muskets,  went  over 
to  them,  with  the^  two  Masters-mates  of  the 


lip, 


w 


ho  were   ashore,    also    armed    with 


1.  Lack  of  boats  (Bradford,  Hhtorie^  Mass.  ed.  p.  no)  and  men 
made  it  necessary  to  begin  early  to  get  in  ballast  for  the  return  voy- 
age, and  the  boat's  crew  were  doubtless  instructed,  after  the  goods 
were  ashore,  to  bring  back  a  load  of  ballast  on  their  return,  whenever 
possible.  A  ship  of  the  May-Flower's  size  without  cargo  would 
require  considerable  ballast,  as  well  as  much  "  firing "  [fuel]  and 
water. 

2.  Mourt's  Relation^  Dexter's  ed.  p.  89. 

3.  The  word  "the"  rather  indicates  that,  as  appears,  there  were 
but  two  "  Masters-mates,"  but  whether  these  were  Clarke  and  Cop- 
pin,  or  cadets,  is  not  made  clear,  the  presumption  being  in  favor  of 
the  "pilotts." 


303 


Alar.  21/31 


304 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Mar.  Ill  April  I 


muskets.  The  savages  made  show  of  defi- 
ance, but  as  our  men  drew  near  they  ran 
away.*  This  day  the  carpenter,  who  has 
long  been  ill  of  scurvy,  fitted  the  shallop 
to  carry  all  the  goods  and  furniture  aboard 
the  ship,  on  shore.^ 

II 
At   anchorage.      A  very   fair,  warm   day. 

At  work  on  ship  getting  ready  for  sea,  bring- 
ing ballast  aboard,  etc.  Another  general 
meeting  of  the  Planters  which  all  able 
attended.  They  had  scarce  been  an  hour 
together  when  Samoset  the  Indian  came 
again  with  one  Squanto,  the  only  native  of 
Patuxet  (where  the  Planters  now  inhabit) 
surviving,  who  was  one  of  the  twenty  cap- 
tives carried  away  from  this  place  by  Cap- 
tain Hunt,  to  England.^  He  could  speak 
a  little  English.^     They  brought  three  other 


1.  The  "  Masters-mates  "  seem  to  have  been  again  in  evidence  on 
shore.  If  they  were  indeed  the  "  mates  "  Clarke  and  Coppin,  they 
seem  to  have  had  an  astonishing  amount  of  shore  "  liberty "  to- 
gether (especially  as  the  ship  was  liable  to  a  canoe  attack  from  Indians 
at  any  time),  and  to  have  shown  a  sailor's  activity  on  shore.  As 
Captain  Jones  was  a  good  deal  of  a  sportsman,  and  apparently 
himself  often  ashore,  it  would  seem  that  no  very  efficient  watch 
against  possible  dangers  was  maintained  on  board  the  ship,  although 
a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  settlement. 

2.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  90. 

3.  Bradford,  Historic,  Mass.  ed.  p.  116. 

4.  Bradford  says,  "  Tisquantum  was  their  interpreter  "  (op.  cit.  p. 
116);  but,  as  previously  noted,  Winslow  states  that  after  they  had 
been  there  two  years,  with  Tisquantum  constantly  with  them,  they 
had  acquired  but  little  proficiency  in  the  Indian  tongue.     The  chief 


The  yournal 


Indians  with  them.  They  signified  that 
their  great  Sagamore,  Masasoyt,  was  hard  by, 
with  Qiiadequina  his  brother,  and  all  their 
men.  They  could  not  well  express  what 
they  would  in  English,^  but  after  an  hour 
the  king  came  to  the  top  of  the  hill,  over 
against  the  plantation,  with  his  train  of 
about  sixty  men.  Squanto  went  to  him 
and  brought  a  message  that  one  should  be 
sent  to  parley  with  him,  and  Master  Edward 
Winslow^  went,  to  know  his  mind,  and 
signify  the  wish  of  the  Governor  to  have 
trading  and  peace  with  him,  the  Governor 
sending  presents  to  the  king  and  his  brother, 
with  something  to  eat  and  drink.  The 
king,    leaving    Master    Winslow    with    his 


305 


difficulty  was  doubtless  with  the  Indian  interpreter's  knowledge  of 
English.  In  this  instance  Squanto  was  doubtless  assisted  by  both 
Master  Williamson,  the  "  ship's-merchant,"  and  Samoset. 

1.  Although  Tisquantum  had  lived  a  year  in  London,  and  had  had 
several  years'  constant  intercourse  with  the  English,  Bradford  states 
that  on  this  occasion  "  they  [Tisquantum  and  Samoset]  could  not 
well  express  what  they  would  in  English." 

2.  Edward  Winslow  gives  us  here  another  proof  of  that  rare  self- 
sacrifice,  that  entire  devotion  to  his  work,  and  that  splendid  intre- 
pidity which  so  signally  characterized  his  whole  career.  At  this 
most  critical  moment,  the  fate  of  the  little  colony  trembling  in  the 
balance,  when  there  was  evident  fear  of  treachery  and  surprise  on 
the  part  of  both  the  English  and  the  savages ;  though  the  wife  of  his 
youth  lay  at  the  point  of  death  (which  came  but  two  days  later),  and 
his  heart  was  heavy  with  grief;  forgetting  all  but  the  welfare  of  his 
little  band  of  brethren,  he  goes  forward  alone,  his  life  in  his  hand,  to 
meet  the  great  sachem  surrounded  by  his  whole  tribe,  as  the  calm, 
adroit  diplomatist,  upon  whom  all  must  depend ;  and  as  the  fearless 
hostage,  to  put  himself  in  pawn  for  the  savage  chief. 


Mar.  ^21  April  I 
continued 


3o6 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Mar.  ZljAprill 
continued 


brother,  came  over  the  brook,  with  some 
twenty  of  his  men,  leaving  their  bows  and 
arrows  behind  them,  and  giving  some  six 
or  seven  of  their  men  as  hostages  for  Master 
Winslow.^  Captain  Standish,  with  Master 
Williamson,  the  ship's-merchant,^  as  inter- 
preter, and  a  guard  of  half  a  dozen  mus- 
keteers,^ met  the  king  at  the  brook,  and  they 


t.  Mourt's  Relation.,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  92. 

2.  It  would  seem  from  the  frequent  mention  of  the  presence  of 
some  of  the  ship's  company,  Master  Jones,  the  "  Masters-mates,"  and 
now  the  "  ship's-merchant,"  that  the  ship  was  daily  well  represented 
in  the  little  settlement  on  shore.  The  presence  of  Master  William- 
son on  this  occasion  is  perhaps  readily  accounted  for.  Every  other 
meeting  with  the  Indians  had  been  unexpected,  the  present  one  was 
anticipated,  and  somewhat  eagerly,  for  upon  its  successful  issue 
almost  everything  depended.  By  this  time  Standish  had  probably 
become  aware  that  Tisquantum's  command  of  English  was  very 
limited,  and  he  desired  all  the  aid  the  ship's  interpreter  could  give. 
By  some  means,  the  sachem  and  the  colonists  succeeded  in  establish- 
ing on  this  day  a  very  good  and  lasting  understanding. 

3.  The  guard  was  probably  made  thus  small  to  leave  the  body  of 
the  colonists  as  strong  a  reserve  force  as  possible  to  meet  any  surprise 
attack  on  the  part  of  the  Indians.  Colonel  Higginson,  in  his  Book  of 
American  Explorers,  gives  a  cut  of  this  meeting  of  Massasoit  and  his 
pineses  with  Standish  and  his  guard  of  honor,  but  it  is  defective  in  that 
the  guard  seems  to  have  advanced  to  the  hill  ("  Strawberry,"  or  later 
"Watson's")  to  meet  the  sachem,  instead  of  only  to  "the  brook;" 
and  more  especially  in  that  there  are  but  two  officers  with  the  "  six 
musketeers,"  where  there  ought  to  be  three,  viz.  Standish,  in  com- 
mand, Edward  Winslow,  as  the  envoy  and  hostage  (in  full  armor), 
and  "  Mr.  Williamson,"  the  ship's-merchant  or  purser,  as  interpreter, 
perhaps  acting  as  lieutenant  of  the  guard.  It  is  always  matter  of 
regret  when  books,  especially  text-books,  written  by  authors  of  some 
repute,  and  published  by  reputable  houses,  fail,  for  want  of  only  a  little 
care  in  the  study  of  the  available  history  of  events  they  pictorially 
represent,  to  make  their  pictures  and  the  known  facts  correspond. 


The  yournal 


307 


saluted  each  other,  and  the  guard  conducted 
the  Sagamore  to  one  of  the  new  houses  then 
building,  where  were  placed  a  green  rug 
and  three  or  four  cushions.  Then  came 
the  Governor  with  drum  and  trumpet,  and 
a  guard  of  musketeers,  and  they  drank  to 
each  other  in  some  strong  waters,  and  the 
Governor  gave  the  king  and  his  followers 
meat,  and  they  made  a  treaty  in  King 
James's  name,  and  drank  tobacco  together. 
His  face  was  painted  a  sad  red,  and  his  head 
and  face  were  oiled,  which  made  him  look 
greasy.  All  his  followers  were  more  or 
less  painted.  So  after  all  was  done,  the 
Governor  conducted  him  to  the  brook,  and 
his  brother  came,  and  was  also  feasted,  and 
then  conveyed  him  to  the  brook,  and  Master 
Winslow  returned.  Samoset  and  Squanto 
stayed  in  the  town  and  the  Indians  stayed 
all  night  in  the  woods  half  a  mile  away.^ 
The  last  of  the  colonists  on  board  the  ship 
went  ashore  to  remain  to-day.^ 

H 
At  anchor.    A  fair  day.    Some  of  the  ship's 

company    went    on    shore.      Some    of  the 

Indians  came  again,  and  Captain   Standish 

and  Master  Allerton  went  to  see  the  king. 


1.  Mauri's  Relation^  Dexter's  ed.  p.  95. 

2.  Ibid.  p.   90.      Dexter's   footnote  supports  this  view,  and   it   is 
perhaps  sound,  though  not  altogether  certain. 


Mar.  2-^1  April  2 


3o8 


'The  May-Flower  {^  Her  Log 


Mar.  Z^l April  3 


Mar.  2^1  April  \ 


and  were  welcomed  by  him.^  This  morn- 
ing the  Indians  stayed  till  ten  or  eleven  of 
the  clock,  and  the  Governor,  sending  for  the 
king's  kettle,  filled  it  v^^ith  pease,  and  they 
went  their  way.^  Making  ready  for  sea, 
getting  ballast,  wood,  and  water  from  the 
shore,  etc.  The  Planters  held  a  meeting 
and  concluded  both  of  military  orders  and 
some  laws,  and  chose  as  Governor,  for  the 
coming  year,  Master  John  Carver,^  who  was 
"  governor  "  on  the  ship. 

If 
At  anchorage.     The  ship's  company  busy 

with  preparations  for  the  return  voyage, 
bringing  ballast,  wood,  and  water  from  the 
shore,  etc.,  the  ship  having  no  lading  for 
the  return.  This  day  died,  on  shore.  Mis- 
tress Elizabeth  Winslow,^  wife  of  Master 
Winslow.  Many  still  sick.  More  on  the 
ship  than  on  shore. 

H 
At    anchor    in    Plymouth   harbor.      The 

fifteenth   Sunday   in    this    port.      Many  of 

the  crew  dead  and  some  still  sick,  but  the 

sickness  and  mortality  lessening. 


1.  Mourt's  Relation,  Dexter's  ed.  p.  96. 

2.  Ibid.  p.  97. 

3.  Ibid.   p.  97. 

4.  Bradford's  Pocket  Book ;  Prince,  Annals,  vol.  ii.  p.  98 ;  Young, 
Chronicles  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  197,  note;  Bradford,  Historie, 
Mass.  ed.  p.  535. 


The  yournal 


309 


At  anchor.  Bringing  ballast  from  shore 
and  getting  ship  in  trim. 

At  anchorage.  Getting  ballast,  overhaul- 
ing rigging,  getting  wood,  water,  etc.,  from 
shore. 


At  anchorage. 


Same. 

H 


At  anchorage.  The  Master  offered  to 
take  back  any  of  the  colonists  who  wished 
to  return  to  England,  but  none  desired  to 
go.^      Getting  in  stores  and  ballast. 

H 
Hastening    all    prepara- 

Getting    ballast,    etc. 


At    anchorage, 
tions    for    sailing. 
Water  butts  filled 


H 


At  anchorage.  Setting  up  rigging,  bend- 
ing light  sails,  etc.  Getting  ballast  and 
wood  from  the  beach  and  island.  The 
colonists  have  lost  thirteen  by  death  the 
past   month,  making   in    all  half   of   their 


number. 


1.  This  statement  rests  apparently  on  tradition  only,  but  the  fact 
remains  that  whether  Captain  Jones  made  offer  of  passage  to  the 
Pilgrims  or  not,  no  one  of  the  company  returned  upon  the  May- 
Flower.  Mrs.  Austin  has  very  graphically  depicted  the  event  of 
Captain  Jones's  tender  of  the  offer  of  passage  to  the  Pilgrims,  in  her 
story  of  Standish  of  Standish,  p.  igg,  though  this  proves  nothing. 

2.  Bradford's  Pocket  Book;  Prince^  Annals,  vol.  ii.  p.  98;  Young, 
op.  cit.  p.   198. 


Alar.  2blJprll  5 


CucjSDar 

Alar.  %-jjAprilb 


l^ctincjSDar 

Alar.  2^1  April -J 
Alar. 2()j April  8 


ftiDat 

Alar,  ^oj April  () 


^aturDat 

Alar.^l /April  10 


3IO 


The  May-Flower  ^  Her  Log 


Jprilljll 


0^onDat 

Jprit  2/  1 2 


CuejSDat 


At  anchor  in  Plymouth  harbor.  The 
sixteenth  Sunday  the  ship  has  lain  at  anchor 
here,  and  to  be  the  last,  being  nearly  ready 
to  sail.  Most  of  the  crew  ashore  on  liberty. 
In  the  sixteen  weeks  the  ship  has  lain  here, 
half  of  her  crew  (but  none  of  her  officers) 
have  died,  and  a  few  are  still  weak.  Among 
the  petty  officers  who  have  died  have  been 
the  master  gunner,  boatswain,  and  three 
quartermasters,  beside  the  cook,^  and  more 
than  a  third  of  the  sailors.  A  bad  voyage 
for  the  owner,  Adventurers,  ship,  and  crew. 

H 
Still  at  anchor,  but  making  last  prepara- 
tions for  voyage.  Ship's  officers  made  fare- 
wells on  shore.  Governor  Carver  copied 
out,  and  Giles  Heale  and  Chris.  Jones  wit- 
nessed. Master  Mullens's  will,  to  go  to  Eng- 
land. 

If 
Still   at   anchorage,   but   (near)  ready   to 

sail  with  a  fair  wind.      Master  Williamson, 

the  ship's-merchant  [purser],  appointed  by 

Master    Mullens   an   overseer    of  his  will,^ 

takes  copy  of  same  to  England  for  probate, 

with   many  letters,  keepsakes,  etc.,  etc.,  to 

Adventurers  and  friends.^      Very  little  lad- 


1.  Bradford,  Historie,  Mass.  ed.  p.  112. 

2.  Waters,  Genealogical   Gleanings  in  England,  Part   III.  p.  255; 
New  England  Historical-Genealogical  Register,  vol.  xl.  p.  62,  1889. 

3.  The  copy  of  Mullens's  will  was  taken  to  London  by  William- 


The  yournal 


311 


ing,  chiefly  skins  and  roots.^     Make  adieus 
to  Governor  Carver  and  company. 

Still  at  anchor  in  Plymouth  harbor.  Sails 
loosened  and  all  ready  for  departure  except 
Governor's  letters.  Last  visits  of  shore 
people  to  ship.  Sail  with  morning  tide,  if 
wind  serves.  One  hundred  and  ten  days  in 
this  harbor. 

Got  anchors,  and  with  fair  wind  got  under 
way  at  full  tide.^  Many  to  bid  adieu.  Set 
colors  and  gave  Planters  a  parting  salute 
with  the   ensign   and   ordnance.^      Cleared 


son  and  probated.  Carver's  letter  to  Pierce,  instructing  him  as  to 
the  necessity  of  a  patent  from  the  Council  for  the  Affairs  of  New 
England  and  others,  —  some  of  the  replies  to  which  have  been  noted, 
—  the  eighteen  arrows  picked  up  at  the  "First  Encounter "  with 
the  Nausets  on  Cape  Cod,  etc.,  etc.,  were  sent  back  by  the  ship ;  the 
arrows  by  hand  of  Captain  Jones  (Bradford,  Historic,  p.  104),  the 
papers  presumably  by  the  ship's-merchant. 

1.  The  planters  had  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  few  skins  from 
Massasoit's  men,  and  by  those  they  had  sent  to  trade,  as  appears  by 
sundry  mentions,  and  had  found  some  sassafras,  but  the  total  was 
insignificant.  They  had  been  too  ill  for  more.  Possibly  Alden  may 
have  been  able  to  get  out  and  send  home  the  legal  number  of  "  clap- 
boards "  or  staves,  but  it  is  very  doubtful. 

2.  All  vessels  departing  from  Plymouth  harbor  leave  when  possi- 
ble on  the  full  or  slack  tide,  or  the  early  run  of  the  ebb.  No  men- 
tion is  made  of  the  shallop  accompanying  the  ship  out  of  the  harbor, 
as  she  did  on  some  other  occasions.  Jones  had  familiarized  himself, 
doubtless,  on  his  fishing  and  hunting  trips,  with  the  channel,  and 
needed  no  pilot  out. 

3.  Always  the  custom  in  that  day,  in  this  case  certain  to  be  ob- 
served.     Captain    Standish's   guns    no    doubt    boomed    their    reply. 


April  if  1 1  i^ 


Ci^urjSDat 

April  si  IS 


312 


The  May- Flower  ^  Her  Log 


April  ^jl  I 
continued 


the  harbor  without  hindrance,  and  laid 
general  course  E.  S.  E.  for  England  with  a 
fine  wind.  Took  departure  from  Cape 
Cod  early  in  the  day,  shook  off  the  land 
and  got  ship  to  rights  before  night.  All 
sails  set  and  the  ship  logging  her  best. 

H 
And  so  the  May-Flower  began  her  speedy, 

uneventful,  homeward  run,  of  but  thirty- 
one  days,  arriving  in  England  May  6,  162 1, 
having  been  absent,  on  her  <<  round  voyage," 
from  her  sailing  port,  two  hundred  and 
ninety-six  days. 

THE  END  OF  THE  VOYAGE 

AND  OF  THIS 

JOURNAL 


Author's  Note.  Of  the  "Log"  of  the  May- 
Flower,  the  author  is  able  to  repeat  the  assurance 
given  as  to  the  brief  Journal  of  the  Speedwell, 
and  is  able  to  say,  in  the  happy  phrase  of  Griffis, 
"  I  have  tried  to  state  only  recorded  facts,  or  to  give 
expression  to  well-grounded  inferences." 

surrounded  by  strongly  moved  but  sternly  quiet  men  and  women, 
who  climbed  "  the  Hill  "  to  watch  the  departure.  Goodwin  says 
truly,  "  The  return  of  the  May-Flower  must  have  been  a  painful 
sight  to  the  Pilgrims.  She  had  been  an  ever-ready  shelter  in  case  of 
disaster,  and  was  a  connecting  link  between  them  and  the  rest  of 
their  race.  .  .  .  The  whole  community  must  have  watched  that 
departure,  and  wistful  eyes  have  gazed  from  Fort  Hill  on  the  lessen- 
ing sail,  until  it  dropped  below  the  horizon."  But  the  grand  words 
are  Choate's  :  "  They  sent  the  May-Flower  away,  and  went  back, 
those  stern,  strong  men,  to  their  imperial  labors." 


APPENDIX 


APPENDIX 

IT 

N  view  of  the  natural  wish  of  many  of 
restricted  facilities,  to  consult  for  them- 
selves the  full  text  of  certain  of  the  prin- 
cipal letters  and  documents  which  have 
imparted  much  of  the  most  definite  and 
valuable  information  concerning  the  Pil- 
grim movement,  it  has  been  thought  well  to  include  certain 
of  them  here  verbatim,  that  they  may  be  of  ready  availability 
to  the  reader. 

The  list  comprises  copies  of —  I.  The  Agreement  of  the 
Merchant  Adventurers  and  Planters;  II.  The  Letter  of  the 
Leyden  Leaders  to  John  Carver  and  Robert  Cushman  (at 
London),  May  31 /June  10,  1620;  III.  The  Letter  of  Robert 
Cushman  to  John  Carver  (then  at  Southampton),  Saturday, 
June  10/20,  1620;  IV.  The  Letter  of  Robert  Cushman  to 
the  Leyden  Leaders,  June  10/20,  1620;  V.  The  Letter  of 
Robert  Cushman  to  the  Leyden  Leaders,  Sunday,  June  11/ 
21,  1620;  VI.  The  Letter  of  Rev.  John  Robinson  to  John 
Carver  at  London,  June  14/24,  1620;  VII.  The  Letter  of 
the  Planters  to  the  Merchant  Adventurers  from  Southamp- 
ton, August  3,  1620;  VIII.  The  Letter  of  Robert  Cushman 
(from  Dartmouth)  to  Edward  Southworth,  Thursday,  August 
17,  1620;  IX.  The  May-Flower  Compact;  X.  The  Nun- 
cupative Will  of  Master  William  Mullens;  and  XI.  The 
Letter  of  "  One  of  the  Chiefe  of  ye  Companie  "  (The  Mer- 
chant Adventurers),  dated  at  London,  April  g,  1623.  Many 
other  early  original  documents  frequently  referred  to  in  this 
volume  are  of  no  less  interest  than  those  here  given,  but 
most  of  them  have  either  had  such  publication  as  to  be  more 
generally  known  or  accessible,  or  involve  space  and  cost  dis- 
proportionate to  their  value  in  this  connection. 


315 


3i6 


jippendix 


The  Agreement  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers  and 

Planters 
Anno:  1620,  July  i. 

1.  The  adventurers  &  planters  doe  agree,  that  every  per- 
son that  goeth  being  aged  16.  years  &  upward,  be  rated  at 
10''.,  and  ten  pounds  to  be  accounted  a  single  share. 

2.  That  he  goeth  in  person,  and  furnisheth  him  selfe  out 
with  10^.  either  in  money  or  other  provisions,  be  accounted 
as  haveing  20''.  in  stock,  and  in  ye  devission  shall  receive 
a  double  share. 

3.  The  persons  transported  &  ye  adventurers  shall  con- 
tinue their  joynt  stock  &  partnership  togeather,  ye  space 
of  7.  years,  (excepte  some  unexpected  impedimente  doe 
cause  ye  whole  company  to  agree  otherwise,)  during  which 
time,  all  profits  &  benifits  that  are  gott  by  trade,  traffick, 
trucking,  working,  fishing,  or  any  other  means  of  any  per- 
son or  persons,  remaine  still  in  ye  comone  stock  untill  ye 
division. 

4.  That  at  their  corning  ther,  they  chose  out  such  a  num- 
ber of  fitt  persons,  as  may  furnish  their  ships  and  boats  for 
fishing  upon  ye  sea;  imploying  the  rest  of  their  severall 
faculties  upon  ye  land ;  as  building  houses,  tilling,  and  plant- 
ing ye  ground,  &  makeing  shuch  comodities  as  shall  be  most 
usefuU  for  ye  collonie. 

5.  That  at  ye  end  of  ye  7  years,  ye  capitall  &  profits, 
viz.  the  houses,  lands,  goods  and  chatels,  be  equally  devided 
betwixte  ye  adventurers,  and  planters;  w'''  done,  every  man 
shall  be  free  from  other  of  them  of  any  debt  or  detrimente 
concerning  this  adventure. 

6.  Whosoever  cometh  to  ye  colonie  hereafter,  or  putteth 
any  into  ye  stock,  shall  at  the  ende  of  ye  7.  years  be  alowed 
proportionably  to  ye  time  of  his  so  doing. 

7.  He  that  shall  carie  his  wife  &  children,  or  servants, 
shall  be  alowed  for  everie  person  now  aged  16.  years  & 
upward,  a  single  share  in  ye  devision,  or  if  he  provid  them 
necessaries,  a  duble  share,  or  if  they  be  between  10.  year  old 


Appendix 


and  16.,  then  2.  of  them  to  be  reconed  tor  a  person,  botli  in 
trasportation  and  devision. 

8.  That  such  children  as  now  goe,  &  are  under  ye  age 
of  ten  years,  have  noe  other  shar  in  ye  devision,  but  50. 
acers  of  unmanured  land. 

9.  That  such  persons  as  die  before  ye  7.  years  be  expired, 
their  executors  to  have  their  parte  or  sharr  at  ye  devision, 
proportionably  to  ye  time  of  their  life  in  ye  coUonie. 

10.  That  all  such  persons  as  are  of  this  coUonie,  are  to 
have  their  meate,  drink,  apparell,  and  all  provissions  out  of 
ye  comon  stock  &  goods  of  ye  said  coUonie.' 

Governor  Bradford  adds :  — 

"The  chief  and  principall  differences  betwene  these  &  the 
former  [original]  conditions,  stood  in  those  2.  points;  that 
ye  houses,  &  lands  improved,  espetialy  gardens  &  home  lotts 
should  remaine  undevided  wholy  to  ye  planters  at  ye  7. 
years  end.  2'y,  yt  they  should  have  had  2.  days  in  a  weeke 
for  their  owne  private  imploymente,  for  ye  more  comforte 
of  them  selves  and  their  families,  espetialy  such  as  had 
families." 

[Apparently,  as  has  been  noted,  neither  these  articles  of 
agreement,  nor  their  predecessors  which  received  the  approval 
of  the  Leyden  leaders,  were  ever  signed  by  the  contracting 
parties,  until  Robert  Cushman  brought  the  later  draft  over 
in  the  Fortune,  in  1621,  and  the  planter  body  (advised 
thereto  by  Pastor  Robinson,  who  had  previously  bitterly 
opposed)  signed  them.  Much  might  be  truly  said  on  either 
side  of  this  controversy  —  indeed  was  said  at  the  time  ;  but 
if  the  Pilgrims  were  to  abandon  their  contention,  whatever  its 
merits,  in  a  year's  time,  as  they  did,  it  would  seemingly  have 
been  much  better  not  to  have  begun  it,  for  it  undoubtedly 
cost  them  dear.] 


317 


I.    Bradford,  Hhtor'u\  Mass.  ed.  p.  56. 


3i8 


Appendix 


II 


Letter  of  the  Leyden  Leaders  to  John  Carver  and 
Robert  Cushman,  at  London 

May  31/June  10,  1620. 
To  their  loving  freinds  John  Carver  and  Robart  Cushman, 

these,  Src. 

Good  bretheren,  after  salutations,  &c.  We  received 
diverse  letters  at  ye  coming  of  Mr.  [Thomas]  Nash  &  our 
pilott,  which  is  a  great  incouragmente  unto  us,  and  for 
whom  we  hop  after  times  will  minister  occasion  of  praising 
God ;  and  indeed  had  you  not  sente  him,  many  would  have 
been  ready  to  fainte  and  goe  backe.  Partly  in  respecte  of 
ye  new  conditions  which  have  bene  taken  up  by  you,  which 
all  men  are  against,  and  partly  in  regard  of  our  owne  inabill- 
itie  to  doe  any  one  of  those  many  waightie  bussineses  you 
referr  to  us  here.  For  ye  former  wherof,  wheras  Robart 
Cushman  desirs  reasons  for  our  dislike,  promising  therupon 
to  alter  ye  same,  or  els  saing  we  should  thinke  he  hath  no 
brains,  we  desire  him  to  exercise  them  therin,  refering  him 
to  our  pastors  former  reasons,  and  them  to  ye  censure  of 
ye  godly  wise.  But  our  desires  are  that  you  will  not  entan- 
gle your  selvs  and  us  in  any  such  unreasonable  courses  as 
those  are,  viz.  yt  the  marchants  should  have  ye  halfe  of 
mens  houses  and  lands  at  ye  dividente ;  and  that  persons 
should  be  deprived  of  ye  2.  days  in  a  weeke  agreed  upon, 
yea  every  momente  of  time  for  their  owne  perticuler ;  by 
reason  wherof  we  cannot  conceive  why  any  should  carie 
servants  for  their  own  help  and  comfort ;  for  that  we  can 
require  no  more  of  them  than  all  men  one  of  another.  This 
we  have  only  by  relation  from  Mr.  Nash,  &  not  from  any 
writing  of  your  owne,  &  therfore  hope  you  have  not  pro- 
ceeded farr  in  so  great  a  thing  without  us.  But  requiring 
you  not  to  exseed  the  bounds  of  your  comission,  which 
was  to  proceed  upon  ye  things  or  conditions  agred  upon  and 
expressed  in  writing  (at  your  going  over  it),  we  leave  it,  not 
without  marveling,  that  your  selfe,  as  you  write,  knowing 
how  smale  a  thing  troubleth  our  consultations,  and  how  ic^. 


Appendix 


3>9 


as  you  tear,  understands  the   busnes  aright,  should  trouble 
us  with  such  matters  as  these  are,  &c. 

Salute  Mr.  Weston  from  us,  in  whom  we  hope  we  are 
not  deceived ;  we  pray  you  make  known  our  estate  unto 
him,  and  if  you  thinke  good  shew  him  our  letters,  at  least 
tell  him  (yt  under  God)  we  much  relic  upon  him  &  put  our 
confidence  in  him ;  and,  as  your  selves  well  know,  that  if  he 
had  not  been  an  adventurer  with  us,  we  had  not  token  it  in 
hand ;  presuming  that  if  he  had  not  scene  means  to  accom- 
plish it,  he  would  not  have  begune  it ;  so  we  hope  in  our 
extremitie  he  will  so  farr  help  us  as  our  expectation  be  no 
way  made  frustrate  concerning  him.  Since  therfor,  good 
brethren,  we  have  plainly  opened  ye  state  of  things  with  us 
in  this  matter,  you  will,  &c.  Thus  beseeching  ye  AUmightie, 
who  is  allsufficiente  to  raise  us  out  of  this  depth  of  difficul- 
ties, to  assiste  us  herin;  raising  such  means  by  his  providence 
and  fatherly  care  for  us,  his  pore  children  &  servants,  as  we 
may  with  comforte  behould  ye  hand  ot  our  God  for  good 
towards  us  in  this  our  bussines,  which  we  undertake  in  his 
name  &  fear,  we  take  leave  &  remaine 

Your  perplexed,  yet  hopful 
June  10.  New  Stille,  bretheren, 

Ano  :   1620.  Samuel  Fuller,  Edward  Winslow, 

William  Bradford,  Isaac  Allerton."  * 


III 

The  Letter  of  Robert  Cushman  (at  London),  to 
John  Carver  (at  Southampton) 

Saturday,  June  10/20,  1620. 
To  his  loving  freind  Mr.  John  Carver,  these,  &c. 

Loving  freind,  I  have  received  from  you  some  letters, 
full  of  affection  &  complaints,  &  what  it  is  you  would  have 
of  me  I  know  not ;  for  your  crieing  out.  Negligence,  negli- 
gence, negligence,  I  marvell  why  so  negligente  a  man  was 
used  in  ye  bussines.  Yet  know  you  yt  all  that  I  have  power 
to  doe  hear,  shall  not  be  one  hower  behind,  I  warent  you. 


I.    Bradford,  HIstorie,  pp.  61,  62. 


320 


Appendix 


You  have  reference  to  Mr.  Weston  to  help  us  with  money, 
more  then  his  adventure;  wher  he  protesteth  but  for  his 
promise,  he  would  not  have  done  any  thing.  He  saith  we 
take  a  heady  course,  and  is  offended  yt  our  provissions  are 
made  so  farr  of;  as  also  that  he  was  not  made  aquainted 
with  our  quantitie  of  things ;  and  saith  yt  in  now  being  in  3. 
places,  so  farr  remote,  [i.  e.  Leyden,  London,  and  Southamp- 
ton] we  will,  with  going  up  &  downe,  and  wrangling  & 
expostulating,  pass  over  ye  somer  before  we  will  goe.  And 
to  speake  ye  trueth,  ther  is  fallen  already  amongst  us  a  flatt 
schisme ;  and  we  are  redier  to  goe  to  dispute,  then  to  sett 
forwarde  a  voiage.  I  have  received  from  Leyden  since  you 
wente  [to  Southampton]  3.  or  4.  letters  directed  to  you, 
though  they  only  conscerne  me.  I  will  not  trouble  you  with 
them.  1  always  feared  ye  event  of  ye  Amsterdamers  [mem- 
bers of  Rev.  Henry  Ainsworth's  church  there]  striking  in 
with  us.  I  trow  you  must  excomunicate  me,  or  els  you 
must  goe  without  their  companie,  or  we  shall  wante  no  quar- 
eling;  but  let  them  pass. 

We  have  reckoned,  it  should  seeme,  without  our  host; 
and,  count  upon  a  1 50.  persons,  ther  cannot  be  founde  above 
1200^.  &  odd  moneys  of  all  ye  venturs  you  can  reckone,' 
besids  some  cloath,  stockings,  &  shoes,  which  are  not  counted ; 
so  we  shall  come  shorte  at  least  3.  or  400''.  I  would  have 
had'  some  thing  shortened  at  first  of  beare  [beer]  &  other 
provissions  in  hope  of  other  adventurs,  &  now  we  could 
have,  both  in  Amsterd:  &  Kente,  beere  inough  to  serve  our 
turne,  but  now  we  cannot  accept  it  without  prejudice.  You 
fear  we  have  begune  to  build  &  and  shall  not  be  able  to 
make  an  end ;  indeed,  our  courses  were  never  established  by 
counsell,  we  may  therfore  justly  fear  their  standing.  Yea, 
ther  was  a  schisme  amongst  us  3.  at  ye  first.  You  wrote  to 
Mr.  Martin,  to  prevente  ye  making  of  ye  provissions  in 
Kente,  which  he  did,  and  sett  downe  his  resolution  how 
much  he  would  have  of  every  thing,  without  respecte  to  any 
counsell  or  exception.  Surely  he  yt  is  in  a  societie  &  yet 
regards  not  counsell,  may  better  be  a  king  then  a  consorte. 
To  be  short,  if  ther  be  not  some  other  dispossition  setled 
unto  then  yet  is,  we  yt  should  be  partners  of  humilitie  and 


Appendix 


peace,  shall  be  examples  ot  jangling  &  insulting.  Yet  your 
money  which  you  ther  [Southampton]  must  have,  we  will 
get  provided  for  you  instantly.  500''.  you  say  will  serve  ; 
tor  ye  rest  which  hear  &  in  Holand  is  to  be  used,  we  may 
goe  scratch  for  it.  For  Mr.  Crabe,*  of  whom  you  write,  he 
hath  promised  to  goe  with  us,  yet  I  tell  you  I  shall  not  be 
without  feare  till  I  see  him  shipped,  for  he  [i.  e.  his  going] 
is  much  opposed,  yet  I  hope  he  will  not  faile. 

Thinke  ye  best  of  all,  and  bear  with  patience  ^yhat  is  want- 
ing, and  ye  Lord  guid  us  all. 

Your  loving  freind, 

ROBART  CUSHMAN.'^ 
London  June  10. 
Ano:  1620. 


IV 


The  Letter  of  Robert  Cushman  to  the  Leyden 
Leaders 

(Probably  written  at  London,  Saturday,  June  10/20,  1620.) 
Brethern,  I  understand  by  letters  &  passagess  yt  have 
come  to  me,  that  ther  are  great  discontents,  &  dislike  of  my 
proceedings  amongst  you.  Sorie  I  am  to  hear  it,  yet  contente 
to  beare  it,  as  not  doubting  but  yt  partly  by  writing,  and 
more  principally  by  word  when  we  shall  come  togeatlier,  I 
shall  satisfie  any  reasonable  man.  I  have  been  perswaded 
by  some,  espetialy  this  bearer,  to  come  and  clear  things  unto 
you ;  but  as  things  now  stand  I  caiiot  be  absente  one  day, 
excepte  I  should  hazard  all  ye  viage.  Neither  conceive  I 
any  great  good  would  come  of  it.  Take  then,  brethern,  this 
as  a  step  to  give  you  contente.  First,  for  your  dislike  of  ye 
alteration  of  one  clause  in  ye  conditions,  if  you  conceive  it 
right,  ther  can  be  no  blame  lye  on  me  at  all.  For  ye  articles 
first  brought  over  by  John  Carver  were  never  scene  of  any 
of  ye  adventurers  hear,  excepte  Mr.  Weston,  neither  did  any 
of  them  like  them  because  of  that  clause ;  nor  Mr.  Weston 


1.  He  was  a  minister. 

2.  See  Bradford,  Historie^  pp.  69—71. 


321 


322 


Appendix 


him  selfe,  after  he  had  well  considered  it.  But  as  at  ye  first 
ther  was  500''.  withdrawne  by  Sr.  Georg  Farrer  and  his 
brother  upon  that  dislike,  so  all  ye  rest  would  have  with- 
drawne (Mr.  Weston  excepted)  if  we  had  not  altered  yt 
clause.  Now  whilst  we  at  Leyden  conclude  upon  points,  as 
we  did,  we  reckoned  without  our  host,  which  was  not  my 
faulte.  Besids,  I  shewed  you  by  a  letter  ye  equitie  of  yt 
condition,  &  our  inconveniences,  which  might  be  sett  against 
all  Mr.  Rob:  [Robinson's]  inconveniences,  that  without  ye 
alteration  of  yt  clause,  we  could  neither  have  means  to  gett 
thither,  nor  supplie  wherby  to  subsiste  when  we  were  ther. 
Yet  notwithstanding  all  those  reasons,  which  were  not  mine, 
but  other  mens  wiser  than  my  selfe,  without  answer  to  any 
one  of  them,  here  cometh  over  many  quirimonies,  and  com- 
plaints against  me,  of  lording  it  over  my  brethern,  and  mak- 
ing conditions  fitter  for  theeves  &  bondslaves  then  honest 
men,  and  that  of  my  owne  head  I  did  what  I  list.  And  at 
last  a  paper  of  reasons,  framed  against  yt  clause  in  ye  con- 
ditions, which  as  yey  were  delivered  me  open,  so  my  answer 
is  open  to  you  all.  And  first,  as  they  are  no  other  but 
inconveniences,  such  as  a  man  might  frame  20.  as  great  on 
ye  other  side,  and  yet  prove  nor  disprove  nothing  by  them, 
so  they  misse  &  mistake  both  ye  very  ground  of  ye  article 
and  nature  of  ye  project. 

For,  first,  it  is  said,  that  if  ther  had  been  no  divission  of 
houses  &  lands,  it  had  been  better  for  ye  poore.  True,  and 
yt  showeth  ye  inequalitie  of  ye  condition  ;  we  should  more 
respect  him  yt  ventureth  both  his  money  and  his  person,  then 
him  yt  ventureth  but  his  person  only. 

2.  Consider  whereaboute  we  are,  not  giveing  almes,  but 
furnishing  a  store  house ;  no  one  shall  be  porer  then 
another  for  7.  years,  and  if  any  be  rich,  none  can  be  pore. 
At  ye  least,  we  must  not  in  such  bussines  crie.  Pore,  pore, 
mercie,  mercie.  Charitie  hath  it[s]  life  in  wraks,  not  in 
venturs ;  you  are  by  this  most  in  a  hopefuU  pitie  of  make- 
ing,  therefore  complaine  not  before  you  have  need. 

3.  This  will  hinder  ye  building  of  good  and  faire  houses, 
contrarie  to  ye  advise  of  poUitiks.  A.  So  we  would  have 
it ;  our  purpose  is  to  build  for  ye  presente  such  houses  as,  if 


Appendix 


323 


need  be,  we  may  with  litle  grcete  set  a  fire,  and  rune  away 
by  the  Hghte ;  our  riches  shall  not  be  in  pompe,  but  in 
strength;  if  God  send  us  riches,  we  will  imploye  them  to 
provid  more  men,  ships,  munition,  &c.  You  may  see  it 
amongst  the  best  poUitiks,  that  a  coirionwele  is  readier  to 
ebe  tlien  to  flow,  when  once  fine  houses  and  gay  cloaths 
come  up. 

4.  The  Govet  may  prevente  excess  in  building.  A.  But 
if  it  be  on  all  men  beforehand  resolved  on,  to  build  mean 
houses,  ye  Gove'  laboure  is  spared. 

5.  All  men  are  not  of  one  condition.  A.  If  by  condition 
you  mean  wealth,  you  are  mistaken ;  if  you  mean  by  condi- 
tion, qualities,  then  I  say  he  that  is  not  contente  his  neigh- 
bour shall  have  as  good  a  house,  fare,  means,  &c.  as  him 
selfe,  is  not  of  a  good  qualitie.  2ly.  Such  retired  persons,  as 
have  an  eie  only  to  them  selves,  are  fitter  to  come  wher 
catching  is,  then  closing ;  and  are  fitter  to  live  alone,  then  in 
any  societie,  either  civill  or  religious. 

6.  It  will  be  of  litle  value,  scarce  worth  5".  A.  True, 
it  may  not  be  worth  halfe  ^.  If  then  so  smale  a  thing  will 
content  them,  [the  Adventurers]  why  strive  we  thus  aboute 
it,  and  give  them  occasion  to  suspecte  us  to  be  worldly  & 
covetous?  I  will  not  say  what  I  have  heard  since  these 
complaints  came  first  over  [from  Leyden]. 

7.  Our  freinds  with  us  yt  adventure  mind  not  their  owne 
profite,  as  did  ye  old  adventurers.  A.  Then  they  are  better 
than  we,  who  for  a  little  matter  of  profite  are  readie  to 
draw  back,  and  it  is  more  apparente,  brethern  looke  too  it, 
that  make  profit  your  maine  end ;  repente  of  this,  els  goe 
not  least  you  be  like  Jonas  to  Tarshis.  2ly.  Though  some 
of  them  mind  not  their  profite,  yet  others  doe  mind  it ;  and 
why  not  as  well  as  we "?  venturs  are  made  by  all  sorts  of 
men,  and  we  must  labour  to  give  them  all  contente,  if  we 
can. 

8.  It  will  break  ye  course  of  comunitie,  as  may  be  showed 
by  many  reasons.  A.  That  is  but  said,  and  I  say  againe,  it 
will  best  foster  comunion,  as  may  be  showed  by  many 
reasons. 

9.  Great  profite  is  like  to  be  made  by  trucking,  fishing,  &c. 


324 


Appendix 


A.  As  it  is  better  for  them,  so  for  us ;  for  halfe  is  ours,  besids 
our  living  still  upon  it,  and  if*  such  profite  in  yt  way  come, 
our  labour  shall  be  ye  less  on  ye  land,  and  our  houses  & 
lands  will  be  of  less  value. 

lo.  Our  hazard  is  greater  than  theirs.  A.  True,  but  doe 
they  put  us  upon  it?  doe  they  urge  or  egg  us?  hath  not 
ye  motion  &  resolution  been  always  in  our  selves  ?  doe 
they  any  more  then  in  seeing  us  resolute  if  we  had  means, 
help  us  to  means  upon  equall  termes  &  conditions  ?  If  we 
will  not  goe,  they  are  content  to  keep  their  moneys. 

Thus  I  have  pointed  at  a  way  to  loose  those  knots,  which 
I  hope  you  will  consider  seriously,  and  let  me  have  no  more 
stirr  about  them. 

Now  furder,  I  hear  a  noise  of  slavish  conditions  by  me 
made;  but  surly  this  is  all  I  have  altered,  and  reasons  I 
have  sent  you.  If  you  mean  it  of  ye  2.  days  in  a  week  for 
perticuler,  as  some  insinuate,  you  are  deceived;  you  may 
have  3.  days  in  a  week  for  me  if  you  will.  And  when  I 
have  spoken  to  ye  adventurers  of  times  of  working,  they  have 
said  they  hope  we  are  men  of  discretion  &  conscience,  and 
so  fitt  to  be  trusted  our  selves  with  that.  But  indeed  ye 
ground  of  our  proceedings  at  Leyden  was  mistaken,  and  so 
here  is  nothing  but  tottering  every  day,  &c. 

As  for  them  of  Amsterdam,  [i.  e.  the  members  of  Rev. 
Henry  Ainsworth's  church  there]  I  had  thought  they  would 
as  soon  gone  to  Rome  as  with  us;  for  our  libertie  is  to  them 
as  ratts  bane,  and  their  riggour  as  bad  to  us  as  ye  Spanish 
Inquisition.  If  any  practise  of  mine  discourage  them,  let 
them  yet  draw  back ;  I  will  undertake  they  shall  have  their 
money  againe  presently  paid  hear.  Or  if  the  Company  think 
me  to  be  ye  Jonas,  let  them  cast  me  of  before  we  goe ;  I  shall 
be  content  to  stay  with  good  will,  having  but  ye  cloaths  on 
my  back ;  only  let  us  have  quietnes,  and  no  more  of  these 
clamors ;  full  little  did  I  expect  these  things  which  are  now 
come  to  pass,  &c.  Yours, 

R.  CUSHMAN.' 


I.   Bradford,  Historie,  Mass.  ed.  pp.  63-66. 


Appendix 


[Bradford  ("  Historic,"  p.  66),  says :  "  Whether  this  letter 
ot  his  ever  came  to  tlieir  hands  at  Leyden  I  well  know  not ; 
I  rather  thinke  it  was  staled  by  Mr.  Carver  &  kept  by  him, 
forgiving  offence."  Bradford  forgets  that  Carver  was  then 
away  at  Southampton  and  probably  did  not  see  the  letter 
(at  the  time),  and  as  it  went  by  messenger  could  not  have 
"  staled  "  it,  while  surely  Cushman  and  not  Carver  was  the 
one  offended.  Neither  could  it  have  got  into  his  own  (Brad- 
ford's) collection,  if  it  had  not  been  received  at  Leyden.] 


The  Letter  of  Robert  Cushman  to  the  Leyden 
Leaders,  London 

(Sunday,  June  11/21,  1620.) 
Salutations,  &c.  I  received  your  letter  [of  May  31/ 
June  lo]  yesterday,  by  John  Turner,  with  another  ye  same 
day  from  Amsterdam  by  Mr.  W.  savouring  of  ye  place 
whenc  it  came.  And  indeed  the  many  discouragements  I 
find  her,*  togeather  with  ye  demurrs  and  retirings  ther,^  had 
made  me  to  say,  I  would  give  up  my  accounts  to  John 
Carver,  &  at  his  comeing  aquainte  him  fully  with  all  courses, 
and  so  leave  it  quite,  with  only  ye  pore  cloaths  on  my  back. 
But  gathering  up  my  selfe  by  further  consideration,  I  re- 
solved yet  to  make  one  triall  more,  and  to  acquainte  Mr. 
Weston  with  ye  fainted  state  of  our  bussines;  and  though 
he  hath  been  much  discontented  at  some  thing  amongst  us 
of  late,  which  hath  made  him  often  say,  that  save  for  his 
promise,  he  would  not  meadle  at  all  with  ye  bussines  any 
more,  yet  considering  how  farr  we  were  plunged  into  maters, 
&  how  it  stood  both  on  our  credits  &  undoing,  at  ye  last 
he  gathered  up  him  selfe  a  litle  more,  &  coming  to  me  2. 
hours  after,  he  tould  me  he  would  not  yet  leave  it.  And  so 
advising  togeather  we  resolved  to  hire  a  ship,  and  have  tooke 
liking  of  one  till  Monday,  about  60.  laste,  for  a  greater  we 
cannot  gett,  excepte  it  be  tow  great ;  but  a  fine  ship  it  is. 
And  seeing  our  neer  freinds  ther  are  so  streite  lased,  we  hope 


325 


I.    Londc 


2.   Leyden. 


326 


Appendix 


to  assure  her  without  troubhng  them  any  further ;  and  if 
ye  ship  fale  too  small,  it  fitteth  well  yt  such  as  stumble  at 
strawes  allready,  may  rest  them  ther  a  while,  least  worse 
blocks  come  in  ye  way  ere  7.  years  be  ended.  If  you  had 
beaten  this  bussines  so  throuly  a  month  agoe,  and  write  to 
us  as  now  you  doe,  we  could  thus  have  done  much  more 
conveniently.  But  it  is  as  it  is ;  I  hope  our  freinds  ther,  if 
they  be  quitted  of  ye  ship  hire,  will  be  indusced  to  venture 
ye  more.  All  yt  I  now  require  is  yt  salt  and  netts  may  ther 
be  bough te,  and  for  all  ye  rest  we  will  here  provid  it;  yet  if 
that  will  not  be,  let  them  but  stand  for  it  a  month  or  tow, 
and  we  will  take  order  to  pay  it  all.  Let  Mr.  Reinholds  tarie 
ther,  and  bring  ye  ship  to  Southampton.  We  have  hired 
another  pilote  here,  one  Mr.  Clarke,  who  went  last  year  to 
Virginia  with  a  ship  of  kine. 

You  shall  here  distinctly  by  John  Turner,  who  I  thinke 
shall  come  hence  on  tewsday  night.  I  had  thought  to  have 
come  with  him,  to  have  answered  to  my  complaints ;  but  I 
shal  leme  to  pass  litle  for  their  censurs ;  and  if  I  had  more 
minde  to  goe  &  dispute  &  expostulate  with  them,  then  I 
have  care  of  this  waightie  bussines,  I  were  like  them  who 
live  by  clamours  &  jangling.  But  neither  my  mind  nor  my 
body  is  at  libertie  to  doe  much,  for  I  am  fettered  with  bus- 
sines, and  had  rather  study  to  be  quiet,  then  to  make  an- 
swer to  their  exceptions.  If  men  be  set  on  it,  let  them  beat 
ye  eair ;  I  hope  such  as  are  my  sinceire  freinds  will  not  thinke 
but  I  can  give  some  reason  of  my  actions.  But  of  your 
mistaking  aboute  ye  mater,  &  other  things  tending  to  this 
bussines,  I  shall  nexte  informe  you  more  distinctly.  Mean 
space  entreate  our  freinds  not  to  be  too  bussie  in  answering 
matters,  before  they  know  them.  If  I  doe  such  things  as  I 
canot  give  reasons  for,  it  is  like  you  have  sett  a  foole 
aboute  your  bussines,  and  so  turne  ye  reproofe  to  your 
selves,  &  send  an  other,  and  let  me  come  againe  to  my 
Combes.  But  setting  aside  my  naturall  infirmities,  I  refuse 
not  to  have  my  cause  judged,  both  of  God,  &  all  indiffer- 
ent men  ;  and  when  we  come  togeather  I  shall  give  accounte 
of  my  actions  hear.  The  Lord,  who  judgeth  justly  without 
respect  of  persons,  see  into  ye  equitie  of  my  cause,  and  give 


Appendix 


us  quiet,  peacable,  and  patient  minds,  in  all  these  turmoils, 
and  sanctifie  unto  us  all  crosses  whatsoever.  And  so  I  take 
my  leave  of  you  all,  in  all  love  &  affection. 

I  hope  we  shall  gett  all  hear  ready  in  14.  days. 

Your  pore  brother, 

ROBART  CUSHMAN.* 

[London] 

June  1 1.  1620  [O.  S.]. 


VI 


A  Letter  of  Mr.  John  Robinson  to  John  Carver, 
June   14  (N.  S.),  1620 

[Professor  Arber  ("  The  Story  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,"  p. 
317)  has  apparently  failed  to  notice  that  in  the  original  MS. 
of  Bradford,  this  letter  is  dated  "June  14,  1620,  N.  Stile," 
which  would  make  it  June  4,  O.  S.,  while  Arber  dates  it 
"  14/24  June,"  which  is  manifestly  incorrect.  A  typographi- 
cal error  in  Arber  (p.  317)  directs  the  letter  to  "Leyden" 
instead  of  to  London.] 

June  14.  1620.  N.  Stile. 
My  dear  freind  &  brother,  whom  with  yours  I  alwaise 
remember  in  my  best  affection,  and  whose  wellfare  I  shall 
never  cease  to  comend  to  God  by  my  best  &  most  earnest 
praires.  You  doe  throwly  understand  by  our  generall  letters 
ye  estate  of  things  hear,  which  indeed  is  very  pitifull ;  espe- 
tialy  by  wante  of  shiping,  and  not  seeing  means  lickly,  much 
less  certaine,  of  having  it  provided ;  though  withall  ther  be 
great  want  of  money  &  means  to  doe  needfull  things.  Mr. 
[Edward]  Pickering,  you  know  before  this,  will  not  defray 
a  peny  hear ;  though  Robert  Cushman  presumed  of  I  know 
not  how  many  100''.  from  him,  &  I  know  not  whom. 
Yet  it  seems  strange  yt  we  should  be  put  to  him  to  receive 
both  his  &  his  partners  [William  Greene's]  adventer,  and 
yet  Mr.  Weston  write  unto  him,  yt  in  regard  of  it,  he  hath 
drawne  upon  him  a  loo''.  more.     But  ther  is  in  this  some 


I.    Bradford,  Historic^  Mass.  ed.  p.  66-68. 


327 


328 


Appendix 


misterie,  as  indeed  it  seems  ther  is  in  ye  whole  course.  Be- 
sids,  wheras  diverse  are  to  pay  in  some  parts  of  their  moneys 
yet  behinde,  they  refuse  to  doe  it,  till  they  see  shiping  pro- 
vided, or  a  course  taken  for  it.  Neither  doe  I  thinke  is  ther 
a  man  hear  would  pay  anything,  if  he  had  againe  his  money 
in  his  purse.  You  know  right  well  we  depended  on  Mr. 
Weston  alone,  and  upon  such  means  as  he  would  procure 
for  this  commone  bussines ;  and  when  we  had  in  hand  an- 
other course  with  ye  Dutchmen,  broke  it  of  at  his  motion, 
and  upon  ye  conditions  by  him  shortly  after  propounded. 
He  did  this  in  his  love  I  know,  but  things  appeare  not 
answerable  from  him  hitherto.  That  he  should  have  first 
have  put  in  his  moneys,  is  thought  by  many  to  have  been 
but  fitt,  but  yt  I  can  well  excuse,  he  being  a  marchante  and 
haveing  use  of  it  to  his  benefite ;  whereas  others,  if  it  had 
been  in  their  hands,  would  have  consumed  it.  But  yt  he 
should  not  but  have  had  either  shipping  ready  before  this 
time,  or  at  least  certaine  means,  and  course,  and  ye  same 
knowne  to  us  for  it,  or  have  taken  other  order  otherwise, 
cannot  in  my  conscience  be  excused.  I  have  heard  yt  wen 
he  hath  been  moved  in  the  bussines,  he  hath  put  it  of  from 
him  selfe,  and  referred  it  to  ye  others ;  and  would  come  to 
Georg  Morton  [in  London]  &  enquire  news  of  him  aboute 
things,  as  if  he  had  scarce  been  some  accessarie  unto  it. 
Wether  he  hath  failed  of  some  helps  from  others  which  he 
expected,  and  so  be  not  well  able  to  goe  through  with  things, 
or  whether  he  hath  feared  least  you  should  be  ready  too 
soone  &  so  encrease  ye  charge  of  shiping  above  yt  is  meete, 
or  whether  he  hath  thought  by  withhoulding  to  put  us  upon 
straits,  thinking  yt  therby  Mr.  Brewer  and  Mr.  Pickering 
would  be  drawne  by  importunitie  to  doe  more,  or  what  other 
misterie  is  in  it,  we  know  not ;  but  sure  we  are  yt  things  are 
not  answerable  to  such  an  occasion.  Mr.  Weston  maks 
himselfe  mery  with  our  endeavors  aboute  buying  a  ship, 
[the  Speedwell]  but  we  have  done  nothing  in  this  but  with 
good  reason,  as  I  am  perswaded,  nor  yet  that  I  know  in  any 
thing  els,  save  in  those  tow :  ye  one,  that  we  imployed 
Robart  Cushman,  who  is  known  (though  a  good  man  &  of 
spetiall  abilities  in  his  kind,  yet)  most  unfitt  to  deale  for  other 


Appendix 


329 


men,  by  reason  ot  his  singuhiritie,  and  too  great  intlifterancie 
for  any  conditions,  and  for  (to  speak,  truly)  that  we  have  had 
nothing  from  him  but  termes  &  presumptions.  The  other, 
yt  we  have  so  much  relyed,  by  implicite  faith  as  it  were, 
upon  generalities,  without  seeing  ye  perticuler  course  & 
means  for  so  waghtie  an  affaire  set  down  unto  us.  Forship- 
ing,  Mr.  Weston,  it  should  seeme,  is  set  upon  hireing,  which 
yet  I  wish  he  may  presently  effecte ;  but  I  see  litle  hope  of 
help  from  hence  if  so  it  be.  Ot  Mr.  [Thomas]  Brewer,  you 
know  what  to  expecte.  I  doe  not  thinke  Mr.  Pickering 
will  ingage,  excepte  in  ye  course  of  buying  [ships'^]  in 
former  letters  specified.  Aboute  ye  conditions,  you  have 
our  reason  for  our  judgments  of  what  is  agreed.  And  let 
this  spetially  be  borne  in  minde,  yt  the  greatest  parte  of  ye 
CoUonie  is  like  to  be  imployed  constantly,  not  upon  dressing 
ther  perticuler  land  &  building  houses,  but  upon  fishing, 
trading,  &c.  So  as  ye  land  &  house  will  be  but  a  trifell  for 
advantage  to  ye  adventurers,  and  yet  the  devission  of  it  a 
great  discouragmente  to  ye  planters,  who  would  with  singu- 
ler  care  make  it  comfortable  with  borowed  houres  from  their 
sleep.  The  same  consideration  of  comone  imploymente  con- 
stantly by  the  most  is  a  good  reason  not  to  have  ye  2.  dales 
in  a  week  denyed  ye  kvi  planters  for  private  use,  which  yet 
is  subordinate  to  comone  good.  Consider  also  how  much 
unfite  that  you  &  your  liks  must  serve  a  new  prentishipe  of 
7.  years,  and  not  a  dales  freedome  from  taske.  Send  me  word 
what  persons  are  to  goe,  who  of  usefuU  faculties,  &  how 
many,  &  perticulerly  of  every  thing.  I  know  you  wante 
not  a  minde.  I  am  sorie  you  have  not  been  at  London  all 
this  while,  but  ye  provissions  could  not  want  you.  Time 
will  suffer  me  to  write  no  more ;  fare  you  &  yours  well  all- 
ways  in  ye  Lord,  in  whom  I  rest. 

Yours  to  use, 

John  Robinson.' 


I.    Bradford,  Historic,  Mass.  ed.  pp.  58-61. 


330 


Appendix 


VII 

The  Letter  of  the  Planters  to  the  Merchant 
Adventurers  (from  Southampton) 

Aug.  3.  Ano.  1620. 

Beloved  freinds,  sory  we  are  that  ther  should  be  occasion 
of  writing  at  all  unto  you,  partly  because  we  ever  expected 
to  see  ye  most  of  you  hear,  but  espetially  because  ther  should 
any  difFerance  at  all  be  conceived  betweene  us.  But  seing 
it  faleth  out  that  we  cannot  conferr  togeather,  we  thinke  it 
meete  (though  brefly)  to  show  you  ye  just  cause  &  reason 
of  our  differing  from  those  articles  last  made  by  Robart 
Cushman,  without  our  comission  or  knowledg. 

And  though  he  might  propound  good  ends  to  himselfe, 
yet  it  no  way  justifies  his  doing  it.  Our  maine  diference  is 
in  ye  5.  &  9.  article,  concerning  ye  deviding  or  holding  of 
house  and  lands ;  the  injoying  whereof  some  of  your  selves 
well  know,  was  one  spetiall  motive,  amongst  many  other,  to 
provoke  us  to  goe.  This  was  thought  so  reasonable,  yt 
when  ye  greatest  of  you  in  adventure  (whom  we  have  much 
cause  to  respecte),  when  he  propounded  conditions  to  us 
freely  of  his  owne  accorde,  he  set  this  downe  for  one ;  a  coppy 
wherof  we  have  sent  unto  you,  with  some  additions  then 
added  by  us ;  which  being  liked  on  both  sids,  and  a  day  set 
for  ye  paimente  of  moneys,  those  in  Holland  paid  in  theirs. 
After  yt,  Robart  Cushman,  Mr.  [John]  Pierce,  &  Mr.  [Chris- 
topher] Martine,  brought  them  into  a  better  forme,  &  write 
them  in  a  booke  now  extante ;  and  upon  Robarts  [Cush- 
mans]  shewing  them  and  delivering  Mr.  [William]  MuUins 
a  coppy  thereof  under  his  hand  (which  we  have),  he  payed 
in  his  money.  And  we  of  Holland  had  never  seen  other 
before  our  coming  to  Hamton,  but  only  as  one  got  for  him 
selfe  a  private  coppy  of  them ;  upon  sight  wherof  we  many- 
fested  uter  dislike,  but  had  put  of  our  estats  &  were  ready 
to  come,  and  therfore  was  too  late  to  rejecte  ye  vioage. 
Judge  therefore  we  beseech  you  indifferently  of  things,  and 
if  a  faulte  have  bene  comited,  lay  it  where  it  is,  &  not 
upon  us,  who  have  more  cause  to  stand  for  ye  one,  then  you 


Appendix 


have  tor  ye  other.  We  never  gave  Hobart  Cushman  comis- 
sion  to  make  any  one  article  tor  us,  but  only  sent  him  to 
receive  moneys  upon  articles  before  agreed  on,  and  to  further 
ye  provissions  till  John  Carver  came,  and  to  assiste  him  in 
it.  Yet  since  you  conceive  your  selves  wronged  as  well  as 
we,  we  thought  meete  to  add  a  branch  to  ye  end  of  our  9. 
article,  as  will  allmost  heale  that  wound  of  it  selfe,  which 
you  conceive  to  be  in  it. 

But  that  it  may  appeare  to  all  men  yt  we  are  not  lovers 
of  our  selves  only,  but  desire  also  ye  good  &  inriching  of  our 
freinds  who  have  adventured  your  moneys  with  our  persons, 
we  have  added  our  last  article  to  ye  rest,  promising  you 
againe  by  leters  in  ye  behalfe  of  the  whole  company,  that  if 
large  profits  should  not  arise  within  ye  7.  years,  yt  we  will  con- 
tinue togeather  longer  with  you,  if  ye  Lord  give  a  blessing.' 

This  we  hope  is  sufficente  to  satisfie  any  in  this  case,  espe- 
tialy  freinds,  since  we  are  asured  yt  if  the  whole  charge  was 
devided  into  4.  parts,  3.  of  them  will  not  stand  upon  it, 
nether  doe  regarde  it,  &c.  We  are  in  shuch  a  streate  at 
presente,  as  we  are  forced  to  sell  away  60".  worth  of  our 
provissions  to  cleare  ye  Haven  [Southampton]  &  withall 
put  our  selves  upon  great  extremities,  scarce  haveing  any 
butter,  no  oyle,  not  a  sole  to  mend  a  shoe,  nor  every  man  a 
sword  to  his  side,  wanting  many  muskets,  much  armoure,  etc. 
And  yet  we  are  willing  to  expose  our  selves  to  shuch  eminente 
dangers  as  are  like  to  insue,  &  trust  to  ye  good  providence 
of  God,  rather  then  his  name  &  truth  should  be  evill  spoken 
of  for  us.  Thus  saluting  all  of  you  in  love,  and  beseeching 
ye  Lord  to  give  a  blesing  to  our  endeavore,  and  keepe  all 
our  harts  in  ye  bonds  of  peace  &  love,  we  take  leave  &  rest. 

Yours,  &c.^ 
Aug.  3.  1620. 

["  It  was  subscribed  with  many  names  of  ye  cheefest  of 
ye  company."  —  Bradford,  "  Historie,"  Mass.  ed.  p.  77.] 


1.  Bradford  adds  in  a  note,  "  It  is  well   for  them  yt  this  was  not 
accepted." 

2.  Bradford,  Historie,  Mass.  ed.  pp.  75-77. 


331 


332 


Appendix 


VIII 

The  Letter  of  Robert  Cushman  (from  Southampton) 
TO  Edward  Southworth 

To  his  loving  friend  Ed[ward]  S[outhworth]  at  Henige 
House,  in  ye  Duks  Place  [London],  these,  &c. 

Dartmouth  [Thursday]  Aug.  17,  [Anno  1620]. 

Loving  friend,  my  most  kind  remembrance  to  you  & 
your  wife,  with  loving  E.  M.  &c.  whom  in  this  world  I  never 
looke'to  see  againe.  For  besids  ye  eminente  dangers  of  this 
viage,  which  are  no  less  then  deadly,  an  infirmitie  of  body 
hath  seased  me,  which  will  not  in  all  licelyhoode  leave  me 
till  death.  What  to  call  it  I  know  not,  but  it  it  is  a  bundle 
of  lead,  as  it  were,  crushing  my  harte  more  &  more  these 
14.  days,  as  that  allthough  I  doe  ye  acctions  of  a  liveing  man, 
yet  I  am  but  as  dead ;  but  ye  will  of  God  be  done.  Our  pinass 
[the  Speedwell]  will  not  cease  leaking,  els  I  thinke  we  had 
been  halfe  way  at  Virginia,  our  viage  hither  hath  been  as  full 
of  crosses,  as  our  selves  have  been  of  crokednes.  We  put 
in  hear  to  trime  her,  &  I  thinke,  as  others  also,  if  we  had 
stayed  at  sea  but  3.  or  4.  howers  more,  shee  would  have 
sunke  right  downe.  And  though  she  was  twise  trimed  at 
Hamton,  yet  now  shee  is  open  and  lekie  as  a  seive ;  and 
ther  was  a  borde,  a  man  might  have  puld  of  with  his  fingers, 
2  foote  longe,  wher  ye  water  came  in  as  at  a  mole  hole.  We 
lay  at  Hamton  7.  days,  in  fair  weather,  waiting  for  her,  and 
now  we  lye  hear  waiting  for  her  in  as  faire  a  wind  as  can 
blowe,  and  so  have  done  these  4.  days,  and  are  like  to  lye  4. 
more,  and  by  yt  time  ye  wind  will  happily  tume  as  it  did 
at  Hamton.  Our  victualls  will  be  halfe  eaten  up,  I  thinke, 
before  we  goe  from  the  coaste  of  England,  and  if  our  viage  last 
longe,  we  shall  not  have  a  months  victialls  when  we  come 
in  ye  countrie.  Near  700".  hath  bene  bestowed  at  Hamton 
upon  what  I  know  not.  Mr.  Martin  saith  he  neither  can  nor 
will  give  any  accounte  of  it,  and  if  he  be  called  upon  for 
accounts  he  crieth  out  of  unthankfulness  for  his  paines  & 
care,  that  we  are  susspitious  of  him,  and  flings  away,  and 


Appendix 


333 


will  end  nothing.  Also  he  so  insulteh  over  our  poorc  people 
with  shuch  scorne  and  contempte,  as  it  they  were  not  good 
enough  to  wipe  his  shoes.  It  would  break  your  hart  to  see 
his  dealing,  and  ye  mourning  of  our  people.  They  com- 
plaine  to  me,  &  alass  I  I  can  doe  nothing  for  them ;  if  I 
speake  to  him,  he  flies  in  my  face,  as  mutinous,  and  saith  no 
complaints  shall  be  heard  or  received  but  by  him  selfe,  and 
saith  they  are  forwarde,  &  waspish,  discontented  people,  & 
I  doe  ill  to  hear  them.  Ther  are  others  yt  would  lose  all 
they  have  put  in,  or  make  satisfaction  for  what  they  have 
had,  that  they  might  departe ;  but  he  will  not  hear  them, 
nor  suffer  them  to  goe  ashore,  least  they  should  rune  away. 
The  sailors  also  are  so  offended  at  his  ignorante  bouldnes,  in 
medling  &  controuling  in  things  he  knows  not  what  belongs 
too,  as  yt  some  threaten  to  misscheefe  him,  others  say  they 
will  leave  ye  shipe  &  goe  their  way.  But  at  ye  best  this  cometh 
of  it,  yt  he  maks  him  selfe  a  scorne  &  laughing  stock  unto 
them.  As  for  Mr.  Weston,  excepte  grace  doe  greatly  swaye 
with  him,  he  will  hate  us  ten  times  more  then  ever  he  loved 
us,  for  not  confirming  ye  conditions.  But  now,  since  some 
pinches  have  taken  them,  they  begine  to  reveile  ye  trueth, 
and  say  Mr.  Robinson  was  in  ye  falte  who  charged  them 
never  to  consente  to  those  conditions,  nor  chuse  me  into 
office,  but  indeede  apointed  them  to  chose  them  they  did 
chose.  But  he  and  they  will  rue  too  late,  they  may  now 
see,  &  all  be  ashamed  when  it  is  too  late,  that  they  were  so 
ignorante,  yea,  &  so  inordinate  in  their  courses.  I  am  sure 
as  they  were  resolved  not  to  scale  those  conditions,  I  was 
not  so  resolute  at  Hamton  to  have  left  ye  whole  bussines, 
excepte  they  would  scale  them,  and  better  ye  vioage  to  have 
bene  broken  of  then,  then  to  have  brought  such  miserie  to 
our  selves,  dishonour  to  God,  &  detrimente  to  our  loving 
freinds,  as  now  it  is  like  to  doe.  4'.  or  5.  of  ye  cheefe  of 
them  which  came  from  Leyden,  came  resolved  never  to  goe 
on  those  conditions.  And  Mr.  Martine,  he  said  he  never 
received  no  money  on  those  conditions,  he  was  not  beholden 
to  ye  marchants,  for  a  pine  [pennie],  they  were  bloudsuckers, 
&  I  know  not  what.  Simple  man,  he  indeed  never  made 
any  conditions  wth  the  marchants,  nor  ever  spake  with  them. 


334 


Appendix 


But  did  all  that  money  flie  to  Hamton,  or  was  it  his  owne  *? 
Who  will  goe  lay  out  money  so  rashly  &  lavishly  as  he  did, 
and  never  know  how  he  comes  by  it,  or  on  what  conditions  ? 
2ly.  I  tould  him  of  ye  alteration  longe  agoe,  &  he  was  con- 
tente ;  but  now  he  dominires,  &  said  I  had  betrayed  them 
into  ye  hands  of  slaves ;  he  is  not  beholden  to  them,  he  can 
set  out  2.  ships  him  selfe  to  a  viage.  When,  good  man? 
He  hath  but  50''.  in,  &  if  he  should  give  up  his  accounts 
he  would  not  have  a  penie  left  him,  as  I  am  persuaded,'  &c. 
Freind,  if  ever  we  make  a  plantation,  God  works  a  mirakle ; 
especially  considering  how  scante  we  shall  be  of  victualls,  and 
most  of  all  ununited  amongst  our  selves,  &  devoyd  of  good 
tutors  and  regimente.  Violence  will  break  all.  Wher  is 
ye  meek  &  humble  spirite  of  Moyses  ?  &  of  Nehemiah  who 
reedified  ye  wals  of  Jerusalem,  and  ye  state  of  Israeli  ?  Is 
not  ye  sound  of  Rehoboams  braggs  daly  hear  amongst  us  ? 
Have  not  ye  philosophers  and  all  wise  men  observed  yt, 
even  in  setled  comone  welths,  violente  govemours  bring 
either  them  selves,  or  people,  or  boath,  to  ruine ;  how  much 
more  in  ye  raising  of  comone  wealths,  when  ye  mortar  is 
yet  scarce  tempered  yt  should  bind  ye  wales  [walls].  If  I 
should  write  to  you  of  all  things  which  promiscuously  fore- 
rune  our  ruine,  I  should  over  charge  my  weake  head  and 
greeve  your  tender  hart ;  only  this,  I  pray  you  prepare  for 
evill  tidings  of  us  every  day.  But  pray  for  us  instantly,  it 
may  be  ye  Lord  will  be  yet  entreated  one  way  or  other  to 
make  for  us.  I  see  not  in  reason  how  we  shall  escape  even 
ye  gasping  of  hunger  starved  persons ;  but  God  can  doe 
much,  &  his  will  be  done.  It  is  better  for  me  to  dye,  then 
now  for  me  to  bear  it,  which  I  doe  daly,  &  expect  it  howerly ; 
haveing  received  ye  sentance  of  death,  both  within  me  &  with- 
out me.  Poore  William  Ring  &  my  selfe  doe  strive  who 
shall  be  meate  first  for  ye  fishes ;  but  we  looke  for  a  glori- 
ous resurrection,  knowing  Christ  Jesus  after  ye  flesh  no 
more,  but  looking  unto  ye  joye  yt  is  before  us,  we  will 
endure  all  these  things  and  accounte  them  light  in  compar- 
ison of  ye  joye  we  hope  for.  Remember  me  in  all  love 
to  our  freinds  as  if  I  named   them,  whose  praiers  I  desire 


I.  " This  was  found  true  afterwards.     W[illiam]  B"[radford]. 


Appendix 


earnestly,  &  wish  againe  to  see,  but  not  till  I  can  with  more 
comforte  looke  them  in  ye  face.  The  Lord  give  us  that  true 
comforte  which  none  can  take  from  us.  I  had  a  desire  to 
make  a  breefe  relation  of  our  estate  to  some  freind.  I  doubte 
not  but  your  wisdome  will  teach  you  seasonably  to  utter 
things  as  here  after  you  shall  be  called  to  it.  That  which  I 
have  writen  is  treue,  &  many  things  more  which  I  have  for- 
borne. I  write  it  as  upon  my  life,  and  last  confession  in 
England.  What  is  of  use  to  be  spoken  of  presently,  you 
may  speake  ot  it,  and  what  is  fitt  to  conceile,  conceall.  Pass 
by  my  weake  maner,  for  my  head  is  weake,  and  my  body 
feeble,  ye  Lord  make  me  strong  in  him,  and  keepe  both  you 
&  yours. 

Your  loving  freind, 

ROBART    CUSHMAN.' 

Dartmouth,  Aug.  17,  1620. 


IX 


The  May-Flower  Compact 

In  ye  name  of  God,  Amen.  We  whose  names  are  under- 
writen,  the  loyall  subjects  of  our  dread  soveraigne  Lord, 
King  James,  by  ye  grace  of  God,  of  Great  Britaine,  Franc, 
&  Ireland  king,  defender  of  ye  faith,  &c.,  haveing  under- 
taken, for  ye  glorie  of  God,  and  advancemente  of  ye  Chris- 
tian faith,  and  honour  of  our  king  &  countrie,  a  voyage  to 
plant  ye  first  colonic  in  ye  Northeme  parts  of  Virginia,  doe 
by  these  presents  solemnly  &  mutualy  in  ye  presence  of  God, 
and  one  of  another,  covenant  &  combine  our  selves  togeather 
into  a  civill  body  politick,  for  our  better  ordering  &  preser- 
vation &  furtherance  of  ye  ends  aforesaid :  and  by  vertue 
hearof  to  enacte,  constitute,  and  frame  such  just  &  equall 
lawes,  ordinances,  actes,  constitutions,  &  offices,  from  time  to 
time,  as  shall  be  thought  most  meete  &  convenient  for  ye 
generall  good  of  ye  Colonic,  unto  which  we  promise  all  due 
submission  and  obedience.  In  witnes  wherof  we  have  here- 
under subscribed  our  names  at  Cape-Codd  ye  1 1.  of  Novem- 


I.    Bradford,  Historic^  Mass.  ed.  pp.  86-90. 


335 


336 


Appendix 


ber,  in  ye  year  of  ye  raigne  of  our  soveraigne  lord.  King 
James,  of  England,  France,  &  Ireland  ye  eighteenth,  and  of 
Scotland  ye  fiftie  fourth.     Ano.  Dom.  1620.' 


X 


A  Copy  of  the  Nuncupative  Will  of  Master  William 

Mullens 

[  Undoubtedly  taken  by  Governor  Carver  on  board  the  May-Flower.] 

[Although  the  dictation  must,  apparently,  have  been  taken 
on  the  day  of  Master  MuUens's  death,  February  21 /March 
3,  1620,  Governor  Carver  evidently  did  not  write  out  his 
notes,  and  have  them  witnessed,  till  April  2,  1621,  some 
weeks  later.] 

"  2:  April,  1621. 
In  the  name  of  God,  Amen :  I  comit  my  soule  to  God 
that  gave  it  and  my  bodie  to  the  earth  from  whence  it  came. 
Alsoe  I  give  my  goodes  as  foUoweth  That  fforty  poundes 
wch  is  in  the  hand  of  good-man  Woodes  I  give  my  wife  tenn 
poundes,  my  sonne  Joseph  tenn  poundes,  my  daughter 
Priscilla  tenn  poundes,  and  my  eldest  sonne  tenn  poundes. 
Alsoe  I  give  to  my  eldest  sonne  all  my  debtes,  bonds,  bills 
(onelye  yt  forty  poundes  excepted  in  the  handes  of  goodman 
Wood)  given  as  aforesaid  wth  all  the  stock  in  his  owne 
handes.  To  my  eldest  daughter  I  give  ten  shillinges  to  be 
paied  out  of  my  sonnes  stock  Furthermore  that  goodes  I 
have  in  Virginia  as  foUoweth  To  my  wife  Alice  halfe  my 
goodes.  2.  to  Joseph  and  Priscilla  the  other  halfe  equallie 
to  be  devided  betweene  them.  Alsoe  I  have  xxj  dozen  of 
shoes,  and  thirteene  paire  of  bootes  wch  I  giue  into  the  Com- 
panies handes  for  forty  poundes  at  seaven  years  end  if  they 


I.  Bradford,  Historie,  Mass.  ed.  p.  no.  The  names  of  the  signers 
of  the  May-Flower  Compact  are  known  only  from  Nathaniel  Mor- 
ton's Memorial.  The  presumption  is  that  he  prepared  the  list  from 
Bradford's  original  memorandum,  or  the  original  Compact. 


Appendix 


337 


like  them  at  that  rate.  It  it  be  thought  to  deare  as  my  Over- 
seers shall  thinck  good.  And  it  they  like  them  at  that  rate 
at  the  devident  I  shall  have  nyne  shares  whereot  I  give  as 
toUoweth  twoe  to  my  wife,  twoe  to  my  sonne  William,  twee 
to  my  Sonne  Joseph,  towe  to  my  daughter  Priscilla,  and  one 
to  the  Companie.  Allsoe  it  my  sonne  William  will  come 
to  Virginia  I  give  him  my  share  ot  land  turdermore  I  give 
to  my  two  Overseers  Mr.  John  Carver  and  Mr.  Williamson, 
twentye  shillinges  apeece  to  see  this  my  will  performed  de- 
siringe  them  that  he  would  have  an  eye  over  my  wife  and 
children  to  be  as  fathers  and  freindes  to  them,  Allsoe  to  have 
a  speciall  eye  to  my  man  Robert  wch  hathe  not  so  approved 
himselfe  as  I  would  he  should  have  done." 

"  This  is  a  Coppye  of  Mr.  Mullens  his  Will  of  all  particu- 
lars he  hathe  given.  In  witnes  whereof  I  have  sette  my 
hande     John  Carver,  Giles  Heale,  Christopher  Joanes." 

"  Vicesimo  tertio :  die  mensis  Julii  Anno  Domini  Mille- 
simo  sexcentesimo  vicesimo  primo  Emanavit  Commissio 
Sare  Blunden  als  MuUins  filie  naturali  et  legitime  dicti  de- 
functi  ad  administrand  bona  jura  et  credita  ejusdem  defunct 
juxta  tenorem  et  efFectum  testament!  suprascripti  eo  quod 
nullum  in  eodem  testamento  nominavit  executorem  de  bene 
etc  Jurat.     68  Dale." 

"Mense  Julij  An"  Dni  1621. 
Vicesimo  tertio  die  emanavit  comissio  Sare  Blunden  als 
Mullens  filie  iirali  et  Itime  Willmi  Mullens  nup  de  Dorking 
in  Com  Sufr  sed  in  partibus  ultra  marinis  def  hentis  etc  ad 
administrand  bona  jura  et  credita  ejusdem  def  juxta  tenorem 
et  effcum  testamenti  ipsius  defuncti  eo  quod  nullum  in 
eodem  nominavit  exfem  de  bene  etc.  Jurat."  * 


I.   Probate  Act  Book,  1621  and  1622,  Somerset  House;  Waters, 
Genealogical  Gleanings  in  England,  vol.  iii.  p.  254. 


338 


Appendix 


XI 

The  Letter  of  "One  of  the  Chiefe  of  ye  Companie" 
[The  Merchant  Adventurers],  dated  at  London, 
April  9,  1623 

Loving  friend,  vi^hen  I  write  my  last  leter,  I  hope  to  have 
received  one  from  you  well-nigh  by  this  time.  But  when  I 
write  in  Des :  I  little  thought  to  have  seen  Mr.  John  Pierce 
till  he  had  brought  some  good  tidings  from  you.  But  it 
pleased  God,  he  brought  us  ye  wofuU  tidings  of  his  returne 
when  he  was  half-way  over,  by  extraime  tempest,  werin  ye 
goodnes  &  mercie  of  God  appeared  in  sparing  their  lives, 
being  109.  souls.  The  loss  is  so  great  to  Mr.  Pierce  &c., 
and  ye  companie  put  upon  so  great  charge,  as  veryly,  &c. 

Now  with  great  trouble  &  loss,  we  have  got  Mr.  John 
Pierce  to  assigne  over  ye  grand  patente  to  ye  companie, 
which  he  had  taken  in  his  owne  name,  and  made  quite  voyd 
our  former  grante.  I  am  sorie  to  writ  how  many  hear  thinke 
yt  the  hand  of  God  was  justly  against  him,  both  ye  first  and 
2.  time  of  his  returne ;  in  regard  he,  whom  you  and  we  so 
confidently  trusted,  but  only  to  use  his  name  for  ye  com- 
pany, should  aspire  to  be  lord  over  us  all,  and  so  make  you 
&  us  tenants  at  his  will  and  pleasure,  our  assurance  or  patente 
being  quite  voyd  &  disanuled  by  his  means.  I  desire  to 
judg  charitably  of  him.  But  his  unwillingness  to  part  with 
his  royall  lordship,  and  ye  high  rate  he  set  it  at,  which  was 
500".  which  cost  him  but  50".,  maks  many  speake  and  judg 
hardly  of  him.  The  company  are  out  for  goods  in  his  ship, 
with  charge  aboute  ye  passengers,  64011.,  &c. 

We  have  agreed  with  2.  marchants  for  a  ship  of  140. 
tunes,  caled  ye  Anne,  which  is  to  be  ready  ye  last  of  this 
month,  to  bring  60.  passengers  &  60.  tune  of  goods,  &c.* 


I.   Bradford,  Historie^  Mass.  ed.  p.  167. 


Appendix 


339 


ADDENDA 

The  More  Children  were  evidently  of  tender  age.  In  speak- 
ing of  the  death  of  Jasper  (indentured  to  Governor  Carver), 
who  died  before  the  Governor  and  his  wife,  Bradford  calls 
him  "  ye  little  boy  Jasper,"  indicating,  clearly,  a  child,  while 
several  affidavits  of  his  brother,  Richard  More,  made  some 
seven  years  apart,  practically  agree  as  to  his  own  age,  and 
show  that  he  must  have  been,  if  they  are  reliable,  from  six  to 
eight  years  old  when  he  came  over  in  1620.  Bradford  men- 
tions the  sister  (bound  to  Governor  Winslow),  as  "the  little 
girl."  Presumably  the  brother  who  was  "-articled"  to  Elder 
Brewster,  with  his  brother  Richard,  was  not  much  older  than 
Jasper  or  Richard.  His  given  name  is  not  mentioned.  (See 
also  pp.  155-158  and  Appendix,  pp.  352,  353.) 


Mary  {Jllerton)  Cushmans  Will  throws  some  light  upon 
her  age.  She  is  almost  invariably  mentioned  as  "the  last 
survivor  of  the  passengers  of  the  May-Flower,"  and  so 
habitual  is  it  to  so  think  of  her  that  she  is  named  as  such  on 
page  177  of  this  volume.  That  she  was  "the  last  survivor 
of  those  upon  the  passenger  list  of  the  May-Flower  "  when 
she  left  England  is  undoubtedly  true,  but  there  can  be  no 
doubt  of  the  right  of  Oceanus  Hopkins  and  Peregrine  White 
to  class  as  "  May-Flower  passengers,"  and  Peregrine  White, 
who  died  after  Mrs.  Cushman,  must  therefore  rank  as  their 
last  survivor. 

William  Mullens' s  name  and  its  correct  orthography  have 
been  as  much  mooted  as  his  antecedents.  Bradford  spells  it 
MuUins,  Molines,  Mollines,  and  Mullens.  Governor  Carver, 
the  only  other  early  writer,  except  Cushman,  who  knew  him 
personally,  and  who  presumably  took  his  will  from  his  dicta- 
tion, spells  it  Mullens,  and,  other  things  being  equal,  may 
fairly  be  held  (especially  in  so  important  a  relation)  to  have 
ascertained  and  used  the  correct  form,  as  employed  by  the 
testator  himself  In  the  letter  of  the  planters  (of  August  3, 
from  Southampton)  to  the  Adventurers,  "  signed,"  Bradford 


340 


Appendix 


says,  "  with  many  names  of  ye  chietest  of  ye  company,"  the 
name  is  spelled  MuUins.  The  legal  indorsements  of  the  regis- 
tering and  judicial  functionaries  in  England,  where  the  will 
was  "  set  up,"  respectively  give  the  name  MuUins  and  Mul- 
lens, —  the  latter  twice.  It  appears,  therefore,  that  Bradford's 
authority  applies  equally  to  each  of  the  four  methods  he 
employs,  one  of  which  is  Mullens.  Governor  Carver,  of 
whom  (under  the  circumstances  in  which  he  wrote  the  name) 
every  endeavor  at  accuracy  might  be  expected,  and  who  per- 
sonally well  knew  the  testator,  spells  his  name  Mullens,  and 
the  English  probate  officer  who  granted  letters  of  adminis- 
tration on  the  will  to  the  daughter  Sarah  (Mrs.  Blunden), 
and  doubtless  talked  with  her,  twice  spells  it  Mullens.  The 
only  contemporaneous  authority  for  spelling  it  MuUins  is 
that  found  in  the  Southampton  letter  (of  the  Planters  to 
the  Adventurers),  of  August  3,  1620,  before  mentioned,  the 
writer  of  which  is  unknown. 

There  are  on  probate  and  other  records  of  that  day,  per- 
taining to  the  county  of  Surrey,  England  (MuUens's  home), 
numerous  entries  under  both  spellings,  —  MuUins  and  Mul- 
lens,—  but  none  have  been  found  MuUines,  Molines,  or 
MoUines.  Mr.  Mullens  had  a  son  William,  who  came  to 
Plymouth  some  time  after  his  father's  death  and  received 
land  in  accordance  with  his  will.  The  records  spell  his 
name  both  MuUins  and  MuUings,  and  hence  afford  no  solu- 
tion of  the  matter.  Beside  these  early  authorities  quoted, 
there  are  none  known  by  which  to  determine  the  correct 
method.  The  weight  of  evidence  seems  to  favor  Mul- 
lens, and  this  orthography  has  hence  been  adopted  in  this 
volume.  MuUins  has  found  favor  with  Arber,  Goodwin, 
Bowman,  and  others,  but  apparently,  from  personal  pre- 
ference only,  certainly  upon  no  other  authority  than  that 
here  given. 

John  Tilley's  (second  T)  wife,  who  came  with  him  to  America, 
is  given  the  name,  in  the  May-Flower  passenger  list,  on  the 
authority  of  a  somewhat  obscure  and  difficult  Dutch  record, 
of  "  Bridget  Van  der  Velde."  Dr.  Dexter  supposed  her  to  be  a 
second  (or  later)  wife,  and  that  Elizabeth  Tilley,  his  daughter. 


Appendix 


was  such  by  a  former  wife.  Arber,  apparently,  does  not  accept 
the  record  named,  as  conclusive,  while  Bowman  and  others 
entirely  ignore  and  distrust  it.  Goodwin  and  others,  on  the 
other  hand,  accept  it,  and  there  is  collateral  evidence  that  this 
wife's  name  was  "Bridget."  In  view  of  the  facts,  —  (a)  that 
nothing  in  the  record  of  the  marriage  of  a  Jan  Tilley  (really 
John,  but  under  blundering  Dutch  interpretation  perverted) 
to  a  Bridget  Van  der  Velde  is  in  conflict  with  the  known 
circumstances  relating  to  Tilley,  and  (b)  that  "Bridget" 
was  not  a  common  name  among  the  Leydcn  Pilgrims,  there 
certainly  is  some  presumptive  evidence  favoring  the  record, 
which  if  not  accepted  as  conclusive  is  not  controverted,  and  is 
entitled  to  some  consideration.     (See  Dexter's  ed.  of  MourL) 

• 

Governor  IVinslow,  in  his  "  Hypocrisie  Unmasked  "  (pp. 
89,  90),  indicates  that  the  representatives  ot  tlie  Leyden  con- 
gregation (Cushman  and  Carver)  sought  the  First  (or  Lon- 
don) Virginia  Company  as  early  as  1613.  It  is  beyond 
doubt  that  preliminary  steps  toward  securing  the  favor,  both 
of  the  King  and  others,  were  taken  as  early  as  1617,  and  that 
the  Wincob  Patent  was  granted  in  their  interest,  June  9/19, 
1619.  But  the  Leyden  people  were  but  little  advanced  by 
the  issue  of  this  Patent.  They  became  discouraged,  and 
began  early  in  1620  (perhaps  earlier)  negotiations  with  the 
Dutch,  which  were  in  progress  when,  at  the  instance  of  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges,  Thomas  Weston  undertook  (February 
2/12,  April  l/i  1,  1620)  to  secure  the  Leyden  party,  avowedly 
for  the  London  Virginia  Company,  but  really  for  its  rival, 
the  Second  Virginia  Company,  soon  to  be  merged  in  the 
"  Council  of  Affairs  for  New  England." 

It  was  ihen,  and  under  these  influences,  that  the  Leyden 
leaders  "  broke  off,"  as  Bradford  puts  it,  their  negotiations 
with  the  Dutch  authorities,  who,  however,  apparently  about 
the  same  time,  determined  to  reject  their  propositions.  While 
the  renewal  of  the  Leyden  leaders'  negotiations,  through 
Weston,  were,  "  on  their  face  "  (and  so  far  as  the  Pilgrims 
were  concerned),  with  the  First  Virginia  Company,  with 
whom,  through  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  and  other  friends,  their 
original  efforts  were  made,  they  were,  as  stated,  subverted  by 


34^ 


342 


Appendix 


Gorges's  plans  and  Weston's  cooperation,  in  the  interest  of 
the  Second  Virginia  Company.  The  Merchant  Adventurers 
were  represented,  in  the  direct  negotiations  for  the  Patent 
only,  by  John  Pierce,  who,  at  that  time,  was  apparently 
dealing  honestly,  and  was  not,  so  far  as  appears,  in  Gorges's 
confidence,  though  later  he  proved  a  traitor  and  a  consummate 
rascal,  albeit  he  always  acted,  apparently,  alone.  The  so- 
called  "  Pierce  Patent "  (which  displaced  the  Wincob)  was 
rendered  worthless  by  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims  north  of 
41°  north  latitude.  The  third  Patent  (Pierce's  second) 
was  from  the  Council  for  New  England  to  Pierce,  for  the 
colonists,  but  was  exchanged  by  him  for  a  "  deed-pole  "  to 
himself,  though  at  last  surrendered  to  the  colony  under 
stress. 

The  Ship' s-Mer chant,  or  Supercargo,  is  mentioned  by  both 
Bradford  ("  Historic,"  Mass.  ed.  p.  216)  and  Winthrop 
("  Journal,"  vol.  i.  p.  160),  and  was  beyond  doubt  an  impor- 
tant and  usual  officer  of  ships  of  that  day,  especially  those 
making  trading  voyages.  By  Bradford's  mention  it  is  evi- 
dent that  Mr.  Edward  Winslow  was  "  merchante  "  on  one  or 
more  voyages  of  Captain  William  Pierce's  ship,  and  a  "  Cap- 
tain Hurlston  "  is  named  by  Governor  Winthrop  as  having 
come  to  Boston  as  "  merchant "  on  a  certain  "  Dutch  ship." 

Purchas  his  Pilgrims  (original  publication,  and  Prince, 
"Annals,"  p.  161,  note)  also  gives,  as  does  Captain  John 
Smith,  "  twenty "  as  the  number  of  passengers  who  aban- 
doned the  voyage  at  Plymouth,  England.  There  is  reason, 
from  Bradford's  expression,  wherein  he  mentions  parents 
themselves  weak,  and  "  having  the  care  of  many  small  chil- 
dren," to  think  this  nutnber  none  too  large. 

The  First  Cattle  of  the  Pilgrims,  contrary  to  the  conclu- 
sions of  several  writers,  —  Prince  ("  Annals,"  ed.  1826,  p.  225), 
Young  ("  Chronicles  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,"  p.  233,  note), 
Goodwin  ("  Pilgrim  Republic,"  p.  471),  and  others,  —  do  not 
seem  to  have  been  "  the  bull  and  three  heifers "  brought 
to  Plymouth  in  March,  1624/5,  by  Edward  Winslow  (Cush- 


Appendix 


343 


man's  letter  to  Governor  Bradtbrd,  December  22,  1624,  Brad- 
ford's Letter  Book). 

The  very  t'uU  record  of  the  "division  of  Cattle"  in  1627 
(Plymouth  Colonial  Records,  "Great  Book  of  Deeds  of 
Lands,"  pp.  50-57)  shows  conclusively  that  there  came  in 
the  Anne,  in  1623,  at  least  two  "black  cows,"  and  a  "great 
White-back  cow,"  which  were,  theretbre,  in  the  colony  a 
year  earlier  than  those  brought  by  Winslow  in  the  Charity, 
although  no  other  mention  of  this  first  shipment  of  (at  least) 
three  cattle  to  New  Plymouth  is  found. 

The  letter  of  Edward  Winslow  to  George  Morton  (De- 
cember 11/21,  1621)  makes  it  clear  that  the  Pilgrims  took 
with  them  in  the  May-Flower  neither  "  kine,"  "  horses," 
nor  "  sheep." 

The  following  lists  embody  a  fairly  inclusive  and  accurate 
schedule  of  domestic  furnishings  and  principal  articles  known 
to  have  been  possessed  by  The  May-Flower  passengers. 

Furniture.  Tables,  table-chairs,  trestles,  table-boards, 
chairs,  stools,  forms  (benches),  cupboards,  buffets,  cabinets, 
chests,  chests  of  drawers,  cradles,  looking-glasses  [mirrors], 
lamps,  sconces,  candlesticks  and  "snuffers,"  cushions,  rugges. 

Beds  and  "Bed  Furnishings."  Bedsteads,  box-bedsteads, 
half-headed  bedsteads,  palletts,  trucklebedds  [trundle-beds], 
coards  [cords],  canvass  bedds,  mattrisses,  vallances,  curtaines, 
fether  bedds,  fether  boulsters,  fflocke  bedds  [cotton  beds], 
wool  bedds,  fflocke  boulsters,  straw  bedds  [chaff  beds], 
pillowes  [fether,  fflocke],  pillow  beers — biers  or  beares  — 
[pillow  "  slips "  or  cases],  flannel  sheets,  rugges  (yellow, 
blue,  green,  white,  and  check),  sheetes,  white  blancketts 
[blankets],  bed  covering  [spreads,  quilts,  comforters,  or  cover- 
lets], cushions,  warming-pans. 

Culinary  and  Cooking  Utensils.  Chimney-iron-bars, 
helloes  [bellows],  cranes,  pot-hooks,  hangers,  trammels,  spitts, 
cob  irons,  potts,  kettles  [iron,  brass,  and  copper],  bake-kettles 
[Dutch-ovens],  ladles  [iron  and  pewter],  mortars  and  pestles 
[iron,  brass,  and  "  bell-mettle "],  andirons,  fire-dogs,  tongs, 
shovels,  slices,  potts  [quart]  and  measures,  steelyardes,  ffry- 
ing-pans  [iron  and  brass],  skilletts  [iron,  brass,  pewter,  "  bell- 


344 


Appendix 


mettle"],  pans,  dripping-pans,  baking-plates  [iron] ,  lossetts 
[wooden  plates],  caldrons,  scummers  [skimmers],  wooden 
spoones,  earthen  potts  and  pans,  funnells  [tunnels],  graters, 
gridirons,  cullenders  [colanders],  payles  [pails],  sives  [hair, 
sifting-sieves] ,  sifting  trayes  [sifting  trays],  trenchers  [wooden 
trays],  chafing  dishes  (I),  chopping  knives,  basons,  trayes, 
scales  and  waites  [weights],  flesh  hooks,  porringers. 

Pewter  and  Alchymy  \Pan-brass  and  Arsenic\  Ware. 
Platters,  plates,  potts,  porringers,  basons,  salt-sellars,  dishes, 
candlesticks,  spoones,  ladles,  chamber  potts,  bottles,  cups, 
flaggons,  skellets,  quart  potts,  pint  potts,  beere-bowls. 

Carpenters'  and  Coopers'  Tools.  Broad-axes,  felling- 
axes,  hatchets,  hand-saws,  thwart-saws  [cross-cut  saws],  adzes, 
round-adzes,  squares,  chisels,  augers,  crow-bars,  hammers, 
lathing  hammers,  holdfasts  [bench-vises],  hand-vises,  whip- 
saws,  files,  braces  and  bits,  inboring  plaines,  joynter  plaines, 
foreplaines,  smoothing  plaines,  half-round  plaines,  pincers, 
drawing-knives,  gimblets,  hand-shaves,  wedges,  iron  &  wood, 
cleavers  (for  "clapboards"  or  stave-stock),  coopers'  tools, 
blacksmiths'  tools,  anvill,  hammers,  punches,  raspes,  files, 
bellowes,  and  agricultural  implements  are  elsewhere  named. 

Means  of  Measurement.  —  'Time.  Clocks,  sun-dials, 
hour-glasses,  slow  -  match.  —  Liquids.  Quart  potts,  pint 
potts,  wine  measures,  Winchester  gallon.  —  Weights.  Steele 
yardes,  scales  &  waites  [balances].  —  Dry  Measure.  Win- 
chester bushel,  peck  and  half  peck,  quart  measure,  pint  potts, 
count  (so  many  dozen,  or  hundred  quintal).  —  Dimensions. 
Yardestick,  iron-rule,  square  (carpenters'),  span  (the  spread 
of  hand).  —  Range  and  Distance.  Log-line  (fathom),  mag- 
netic compass,  surveyors'  link  or  chain,  "  hide  "  (cow-hide  cut 
in  strips),  pace  (stride,  —  about  one  yard). 

[From  writings  of  Bradford,  Winslow,  Morton,  and  Cush- 
man,  and  from  earliest  Pilgrim  Wills  and  Inventories.] 

"The  May-Flower's  Officers.  When  the  first  edition  of 
this  work  was  published,  the  author  had  strangely  overlooked 
a  most  lucid  and  valuable  communication  from  the  pen  of 
the  Rev.  Henry  M.  Dexter,  D.  D.,  upon  the  many  points 
of  interest  furnished  by  the  Will  of  William  Mullens,  one 


Appendix 


ot  the  lending  Mav-Fi.owkr  I'ilgrims  (not  long  before  dis- 
covered in  London  by  Mr.  Henry  F.  Waters  of"  Salem), 
which  had  been  published  in  the  Proceedings  ot  the  Mass. 
Historical  Society  (vol.  v.  2d  series,  1889-90,  pp.  33-37)- 

At  that  time,  quite  as  strangely,  Mr.  George  Ernest  Bow- 
man, the  accomplished  Secretary  of  the  Mass.  Society  of 
May-Flower  Descendants,  had  not  seen  this  contribution  of 
Dr.  Dexter's  and  did  not  know  that  it  was  in  print,  but  learn- 
ing —  from  Rev.  Morton  Dexter  —  something  of  the  matter 
embraced  in  the  article,  imparted  an  outline  of  it  (as  stated 
on  pp.  133  et  seq.  of  this  volume)  to  the  author,  who  em- 
bodied a  part  of  it  in  his  pages. 

It  was  not  until  this  book  had  left  the  binder's  hands  that 
the  paper  of  Dr.  Dexter  itself  came  to  hand  and  its  fine 
analysis  and  intelligent  deductions  were  known.  By  these 
he  had  concluded  for  himself  that  "  Master  Williamson " 
was  probably  the  "  supercargo  "  of  the  Pilgrim  ship,  and  was 
identical  with  the  individual  of  that  name  whose  existence  he 
had  formerly  so  positively  denied  in  his  edition  of  "Mourt's 
Relation."  (See  note  to  p.  136,  this  volume.)  But  Dr. 
Dexter  brought  to  the  study  of  Mr.  MuUens's  will  one  item 
of  knowledge  possessed  by  no  other,  in  the  light  of  which, 
names  and  events  related  to  that  will  assumed  new  and  most 
important  values.  This  bit  of  information  came  to  him 
through  the  possession  of  a  copy  of  an  ancient  psalm-book, 
well  known  to  antiquarians,  in  which  (apparently)  its  former 
owner  had  made  mention  of  another  copy  of  the  book  which 
bore  a  most  luminous  inscription. 

Of  this  and  what  it  involved.  Dr.  Dexter  (after  discussing 
certain  features  of  the  will)  says,  inter  alia  :  — 

"  One  name  remains,  Gi/es  Heale.  Who  was  he  ?  On 
the  fly-leaf  of  a  copy  of  Henry  Ainsworth's  '  Psalms  in 
Metre'  of  the  edition  of  1618,  which  I  own  (used  in  the  ser- 
vice of  song  in  the  House  of  the  Lord  by  the  church  in 
Salem  [Mass.]  for  forty  years,  and  by  Plymouth  [Mass.] 
church  for  seventy),  some  former  owner  has  (as  I  am  very 
apt  myself  to  do)  pasted  a  clipping  from  some  antiquarian 
bookseller's  catalogue,  offering  (for  _^2-i2-6)  a  copy  of  the 
same  volume.    The  bookseller  adds:  'This  is  an  interesting 


345 


346 


Appendix 


volume  to  the  American  collector,  for  its  first  fly-leaf  has  the 
following  inscription : 

" ' "  This  book  was  given  vnto  M'  Giles  Heale  Chirurgion 
by  Marke  AUerton  Tailor  in  Virginia,  the  x.  of  February,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  1620:  Da.  Williams."'" 

Dr.  Dexter  continues:  "Virginia  was  (then)  New  Plym- 
outh [the  term  included  the  whole  North  Atlantic  coast-strip 
covered  by  the  charter  of  James  I.  to  the  Virginia  Companies 
in  1606.  A.  A.].  The  'x.  of  February,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  1620,'  was  Saturday,  fifty-one  days  before  the  date  of 
the  certification  of  the  copying  of  this  will.  '  Marke '  AUerton 
is  simply  the  misreading  by  the  bookseller  of  the  '  Isaacke ' 
which  was  written  on  the  fly-leaf,  in  which  connection  it  is 
interesting  to  note  that  Isaac  AUerton  is  set  down  in  the 
Leyden  Records  as  being  then  and  there  a  '  Tailor.'  [The 
rather  over  positive  declaration  of  Dr.  Dexter  that  "Marke" 
was  but  the  bookseller's  misreading  of  "  Isaacke  "  is  very 
probably  correct.  There  was  no  other  "AUerton  Tailor" 
at  New  Plymouth  "  in  Virginia"  at  that  date.  No  "  Marke  " 
AUerton  was  ever  there,  while  a  Giles  Heale  and  an  "Isaacke  " 
AUerton,  "Tailor,"  were  there  at  that  date,  and  "  Isaacke,"  as 
thus  written,  might  easily  be  taken  for  "  Marke."     A.  A.] 

"  Giles  Heale  was  a  '  chirurgion '  and  I  submit  was  the 
surgeon  of  the  May-Flower.  A  reference  to  the  '  Court 
Records  of  the  East  India  Company '  (p.  89)  shows,  that  in 
fitting  out  four  ships  in  1600,  the  Scourge,  of  600  tons, 
had  four  carpenters,  four  calkers,  ten  gunners,  one  steward 
and  steward's-mate,  one  cook's-mate,  two  surgeons,  and  a 
barber;  the  Hector,  of  300  tons,  had  three  carpenters, 
three  calkers,  six  gunners,  and  the  same  number  of  stewards, 
cooks,  and  surgeons;  the  Ascencion,  of  260  tons,  and  the 
Susan,  of  240  tons,  had  each  two  carpenters,  two  calkers, 
five  gunners,  and  the  same  number  of  stewards,  cooks,  and 
surgeons  as  the  larger  ships.  [The  May-F lower,  though 
of  180  tons,  —  snialler  than  the  smallest  named  above 
(though  not  much),  —  had,  so  far  as  appears,  but  one  carpen- 
ter, no  (mentioned)  calkers,  a  master-gunner,  —  and  so,  per- 
haps, others,  —  no  (mentioned)  steward  or  steward's-mate  or 
barber,  —  though  the   former,  at  least,  probably  existed, — 


Appendix 


347 


but  one  (mentioned)  cook  and  one  (unnientioned)  surgeon, 
though  she  had  a  large  company,  —  both  passengers  and  crew. 
She  seems,  indeed,  to  have  been  rather  under-manned  and 
scantily  provided  in  many  ways.     A.  A.] 

"  It  seems  fair  to  infer,"  says  Dr.  Dexter,  "  that  the  Mav- 
Flower,  of  180  tons,  by  the  same  usage,  would  have  been 
officered  with  at  least  one  surgeon,  and  that  Giles  Heale  was 
his  name. 

"To  return  now  to  Mr.  Williamson.  You  will  have 
noticed  that  this  inscription  of  presentation  from  Allerton  to 
Heale,  seems  to  have  been  witnessed  by  '  Da.  Williams.'  I 
take  leave  to  think  that  this  was  an  abbreviated  or  misread 
chirography  for  PVilliamson^  that  the  man's  first  name  was 
David,  and  that  he  was  the  factor,  financial  agent  or  super- 
cargo of  the  May-Flower.  [This  is,  as  to  the  name,  seem- 
ingly rather  far-fetched.  There  was  no  occasion  for  a  witness 
of  so  trivial  a  gift  as  that  of  a  psalm-book ;  Mrs.  Allerton 
had  then  recently  (Dec.  22)  been  confined  and  was  still  ill. 
(She  did  not  recover,  and  soon  after  died.)  Heale  was  very 
likely  caring  for  her  during  the  absence  of  Dr.  Fuller  on 
shore,  and  this  was,  presumably,  a  small  present  (charac- 
teristic of  the  giver)  to  him  from  her  husband.  While,  of 
course,  barely  possible,  there  is  too  much  pure  "  guess-work  " 
in  the  assumption  that  "  Da."  means  David  —  it  might  as 
readily  mean  Daniel  or  Darius  —  and  that  "  Williams  "  means 
Williamson,  and  that  put  together  they  mean  "Master  Wil- 
liamson," and  that  he  was  acting  as  a  witness.  If  it  meant 
Williamson  at  all,  it  is  far  more  likely  that  he  later  acquired 
the  book  and  wrote  his  name  in  it.     A.  A.] 

"  The  East  India  Records  to  which  I  have  just  referred 
(p.  100)  show  one  principal  and  the  subordinate  factors,  in 
each  ship,  whence  it  becomes  easy  to  think  that  in  this  West 
India  [?]  voyage,  at  least  some  one '  respectable  and  thor- 
oughly competent  man  of  business  would  have  accompanied 
the  expedition  to  look  after  the  interests  of  the  Company  who 
were  risking  considerable  property  with  a  party  of  colonists 
whose  obvious  poverty  made  promise  hold  a  much  larger 
place  than  performance  toward  the  immediate  satisfaction  of 
all  claims  upon  them.     [Although  not  needed,  as  Dr.  Dexter 


348 


Appendix 


imagines,  to  look  after  the  Company's  (Adventurers')  interests, 
but,  in  fact,  to  purchase  or  (by  "  barter  "  or  otherwise)  secure 
the  return  cargo,  there  is  no  reasonable  doubt  that  "  Master 
Williamson"  was  the  ship's  "factor,"  supercargo,  or  "mer- 
chant,"—  as  the  "financial  agent"  on  board  ships  for  a  voy- 
age was  then  called,  —  as  has  been  hereinbefore  abundantly 
proven.     (See  pp.  134-140.)     A.  A.] 

"Grant  that  Mr.  Williamson  was  such  a  man  and  held 
such  a  post,  and  his  presence  with  Capt.  Miles  Standish  in 
the  interview  with  the  Indian  King  \jachern\  becomes  appro- 
priate and  natural  [Dr.  Dexter  leaves  us  in  the  dark  as  to 
why  he  thought  so],  as  does  the  fact  that  poor  MuUins, 
knowing  that  Williamson  on  the  return  of  the  ship,  would 
take  his  will  over  to  be  probated  in  London,  asked  him  to 
be  his  executor  ["  Overseer "]  for  the  benefit  of  his  two 
children  in  England,  as  Governor  Carver  was  desired  to  look 
after  the  interests  of  the  widow  and  the  two  younger  chil- 
dren here."  MuUens's  elder  daughter,  Mrs.  Sarah  Blunden, 
was  executrix  in  England,  and  Governor  Carver  died,  as  did 
Mrs.  Mullens,  the  son  Joseph,  and  the  servant  Carter,  soon 
after  the  May-Flower  went  back,  so  that  the  daughter  Pris- 
cilla,  alone,  was  left  of  the  family  in  New  England.  Who 
took  Governor  Carver's  place  as  "  overseer  "  does  not  appear, 
—  very  likely  Governor  Bradford,  —  but  as  Priscilla  soon 
married  John  Alden,  her  property  interests  were  presumably 
transferred  to  her  husband.  Her  elder  brother,  William 
Mullens,  came  over  later  and  looked  after  his  own  and,  prob- 
ably, his  elder  sister's  (Mrs.  Blunden's)  interests. 
Dr.  Dexter  says  further  {op.  cit.  p.  35)  that:  — 
"  The  three  witnesses  of  the  will  [of  WiUiam  Mullens] 
were  John  Carver,  Giles  Heale  and  Christopher  Joanes. 
Joanes  was  unquestionably  [?]  the  captain  of  the  May- 
Flower."  It  is  only  fair  to  recall  that  the  good  Doctor  was 
equally  positive  (in  his  notes  to  his  edition  of  "  Mourt's  Re- 
lation ")  that  no  man  of  the  name  of  Williamson  was  of  the 
party  that  went  out  to  greet  Massasoit.  Why  so  positive  — 
and  on  no  better  grounds  —  now?  Christopher  Jones,  by  all 
reliable  and  close-linked  evidence,  very  certainly  was  not  the 
captain  of  the  May-Flower,  as  has  been  fairly  demonstrated. 


Appendix 


(See  pp.  loo-i  29,  ante.)  It  is  [)hiin  that  {ii)  Jones  would  not 
have  been  likely,  on  April  2,  when  Carver's  notes  ot  the  nun- 
cupative will  were  written  out  (whatever  he  might  have 
permitted  when  Mr.  Mullens  was  dying,  —  when  apparently 
there  was  no  signing  done),  to  allow  Giles  Heale,  "  the 
ship's-leech,"  and  his  inferior  officer,  to  sign  as  a  witness  to 
an  important  document,  before  himself;  {b)  Heale  would  not 
thus  have  presumed  ;  (c)  Master  Jones  was,  almost  certainly, 
not  on  the  ship  when  the  will  was  dictated,  but,  with  nearly 
all  his  men,  was  on  shore  getting  the  Colony's  cannon  into 
position  on  the  hill  overlooking  the  bay,  and  (d)  the  master  5 
name  was  'Thomas.,  as  appears  beyond  reasonable  doubt  in 
Chapter  V.  Christopher  Jones  was,  very  probably,  a  quarter- 
master, steward,  or  other  petty  officer,  possibly  some  relative 
of  the  captain  (as  was,  and  is  to-day,  often  the  case),  left  on 
board  to  "  keep  ship,"  look  after  the  sick,  etc. 

Dr.  Dexter  adds :  "  At  all  events  there  was  some  Christo- 
pher Joanes  in  Plymouth,  on  Monday  2/12  April,  1621, 
who  was  wanted  in  London  to  be  a  witness  at  the  probate  of 
this  MuUins  will,  and  who  could  it  be  if  he  were  not  the 
captain  of  the  May-Flower,  about  to  sail  three  days  later 
for  London?"  The  first  part  of  the  foregoing  "goes  with- 
out saying,"  the  last  has  no  force.  Who  could  he  be  ? 
Why!  any  one  of  half  a  dozen  of  the  ship's  petty  officers, 
any  of  whom  would  have  been  a  competent  witness  for  the 
will,  and  any  of  whom  might  have  been  named  Christopher 
Jones  I  A  mere  assumption  that,  because  one  of  that  name 
is  known  to  have  been  aboard  the  ship,  and  the  master  was 
also  named  Jones,  the  master's  name  was  Christopher,  should 
weigh  little  or  nothing  against  the  strong,  close-linked,  direct 
evidence  that  his  Christian  name  was  Thomas.  Yet,  of 
course,  the  remote  possibility  remains. 

From  the  foregoing.  Dr.  Dexter  —  although  previously  so 
positive  in  his  denial  of  "Master  Williamson's"  existence  — 
appears  to  have  been  the  first  to  surmise  his  position  as 
"  supercargo,"  though  he  did  not  discern  his  essential  func- 
tion as  such,  as  an  Indian  interpreter.  Nor  does  he  seem  to 
have  recognized  the  all-important  fact  that  it  was  as  such 
interpreter,  and  not  because  "  ship's-merchant,"  or  simply  as 


349 


350 


Appendix 


an  officer  that  he  bore  the  prominent  part  he  did,  with  Stan- 
dish,  in  the  first  greeting  of  Massasoit. 

The  demonstration  of  the  correctness  of  Dr.  Dexter's  sur- 
mise, and  of  Williamson's  interpreter-relation,  it  has  happily 
fallen  to  the  author  to  make.  His  independent  development 
of  these  pregnant  facts,  —  each  wholly  original  to,  if  not 
with,  him,  in  the  absence  of  all  knowledge  of  Dr.  Dexter's 
contribution,  —  thus  giving  double  reliability  and  value  to 
the  deductions  made,  is  certainly  matter  of  gratulation. 
The  honor  of  first  identifying  Giles  Heale  as  the  ship's  sur- 
geon (though  previously  made  known  by  Waters  as  one  of 
the  ship's  company)  is  due  to  Dr.  Dexter,  and  to  his  rare 
good  fortune  in  possessing  Ainsworth's  psalm-book  with  its 
amazing  bookseller's  note. 

Dr.  Dexter's  inferences  as  to  the  identity  of  the  "  Da.  Wil- 
liams "  of  this  potential,  but  intangible  fugitive  little  volume 
and  "Master  Williamson,"  and  his  conclusions  as  to  the 
identity  of  "  Christopher  Joanes  "  and  the  master  of  the  May- 
Flower,  though  possessing  elements  of  possibility,  lack  both 
probability  and  supporting  proof 

Recent  researches  among  the  Leyden  Archives,  undertaken 
by  Mr.  George  H.  Smith  of  New  York,  have  happily  resulted 
in  the  discovery  of  what  certainly  appears  to  be  the  mar- 
riage record  of  Francis  Cooke,  the  May-Flower  Pilgrim,  and 
his  wife  Hester.  That  it  has  hitherto  escaped  the  repeated 
and  careful  quests  of  such  competent  searchers  as  Dr.  Henry 
M.  Dexter  and  his  son  Rev.  Morton  Dexter,  Dr.  William 
Elliot  Griffis,  George  Sumner,  Hon.  Henry  C.  Murphy,  and 
Professor  Edward  Arber,  is  doubtless  due  to  the  fact  that  the 
record  surprisingly  antedates  all  normal  expectations,  as  indi- 
cated by  the  advent  of  the  Clyfton-Robinson  congregation  in 
Holland  in  1608,  —  of  which  Cooke  has  always  been  supposed 
a  part,  —  as  the  entry  is  of  the  year  i6oj. 

The  record,  which  is  from  "  Kerkelijke  Houwelijke,"  Liber  E, 
folio  69,  verso,  as  translated  into  English,  reads  as  follows:  — 

"Francis  Cooke,  wool  comber,  unmarried,  from  England, 
accompanied  by  Philip  DeVeau  and  Raphael  Roelandt  his 
acquaintances,  with  Hester  Mahieu  [Mayhew],  unmarried. 


Appendix 


from  Canterbury  in  England,  accompanied  by  Jennie  Maliieu, 
her  mother,  and  Jennie  Mahieu,  her  sister." 

The  date  is  not  given  as  a  part  of  the  marriage  record  itself, 
but  at  the  top  of  folio  69,  of  which  it  is  a  part,  is  written : 
"  entered  the  last  of  June,  1603." 

It  appears  probable,  therefore,  from  this,  and  the  associated 
records,  that  the  date  of  the  marriage  was  June  30,  1603.  It 
is  clear  from  the  phraseology  of  the  original  that  neither  of 
the  contracting  parties  had  ever  married  before.  As  it  is  known 
that  Francis  Cooke  was  born  after  August,  1583,  the  record 
indicates  that  he  was  married  before  he  was  twenty  years  old. 

It  has  long  been  supposed,  and  often  stated,  that  Cooke 
was  of  the  North-Country  congregation  of  Separatists  and 
escaped  with  them  to  Holland,  but  if  this  record  is  to  be 
taken  at  face  value,  as  appears,  it  is  evident  that  both  Cooke 
and  his  wife  were  at  Leyden,  for  a  longer  or  shorter  time,  not 
less  than  eight  years  before  the  congregation  under  John 
Robinson  became  resident  there. 

That  Hester  Cooke,  wife  of  Francis,  was  a  Walloon, — 
i.  e.  of  the  French  Protestants  (Huguenots)  who  settled  after 
the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  in  considerable  num- 
bers, in  safe  asylums  along  the  river  Waal,  —  is  well  known 
from  the  declaration  of  Edward  Winslow  in  his  "  Hypocrasie 
Unmasked,"  and  that  fact  now  throws  light  upon  what  would 
otherwise  be  a  most  perplexing  situation.  It  is  common 
knowledge  that  there  was  for  many  years  a  considerable 
movement,  to  and  fro,  especially  of  artisans,  between  Eng- 
land and  the  Low  Countries,  and  more  especially  of  those  of 
the  Huguenot  settlements  in  both,  they  and  their  English 
affiliations  all  naturally  being  of  the  "Dissenter"  class.  There 
were  gathered  in  London,  and  notably  at  Canterbury  and 
other  places  in  England,  churches  and  considerable  commu- 
nities of  Walloons  (so  known),  as  also  at  Leyden  and  other 
points  in  Holland,  between  which  there  was  a  more  or  less 
constant  ebb  and  flow  for  years,  as  stimulated  by  the  demand 
for  the  skilled  Huguenot  workman  in  the  arts  and  trades  of 
either  country. 

That  Cooke  and  his  wife  were  among  those  who  may  have 
lived,  at  different  times,  under  these  conditions,  on  either  side 


351 


352 


Appendix 


of  the  German  Ocean,  is  not  unlikely,  and  may  readily  ac- 
count for  the  absence  of  later  mention  at  Leyden  concerning 
them  and  their  children. 

Some  doubt  has  been  felt  and  expressed  as  to  the  identity 
of  the  parties  to  this  1603  marriage  and  the  Pilgrim  Cookes, 
because,  though  seemingly  married  at  Leyden,  no  records  of 
births  or  baptisms  of  their  children,  etc.,  are  found  there.  It 
should,  however,  be  borne  in  mind  that  these  records  were,  in 
that  day,  kept  only  by  the  churches  of  which  the  parents 
were  members,  and  in  this  case  the  Walloon  church  at  Ley- 
den was,  doubtless,  the  only  one  with  which  the  Cookes 
were  likely  to  affiliate.  It  is  doubtful  if  its  records  exist  or, 
if  they  do,  if  they  have  ever  been  consulted.  Then,  as  now, 
apparently,  the  records  of  births  were  least  regarded  and 
most  neglected,  as  well  as  the  most  difficult  to  obtain,  by 
the  civil  authorities,  the  church  entries  of  baptisms  being, 
practically,  the  only  provision  recognized.  It  is  not  im- 
probable that  the  Cooke  children  may  have  been  partly 
natives  of  England  and  in  part  of  Holland.  It  is  obvious 
that  the  hitherto  (putative)  ages  assigned  all  but  the  youngest 
of  them  may,  by  this  early  marriage  record,  be  advanced 
some  six  years,  which  will  of  itself  afford  solution  of  some 
hitherto  perplexing  problems. 

The  graves  of  Captain  Richard  More,  the  May-Flower  Pil- 
grim, his  two  wives  and  others  of  his  family,  have  recently 
(1901)  been  identified  at  Salem  (Mass.),  where  he  died,  as  his 
gravestone  attests,  at  the  age  of  eighty-four,  though  unfor- 
tunately the  year  of  his  death  is  not  given.  The  depositions 
above  referred  to,  which  are  intrinsically  proven  to  be  those 
of  the  Pilgrim,  made  in  1684  and  1690,  show  a  slight  dis- 
crepancy of  statement  as  to  his  age  (25^  years).  Assuming 
the  former  to  be  correct,  and  that  he  was  "  seaventy  yeares  " 
old  in  1684,  ^rid  that  he  was  eighty-four  at  his  death,  as 
stated,  his  death  occurred  about  1 700.  If  he  was  "  about 
seventy-eight"  April  l,  1690,  as  appears  by  his  deposition 
of  that  date,  he  must  have  died  in  1696.  In  either  case,  he 
seems  to  have  been  the  last  male  survivor  of  all  the  Pil- 
grim company  (except  Peregrine  White,  born  in  Cape  Cod 


Appendix 


harbor),  a  distinction  hitherto  supposed  to  belong  to  John 
Cooke. 

By  this  most  fortunate  and  important  discovery,  not  only 
is  the  only  known  grave  of  a  May-Flower  Pilgrim  surely 
located,  —  and  he  the  probable  survivor  of  the  whole  com- 
pany, —  but  the  graves  of  his  two  wives  are  also  made 
known,  an  equally  unprecedented  feature  of  much  interest. 

It  should  be  noted  that  a  substantial  recognition  of  the 
great  services  of  Mr.  Thomas  Goffe,  the  supposed  owner  of 
the  May-Flower,  as  the  warm  friend  and  promoter  of  the 
settlement  of  New  England,  was  made  in  1734,  when  the 
General  Court  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  granted 
his  grandnephew,  Robert  Rand,  of  Boston,  —  the  sole  heir 
of  Goffe's  daughter,  Mrs.  Sarah  Watts,  —  one  thousand  acres 
of  land,  in  response  to  his  petition,  setting  forth  Mr.  Goffe's 
services  and  losses.  Rand  recites  that  Mr.  Goffe  died  on  a 
voyage  to  this  country.     (Drake's  History  of  Boston,  p.  588.) 

There  was  published  in  the  "English  Historical  Review" 
of  October,  1904,  an  article  by  R.  G.  Marsden  attempting  an 
identification  of  the  Pilgrim  May-Flower,  and  her  com- 
mander, quite  at  variance  with  the  well-established  views  gen- 
erally held.  He  believes  —  as  others  have  before  suggested 
—  the  commander  to  have  been  the  "  Christopher  Joanes  " 
who  appears  as  one  of  the  witnesses  to  William  Mullens's 
nuncupative  will.  The  principal  bases  for  the  theory  ad- 
vanced as  to  the  ship  are  certain  alleged  newly-discovered 
papers  in  the  British  Admiralty  office.  A  careful  examina- 
tion of  the  evidences  offered,  of  the  contents  of  the  papers 
named,  and  of  all  the  arguments  advanced  discloses  absolutely 
nothing  new,  and  they  have  raised  the  former  surmises  of 
others  in  this  direction  to  nothing  more  dignified  than  a 
poorly-supported  theory  ot  a  later  writer.  The  coincidence 
of  a  "Christopher  Joanes,"  at  an  irrelevant  time,  in  command 
of  an  obviously  different  May-Flower,  and  the  presence  of 
a  man  of  that  name  as  one  of  the  crew  of  the  Pilgrim  ship 
(the  name  of  both  ship  and  man  being  concededly  common), 
goes  very  little  way  to  overthrow  the  close-linked  logic  of  the 


353 


354 


Appendix 


numerous  well-known  facts  and  the  well-matured  opinions  of 
the  ablest  historical  researchers  — -  like  Neal  and  Goodwin 
—  based  thereon,  which  have  established  'Thomas  Jones  as 
master  of  the  Pilgrim  craft. 

The  very  facts  cited  in  behalf  of  the  identity  of  the  ship 
of  the  name,  at  one  time  in  command  of  a  Christopher  Jones, 
and  the  ship  of  the  Pilgrims,  seem  —  upon  careful  analysis 
by  those  thoroughly  familiar  with  all  phases  of  the  subject  — 
to  themselves  overthrow  the  claim  made.  Lastly,  Winthrop, 
and  other  contemporaneous  writers,  and  the  irresistible  logic 
of  events,  have  left  no  room  for  even  a  query  that  the  Pil- 
grim May-Flower  and  the  ship  of  the  name  in  Higginson's 
and  Winthrop's  fleets  were  one  and  the  same,  in  spite  of  the 
doubts  of  the  writer  referred  to. 


355 


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H 


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INDEX 


n 


Adams,  Herbert  B.,  on  the  Pilgrim 
Compact,  256. 

Adventurers,  The  Merchant,  6-1 1,  44, 
53-69.  72,  73>  75,  235;  hire  ship, 
55  ;  associated  to  "finance"  the  colony, 
56 ;  organized  by  Thomas  Weston, 
57,  67  ;  not  all  known,  58  ;  list  of  ori- 
ginal members,  58  ;  brief  mention  of 
each,  60 ;  only  one  woman  among, 
63 ;  several  came  to  America  re- 
peatedly, 67  ;  some  from  Holland,  68; 
the  largest  investors  known,  68,  69 ; 
agreement  with  the  Planters,  211,  235, 
236,  316,  317  ;  letter  from  the  Plant- 
ers, 330,  331. 

Agassiz,  Professor  Louis,  253. 

Ainsworth,  Rev.  Henry,  minister  at  Am- 
sterdam, 320,  324. 

Alden,  John,  joins  May-Flower  at 
Southampton,  158;  age  and  occupa- 
tion, 170,  187;  prominent  and  useful, 
187,  188;  claimed  to  be  first  person 
to  set  foot  on  Plymouth  Rock,  278. 

Alderton  (or  Allerton),  John,  a  seaman, 
33,  270 ;  comes  to  Southampton  in 
the  Speedwell,  33;  passenger  on  the 
May-Flower,  145,  171 ;  note  on, 
191. 

AUden,  Robert,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
58  ;   note  on,  60. 

Allerton,  Bartholomew  (son  of  Isaac),  21, 
28  ;  passenger  on  the  May-Flower, 
167,  176. 

Allerton,  Isaac,  8,  11,  21,  60,  76,  346, 
347 ;    one    of   those   who   bought    the 


Speedwell,  28;  a  leader,  28;  rascal- 
ity of,  62  ;  "  composition  "  made  with, 
68  ;  passenger  on  the  May-Flower, 
167;  age  and  occupation,  167, 176;  let- 
ter to  Carver  and  Cushman,  318,  319. 

Allerton,  Mrs.  Mary  (wife  of  Isaac),  2 1,2  8, 
347  ;  passenger  on  the  May-Flower, 
167,  280  ;   died  early,  176,  297. 

Allerton,  Mary  (daughter  of  Isaac),  21, 
28 ;  passenger  on  the  May-Flower, 
167  ;  last  survivor  of  the  original  pas- 
sengers, 177,  339. 

Allerton,  Remember  (daughter  of  Isaac), 
21,28;  passenger  on  the  M  ay-Flower, 
167;  married  Moses  Maverick,  176. 

Altham,  Captain  Emanuel,  Merchant  Ad- 
venturer, 58;  note  on,  60;  master  of 
the  Little  James,  60. 

Ames,  William,  professor  of  theology  at 
Franeker,  215,  216. 

Andrews,  Richard,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
58,  59,  68  ;  alderman  of  London,  60  ; 
early  benefactor  of  Massachusetts  Bay 
Company,  60;  member  of  Winthrop's 
company,  67. 

Andrews,  Thomas,  58,  67,  68;  Lord 
Mayor  of  London,  60. 

Anne,  the,  William  Pierce,  master,  72. 

Apaum  (Patuxet  or  Plymouth),  300. 

Anthony,  Lawrence,  Merchant  Adven- 
turer, 58,  60. 

Arber,  Professor  Edward,  3,  4, 10,  II,  13, 
15-17,  25,  32,  34,  43-45.  48,  49.  68, 
99,  100,  103,  117,  135,  158,  242; 
indictment  of  Leyden   leaders  by,  13; 


370 


Index 


sweeping  assertions  of,  14;  error  as  to 
hiring  ships,  44 ;  as  to  John  Turner, 
48  ;  as  to  Cushman's  Sunday  letter, 
49 ;  fails  to  mention  certain  Adven- 
turers, 68  ;  wrong  estimate  of  Captain 
Jones,  loi,  102;  error  as  to  Stephen 
Hopkins,  181  ;  as  to  "buckling," 
247;  gives  wrong  date,  251,  327; 
error  as  to  fire  on  May-Flower,  269. 

Arms  and  accoutrements  brought  in  the 
May-Flower,  227. 

Artillery  company  of  Boston,  oldest  mili- 
tary body  in  United  States,  63. 

Armstrong,  Gregory,  182,  189. 

Atkinson,  Theodore,  97. 

Austin,  Mrs.  Jane  G.,  "  Standish  of 
Standish "  cited,  81,  89,  131-133, 
150-152,  179,  180,  191,  309. 

Baird,  Rev.  Charles  W.,  his  "  History 
of  Huguenot  Emigration  to  America" 
inaccurate,  150-152,  179. 

Baker,  Daniel  W.,  on  Weston's  influ- 
ence, 115. 

Barlow,  Rev.  William,  inventor  of  hang- 
ing compass,  92. 

Bass,  Edward,  Merchant  Adventurer,  58  ; 
loaned  colony  money,  60  ;  of  London, 
61. 

Baxter,  James  Phinney,  "  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  and  his  Province  of  Maine " 
quoted,  no,  117. 

Beauchamp,  John,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
55»  58,  59,  61  ;  attached  Adventurers' 
shares,  55;  "citizen  and  salter"  of 
London,  6  I. 

Beecher,  captain  of  the  Lady  Arbella, 
207,  208. 

Belknap,  Jeremy,  "American  Biography  " 
cited,  175. 

Bell  (or  Belfry)  Alley,  Leyden,  34. 

Bigge,  Ellen,  will  of,  147. 


Billerike  (Billerica),  in  Essex,  9. 

Billington,  Francis  (son  of  John),  87  } 
passenger  on  the  May-Flower,  145, 
154,  170;  affidavit  of,  189;  jeopar- 
dizes the  ship,  269  ;  discovers  Billing- 
ton Sea,  285. 

Billington,  Mrs.  Helen  (wife  of  John), 
passenger  on  the  May-Flower,  145, 
170;  her  name  variously  given,  154; 
married  Gregory  Armstrong,  182,  189. 

Billington,  John,  had  a  cabin  on  the 
May-Flower,  87;  passenger,  145, 
154,  170 ;  note  on,  188. 

Billington,  John,  Jr.,  passenger  on  the 
May-Flower,  145,  170 ;  note  on, 
189. 

Billington  Sea  (Mass.),  285,  299. 

Blaxland,  Rev.  G.  Cuthbert,  "  Mayflower 
Essays  "  cited,  3,  72. 

Blossom,  Deacon  Thomas,  20,  21,  161  ; 
of  Leyden  congregation,  29  ;  letter  to 
Governor  Bradford,  30,42,  160;  re- 
turns from  Plymouth  (Eng.)  to  Lon- 
don on  the  Speedwell,  42,  242. 

Blossom, (son  of  Thomas),  of  Ley- 
den congregation,  21,  29;  died  before 
1630,  30. 

Blunden,  Mrs.  Sarah  (daughter  of  Wil- 
liam Mullens),  179,  348. 

Blundeville,  M.,  his  "New  and  Neces- 
sarie  Treatise  of  Navigation"  cited, 
77 ;  his  picture  of  a  large  merchant 
ship  of  time  of  May-Flower,  77,  78. 

Books  of  the  May-Flower  Pilgrims,  215- 
217. 

Bowman,  George  E.,  345  ;  discovers  evi- 
dence that  the  May-Flower  had  a  sur- 
geon, 133, 134;  on  Richard  More,  158. 

Bradford,  Mrs.  Dorothy  (wife  of  William), 
20,  24  ;  passenger  on  the  May-Flower 
with  her  husband,  167;  tragic  death 
of,  175,  27I'  272. 


Index 


371 


Bradford,  Governor  William,  3,  4,  6,  8,  9, 
11-13,  16-20,  22,  24,  29,  31,  33,  34, 
37-44,  46,  50-53,  55,  57-60,65,66, 
7I'  73'  74,  135,  148,  149,  161-164, 
192,  ig8;  certifies  willful  disabling 
of  the  Speedwell,  16  ;  letter  of  John 
Robinson  to,  31  ;  letter  of  Thomas 
Blossom  to,  42 ;  chronicles  of,  50 ; 
on  the  size  of  the  May-Flower,  52, 
77  ;  on  date  of  the  Speedwell's  de- 
parture, 53  ;  letter  from  Shirley  to, 
55  ;  on  Weston's  former  friendliness, 
57  ;  names  forty-two  Merchant  Adven- 
turers, 58;  remarks  about  Allden,  60  ; 
on  the  May-Flower's  weakness,  84 ; 
on  Weston's  conduct,  114;  age  and 
occupation,  167,  175;  very  ill  soon 
after  reaching  Plymouth,  286  ;  letter  to 
Carver  and  Cushman,  318,  319. 

Bradford's  "Historie"  quoted,  6,  9,  37, 
84,  86,  90,  91,  loi,  112,  131,  143, 
162,  172,210,  234-237,  240,  242- 
245,  251-255,   259,  260,   265,   273, 

291,  317,  325,  331- 
Bradford's  Letter  Book,   11,  30,  55,  58, 

59,  96,  97- 

Bradford's  Pocket  Book,  value  of,  265, 
271  ;  cited,  268,  269,  272,  283,  285, 
289,  290,  296,  297,  308,  309. 

Brande's  definition  of  "last,"  47. 

Brewer,  Thomas,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
55,  58,  328,  329;  arrested  at  Leyden, 
27  ;  Brewster's  partner,  27 ;  printer, 
publisher,  and  writer,  61. 

Brewster,  Love  (son  of  William),  21,  25  ; 
passenger  on  the  May-Flower,  166, 
174. 

Brewster,  Mrs.  Mary  (wife  of  William), 
21,  25;  passenger  on  the  May- 
Flower,  166,  174. 

Brewster,  Elder  William,  8,  11,  19,  21, 
164;   a  hunted  man,  25  ;   new  light  on. 


25-28;  hiding  in  Low  Countries,  27; 
leader  of  Pilgrims,  28,  134,  163;  joins 
May-Flower  at  Southampton,  159; 
age  and  occupation,  166;  note  on, 
174;   his  chair,  214;   his   library,  216. 

Brewster,  Wrestling  (son  of  William), 
21,  25;  passenger  on  the  May- 
Flower,  166,  174. 

Bridge,  Captain  William,  60. 

Brigham's  "  Laws  of  the  Colony  of 
New  Plymouth"  cited,  301. 

British  flag,  the,  93. 

Britteridge,  Richard,  22,  33 ;  passenger 
on  the  May-Flower,  171;  died  on 
the  ship,  190,  191,  279  ;  burial  of,  280. 

Brown,  Rev.  John,  "  Pilgrim  Fathers  of 
New  England"  cited,  34,  38,  135, 
232,  243 ;  errs  concerning  May- 
Flower,    51  ;    confuses    two    vessels, 

52. 

Browne,  Peter,  probably  a  Speedwell 
passenger,  22,  33 ;  passenger  on  the 
May-Flower,  170,  188,  205;  adven- 
ture with  John  Goodman,  89, 190,  286. 

Browning,  Henry,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
58,61. 

Butten,  William,  21,  29;  passenger  on 
the  May-Flower,  167  ;  died  on  the 
voyage,  172,  175,  249,  250. 

Canal   barges,  for   Pilgrims,   at    Leyden, 

34- 

Cape  Cod,  14,  74,  75  ;  sighted  from  the 
May-Flower,  251. 

Cargo,  the  May-Flower's,  74,  91,  199, 
203-230. 

Carleton,  Sir  Dudley,  English  ambassa- 
dor at  the  Hague,  26,  107;  letters  of, 
26,  27,  106,  126. 

Carlyle,  Thomas,  4,  208. 

Carter,  Robert,  passenger  on  the  May- 
Flower,  144,  168;   note  on,  180. 


372 


Index 


Carver,  Governor  John,  3,  8-11,  19,  23, 
28,  31,  36,  44,  45,  47,  49,  50  ;  family 
of,  20 ;  not  a  Speedvi^ell  passenger 
from  Delfshaven,  22  ;  more  obnoxious 
to  Bishops  than  Cushman,  26  ;  letter 
of  Robinson  to,  46,  327-329  ;  letter  of 
Cushman  to,  48,  319— 321  ;  left  South- 
ampton in  Speedwell,  158;  "gov- 
ernor" on  the  May-Flower,  163,  243, 
258;  age  and  occupation,  166;  an 
Essex  County  man,  172;  chosen  gov- 
ernor at  Plymouth,  308;  letter  of 
Leyden  leaders  to,  318,  319. 

Carver,  Mrs.  Katherine  (wife  of  John), 
20,  22—24;  ^s""  Tiaid,  20,  24;  pas- 
senger on  the  May-Flower,  166  ;  note 
on,  172. 

Charles  II.,  of  England,  Pickering's  family 
in  favor  with,  64. 

Charles,  the  ship,  of  Winthrop's  fleet, 
69,  71. 

Charlestown  (Mass.),  70-72;  May- 
Flower  and  Whale  arrive  together 
at,  70. 

Charnock,  John,  "  History  of  Marine 
Architecture  "  cited,  84,  92. 

Charter  of  the  May-Flower,  44-76. 

Charter-party  of  the  May-Flower,  44, 
54,  69  ;  possibly  two  copies  exist,  56  ; 
signed,  53,  56,  73. 

Cheese,  Hollands,  9. 

Chilton,  James,  passenger  on  the  May- 
Flower,  145,  165,  169;  note  on, 
154;   died  early,  184,  202,  271,  272. 

Chilton,  Mary  (daughter  of  James),  pas- 
senger on  the  May-Flower,  145, 
169;  married  John  Winslow,  154, 
184  ;  claimed  to  be  first  person  to  set 
foot  on  Plymouth  Rock,  278. 

Chilton,  Mrs.  Susanna  (wife  of  James), 
passenger  on  the  May-Flower,  145, 
169,  184. 


Claes,  Elizabeth,  23. 

Clarke,  John,  hired  by  Weston  and  Cush- 
man as  pilot,  48,  49,  53,  129,  326; 
first  pilot  of  the  May-Flower,  73; 
mate  of  the  May-Flower,  99,  100, 
266,  270 ;  mate  of  the  Flying  Hart, 
and  master  of  the  Providence,  130. 

Clarke,  Richard,  22,  33 ;  passenger  on 
the  May-Flower,  171 ;  died  early, 
191. 

Clarke's  Island,  273,  274,  290. 

Clothing  of  the  May-Flower  Pilgrims, 
210. 

Coalson,  Master,  possibly  a  Merchant 
Adventurer,  59. 

Cockaine,  Sir  William,  Lord  Mayor  of 
London,  157. 

Collier,  William,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
58,  59,  66  ;  a  leading  man  in  Pilgrim 
government,  61 ;  comes  to  America, 
67,  68. 

Collins,  Captain  Joseph  W.,  on  Blunde- 
ville's  cut  of  an  early  English  merchant 
ship,  78,  80;  model  of  the  May- 
Flower,  81-83,  85;  on  the  May- 
Flower's  cables  and  anchors,  92. 

Community  of  goods,  no,  8. 

Compact,   the  May-Flower,  163,  254- 

258,  335- 

Composition,  the,  between  Adventurers 
and  Planters,  56,  58,  63,  66,  72. 

Cooke,  Francis,  8,  21;  Speedwell  pas- 
senger from  Delfshaven,  21 ;  member 
of  Robinson's  congregation,  31,  184; 
passenger  on  the  May-Flower,  169; 
inventory  of,  216;  tools  stolen  by  In- 
dians, 293,  302 ;  marriage  of,  350—352. 

Cooke,  Hester  (wife  of  Francis),  31,  350- 
352. 

Cooke,  John  (son  of  Francis),  2 1 ;  founder 
of  Dartmouth  (Mass.),  31 ;  passenger 
on  the  May-Flower,  169;  called  the 


Index 


373 


last  male  survivor  of  the  original  pas- 
sengers, 31,  184. 

Cooking  facilities  and  utensils  on  the 
May-Flower,  198,  221,  224,  343. 

Cooper,  Humility,  30,  158  ;  passenger  on 
the  May-Flower,  169;  died  young, 
183. 

Cope,  Charles  W.,  painting  of  the  em- 
barkation of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  12. 

Coppin,  Robert,  not  pilot  of  the  Speed- 
well, 16-18;  second  mate  of  the  May- 
Flower,  131-133,  270,  273,  303. 

Cornwall,  Dr.  Edward  E.,  cited  as  to 
sickness  on  the  May-Flower,  202. 

Cotton,  Rev.  John,  quoted,  243. 

Council  for  Affairs  of  New  England,  9, 
57,  64  ;  complains  of  Captain  Jones, 
100,  10 1 ;  charter  issued,  iio;  Gorges 
the  leading  man  in,  iio;  Earl  of 
Warwick  becomes  interested  in,  113; 
Weston's  connection  with,  114;  makes 
itself  agreeable  to  the  colonists,  116; 
issues  patent  to  John  Pierce,  in,  112; 
gives  him  a  "  deed-pole,"  124;  patent 
for,  236. 

Coventry,  Sir  James,  236. 

Coventry,  Thomas,  Merchant  Adven- 
turer, 58,  61. 

Cowes,  Isle  of  Wight,  69,  70 ;  May- 
Flower  leaves,  237. 

Crabe,  Rev.  Mr.,  325. 

Crackstone,  John,  21  ;  of  theLeyden  con- 
gregation, 30  ;  passenger  on  the  May- 
Flower,  168  ;  died  early,  182. 

Crackstone,  John,  Jr.,  21,30;  passen- 
ger on  the  May-Flower,  168;  died 
early,  183. 

Cradock,  Governor  Matthew,  65. 

Cumberland,  Barlow,  "  The  Union 
Jack  "  cited,  94. 

Cushman,  Mrs.  Mary  (second  wife  of 
Robert),  20,  144 ;   note  on,  147. 


Cushman,     Mrs.     Sarah    (first    wife    of 
Robert),  147. 

Cushman,  Robert,  3,  4,  9,  11,  16,  17,  1 9, 
20,  26,  27,  31,42,44,45,51,53,  55, 
71  ;  discourse  of,  in  New  England,  8  ; 
shows  cause  of  Speedwell's  leaks,  14  ; 
letters  to  Edward  Southworth,  33,  39, 
4O5  238,  332-335;  family  of,  36;  one 
of  the  Leyden  agents  at  London,  46  ; 
good  work  of,  47,  48  ;  the  "  one  trial 
more"  of,  47;  a  preacher  and  elder, 
50  ;  letters  to  Leyden  friends,  47,  48, 
49,  321—327  ;  Goodwin's  error  as  to 
letter  of,  52;  letter  to  John  Pierce, 
124;  passenger  on  the  May-Flower 
from  London  to  Southampton,  144, 
160,  231  ;  brave,  sagacious,  faithful, 
146;  second  to  none  in  service  to  the 
Pilgrims,  147;  trouble  with  Martin, 
148,  239;  returns  to  London  in  the 
Speedwell,  160,  161,  242;  chosen 
"assistant,"  234,  243  ;  letter  from  Ley- 
den leaders,  318,  319;  letter  to  John 
Carver,  319-321  ;  criticised  by  Robin- 
son, 328;  and  by  the  Planters,330,  331. 

Cushman,  Thomas  (son  of  Robert),  20, 
53,  144;   note  on,  147. 

Cuyp,  Jacob  and  Albert,  painting  of  the 
Departure  of  the  Pilgrims  from  Delfs- 
haven,  12. 

Dartmouth  (Eng.),  20,  33,  39,  53  ;  May- 
Flower  and  Speedwell  make  port  at, 
40,  238-240. 

Davis,  Hon.  William  T.,  5,  117,  123, 
218,  257  ;  on  the  influence  of  Gorges, 
122;  mistake  of,  regarding  Damaris 
Hopkins,  153;  on  Richard  Moore, 
157,  158. 

Deane,  Charles,  mistake  in  regard  to  the 
purchase  of  the  May-Flower,  5 1 ;  error 
of,  as  to  Robert  Coppin,  132. 


374 


Index 


De  Bry,  so-called  model  of  the  May- 
Flower  by,  79. 

Delanoy,  Philip,  not  a  passenger  on  the 
Speedwell,  151,  152. 

Delfshaven,  correct  orthography  of,  34  ; 
departure  of  the  Speedwell  from,  20, 

28,  35,  37,  38,  53- 

De  Rasieres,  Isaac,  quoted,  229,  295. 

Dermer,  Captain  Thomas,  138. 

Dexter,  Rev.  Henry  M.,  quoted,  120, 
131,  272,  276,  307,  340,  341;  errs 
as  to  pilot  of  the  Speedwell,  16,  132  ; 
as  to  Williamson,  136;  as  to  landing 
at  Cape  Cod,  259  ;  on  the  will  of  Wil- 
liam Mullens,  344-350. 

Discovery,  the,  trades  along  American 
coast,  100,  127;  her  master,  Thomas 
Jones,  102. 

Doane,  William,  "  The  Mariner's  Dic- 
tionary "  quoted,  86. 

Dotey,  Edward,  passenger  on  the  May- 
Flower,  145,  149,  153,  168,  182, 
270;  duel  with  Edward  Leister,  228. 

Drake,  Sir  Francis,  88. 

Drew,  Dr.  Thomas  B.,  Curator  of  the 
Pilgrim  Society,  218. 

Dutch,  negotiations  of  the  Pilgrims  with, 
11,46,67. 

Eaton,    Francis,    22;    a    carpenter,    32; 

passenger  on  the  May-Flower,  170, 

186;  outfit  of,  225,  226,  247. 
Eaton,  Mrs.  Sarah  (wife  of  Francis),  22, 

32 ;  passenger  on  the  May-Flower, 

170,  186;   died  early,  187. 
Eaton,  Samuel  (son  of  Francis),  22,  32 ; 

passenger  on   the  May-Flower,  i  70, 

187. 

Ely,    ,    19,    33;  drafted    from    the 

Speedwell,  34 ;  passenger  on  the 
May-Flower,  145,  171,  193,  194. 

Endicott,  Governor  John,  council  of,  71; 


cipher  letter  of  governor  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay  Company  to,  73. 

English  congregation  of  Separatists  at 
Leyden,  44. 

English  flag,  the,  15,  37,  S^- 

English,  Thomas,  probably  hired  in  Hol- 
land, 33 ;  passenger  on  the  May- 
Flower,  145,  171;  note  on,  191 ; 
heroism  of,  192,  275. 

Falcon,  the,  takes  cargo  of  cattle  to 
Virginia,  lOO,  119,  128. 

Farrer,  Sir  George,  early  Merchant  Ad- 
venturer, 60,  322. 

Finnis,  Walter,  master  of  a  ship  named 
May-Flower,  96. 

Fishing,  6,  10. 

Fiske,  John,  quoted,  106;  errs  as  to  date 
of  sighting  Cape  Cod,  251. 

Flag,  of  the  May-Flower,  92 ;  British, 

37,  38,  93- 

Fletcher,  Moses,  22,  60;  only  black- 
smith of  the  colony,  31  ;  death  of,  32; 
passenger  on  the  May-Flower,  i  70  ; 
note  on,  189  ;  outfit  of,  225,  226,  247. 

Fletcher,  Thomas,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
58  ;  chief  owner  of  the  Little  James, 
60,  61. 

Flying  Hart,  the,  ship  of  Daniel  Gookin, 

130. 

Fogge,  Master,  59. 

Food-supply  of  the  May-Flower  Pil- 
grims, 199,  206. 

Ford,  Martha,  marries  Peter  Browne,  1 88. 

Fortune,  the,  19,  34. 

Freight  charges,  75. 

Frobisher,  Sir  Martin,  88. 

Fuller,  Edward,  22,  32  ;  passenger  on  the 
May-Flower,  169;  note  on,  185. 

Fuller,  Mrs. (wife  of  Edward),  22, 

32 ;  passenger  on  the  May-Flower, 
169,  185. 


Index 


375 


Fuller,  Samuel  (son  of  Edward),  22,  32  ; 
passenger  on  the  May-Flower,  169, 
185,  186. 

Fuller,  Dr.  Samuel,  8,  11,  21  ;  a  leader 
in  Robinson'  s  congregation,  28  ;  one 
of  the  buyers  of  the  Speedwell,  28  ; 
physician  of  the  colonists,  134,  159, 
167,298;  note  on,  175  ;  a  silk-worker 
in  Holland,  1 94 ;  his  library,  216;  letter 
to  Carver  and  Cushman,  318,  319. 

Fuller,  Susanna  (Anna),  marries  William 
White,  178,  179. 

Furniture,  on  the  May-Flower,  213, 
218,  343. 

Galileo,  some  of  the  Pilgrim  leaders 
acquainted  with,  at  Leyden,  223. 

Gardiner,  Richard,  passenger  on  the  May- 
Flower,  145,  154,  171,  191. 

Gates,  Sir  Thomas,  181,  255. 

Gay,  S.  H.,  assumes  too  much  in  re- 
gard to  landing  at  Plymouth,  281. 

Gift  of  God,  the,  Gorges's  ship,  1 1 1 . 

Gilbert,  Sir  Humphrey,  88. 

Gin  (Hollands),  207,  210. 

GofFe,  Thomas,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
55,58,  68,  127;  merchant  and  ship 
owner  of  London,  53,  69,  71,  72; 
owner  of  two  ships  in  Winthrop's 
fleet,  59,  70,  75  ;  owner  of  the  May- 
Flower,  53,  62,  69,  71,  73,  353; 
Deputy  Governor  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Company,  70,  73. 

Goodman,  John,  22,  33  ;  passenger  on 
the  May-Flower,  170,  205;  died 
early,  190;  adventure  with  Peter 
Browne,  190,  286;  encounter  with 
wolves,  288. 

Goodwin,  John  A.,  his  "  Pilgrim  Repub- 
lic "  cited,  8,  25,  26,  28,  30,  32,  37, 
43^571  67,88,  94,  96,  loi.  III,  120, 
125,  133,   161,   176,   181,   183,  185, 


193,  205,  209,  227,  234,  237,  238, 
240,  242,  251,  253,  257,  259,  260, 
265,271,273,  276,312;  error  as  to 
"  pilott,"  16,  17;  as  to  May-Flower 
and  John  Turner,  51,  52;  on  the 
charter-party  of  the  May-Flower,  56  ; 
on  the  identity  of  the  May-Flower, 
72  ;   on  cost  of  passage,  76. 

Gookin,  Daniel,  130. 

Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando,  4,  14,48,  53; 
designs  of,  cause  Weston's  delays,  47  ; 
makes  Weston  his  tool,  67,  113— 116, 
341;  friend  of  Captain  Jones,  100 ; 
leading  spirit  of  Second  Virginia  Com- 
pany, and  Council  for  New  England, 
no,  119;  plants  colony  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Kennebec,  1 1 1  ;  relations  with 
Earl  of  Lincoln,  ii2;  wins  over  the 
Earl  of  Warwick,  113;  his  "  Narra- 
tion "  quoted,  120-122;  outline  of 
his  conspiracy,  119— 126. 

Grahame,  James,  "History  of  United 
States"  cited,  74. 

Greene,  William,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
8,  ID,  15,  58,  68  ;   note  on,  61. 

Griffis,  Rev.  W.  E.,  "  The  Pilgrims  in 
their  Three  Homes"  cited,  12,  15, 
16,  188,  235,  243,  245,  247,  250, 
25I1  255,  263,  269,  273,  295;  error 
as  to  Brewster,  27  ;  and  as  to  William- 
son, 135;  on  the  name  of  Mullens, 
150. 

Gudburn,  Peter,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
58,  62. 

Hadock,  Robert,  master  of  a  ship  named 
May-Flower,  96. 

Hakluyt,  Richard,  quoted,  ill. 

Hale,  Rev.  E.  E.,  8. 

Halsall,  William  F.,  painting  of  "The 
Arrival  of  the  May-Flower  in  Plym- 
outh Harbor,"  80,  276. 


37^ 


Index 


Hampden,  John,  139. 

Hatherly,  Timothy,  Merchant  Adventu- 
rer, 58,  59,  66-68  ;  note  on,  62. 

Haven,  S.  F.,  67. 

Hazard,  Ebenezer,  "  Historical  Collec- 
tions "  cited,  72. 

Heale,  Giles,  supposed  surgeon,  134, 142, 
216,  296,  345-350. 

Heath,  Thomas,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
58  ;   note  on,  62. 

Hidden  press,  the,  25. 

Higginson's  (Rev.  Francis)  company,  59, 
62,  71,  72,  73;  disparity  between 
leaders  and  followers,  2 1 1  ;  outfit  of, 
212. 

Higginson,  T.  W.,  "  Book  of  American 
Explorers,"  279,  306. 

Hobson,  William,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
58  ;   note  on,  62. 

Holbeck,  William,  21,  29  ;  passenger  on 
the  May-Flower,  168;  died  early, 
179. 

Holland,  funds  raised  in,  10 ;  Speedwell 
refitted  in,  12;  hunt  for  Brewster  in, 

25- 

Holland,  Robert,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
58  ;  note  on,  62. 

Holland,  States  General  of,  appealed  to, 
by  Leyden  leaders,  104,  109,  126. 

Holmes,  Dr.  Oliver  Wendell,  quoted,  36, 
213,  214. 

Holton,  David  P.,  his  "  Winslow  Memo- 
rial "  cited,  174,  186,  187. 

Hooke,  John,  21,  28  ;  passenger  on  the 
May-Flower,  167  ;  died  early,  177. 

Hopewell,  the,  of  Winthrop's  fleet,  69, 

71- 
Hopkins,  Caleb  (son  of  Stephen),  153. 
Hopkins,  Constance  (daughter  of  Stephen), 

passenger  on  the  May-Flower,  145, 

168,  182. 
Hopkins,  Damaris  (daughter  of  Stephen), 


passenger  on  the  May-Flower,  145, 
153,  168  ;  married  Jacob  Cooke, 
182. 

Hopkins,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  (wife  of  Stephen), 
passenger  on  the  May-Flower,  145, 
168,  181. 

Hopkins,  Giles  (son  of  Stephen),  passen- 
ger on  the  May-Flower,  145,  168, 
181,  182. 

Hopkins,  Oceanus,  born  at  sea,  172, 
249. 

Hopkins,  Stephen,  passenger  on  the  May- 
Flower,  145;  notes  on,  153,  181,  261, 
270  ;  age  and  occupation,  168,  181  ; 
foments  discord,  255. 

Howland,  John,  20,  22,  159,  270  ;  falls 
overboard,  86,  248  ;  passenger  on  the 
May-Flower,  166  ;  possibly  of  kin  to 
Carver,  172  ;  married  Elizabeth  Tilley, 
184. 

Hudson,  Thomas,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
58  ;   note  on,  62. 

Hudson's  River,  13,  14,  74;  May- 
Flower  Pilgrims  intended  to  settle 
near,  103,  104  ;  English  claim  to  terri- 
tory at,  106. 

Hunt,  Captain,  304. 

Hunter,  Rev.  Joseph,  "  The  Founders  of 
New  Plymouth  "  quoted,  95. 

Hutchinson,  Governor  Thomas,  72. 

Ireland,  Richard,  master  of  a  ship  named 
May-Flower,  95. 

James  I.,  25,  27,  68,  107  ;  flag  of,  93. 
Jewell,  the,  of  Winthrop's  fleet,  65. 
Jones,  Christopher,  142,  296,  348,  349, 

353^  354- 

Jones  River  (Mass.),  277. 

Jones,  Captain  Thomas,  31,  39,  51-53  } 
in  league  with  Gorges,  14 ;  master 
of  the  May-Flower,  73,  74,  90,  92  ; 


Index 


Zll 


earlier,  captain  of  the  Falcon,  and  later 
of  the  Discovery,  53,  100  ;  Arber's 
wrong  estimate  of,  loi  ;  duplicity  of, 
103-128;  did  not  intrigue  with  the 
Dutch,  108,  log  ;  pirate,  118,  127- 
129;  arrested  and  released  by  War- 
wick's influence,  119;  rewarded  by 
Council  for  New  England,  127  ;  leads 
exploring  party,  266  ;  offers  to  take 
colonists  back  to  England,  309 ;  sails 
on  return  voyage,  311. 
Josselyn,  John,  estimates  of  food  neces- 
sary for  voyage  to  America,  200,  201  ; 
estimate  of  clothing,  213  ;  list  of  "im- 
plements," 224  ;  list  of  tools,  225  ; 
list  of  arms  and  armor,  228. 

Keayne,  Robert,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
58,  67,  68  ;  note  on,  62;  founds  and 
commands  artillery  company  of  Boston, 

63- 
King,  William.     (William   Ring's  name 

has  been  erroneously  so  printed.     See 

Ring,  William,  p.  381.) 
Klock     Steeg     (Bell     Alley),     Leyden, 

34- 
Knight,     Eliza,     only    woman     among 
Merchant  Adventurers,  58 ;  note  on, 

63. 
Knight,  John,  Merchant  Adventurer,  59, 

63. 
Knowles,  Miles,  Merchant   Adventurer, 
59;  note  on,  63. 

Lady  Arbella,  the,  65;  flagship  of 
Winthrop's  fleet,  69,  74 ;  charter 
price  of,  75  ;  armament  of,  90 ;   crew 

of,  143- 

Langemore,  John,  passenger  on  the  May- 
Flower,  144,  149,  167,  178. 

"  Last,"  Brande's  definition  of,  47. 

Latham,  William,  24 ;  passenger  on  the 


May-Flower,  145,  149,  166;  notes 
on,  154,  173- 

Leister,  Edward,  passenger  on  the  May- 
Flower,  145,  149,  153,  168,  182  ; 
duel  with  Edward  Dotcy,  228. 

Leyden  Adventurers,  the,  8. 

Leyden  agents  at  London,  the,  46. 

Leyden    colonists,   the,    33,    36,  42,  55, 

74. 
Leyden  congregation,  the,  19,  23,  30,  31, 

32,  36,  44,  45,  54,  56,  72>  73>  76, 
105. 

Leyden  leaders,  messengers  of,  11,31, 
48  ;  chief  of,  12;  arraigned  by  Pro- 
fessor Arber,  13;  not  responsible  for 
disasters  to  Speedwell,  13,  14,  16; 
grasp  and  versatility  of,  15  ;  favor  pur- 
chase of  ship,  45 ;  Cushman's  letter 
to,  46,  48  ;  contract  of,  with  Adven- 
turers, 55  ;  unselfish  devotion  of,  197  ; 
letter  to  Carver  and  Cushman,  318,319. 

Leyden  Pilgrims,  the,  list  of,  34 ;  men 
who  kept  their  agreements,  109. 

Lincoln,  Countess  of,  67,  112. 

Ling,  John,  Merchant  Adventurer,  59  ; 
note  on,  63. 

Linton,  W.  J.,  engraving  of  Perkins's 
"The  May-Flower  at  Sea,"  79. 

Lion,  the,  Jones's  pirate  ship,  118,  128. 

Lion,  the,  Leyden  passengers  on,  76. 

Little  James,  the,  consort  of  the  Anne, 
60;  loss  of,  61  ;  size  of,  88. 

Live-stock,    of   the    Pilgrims,    91,    204, 

342- 

London,  Carver  and  Cushman  in,  11, 
46,  47;  Pilgrim  agents  at,  16,  17; 
return  of  Speedwell  to,  42. 

Long  Point,  Provincetown  (Mass.),  259, 
269. 

Low  Countries.     See  Holland. 

Lucy,  Charles,  his  painting,  "  The  De- 
parture of  the  Pilgrims,"  12. 


378 


Index 


Lyford,  Rev.  John,  7. 
Lynn  (Eng.),  95. 

Margeson,  Edward,  22,  33 ;  passenger 
on  the  Mav-Flower,  171,  190. 

Marsden,  R.  G.,  353. 

Marshall,  Chief  Justice  John,  8. 

Martin,  Christopher,  9,  44,  49,  64,  66  ; 
governor  of  May-Flower,  40,  163, 
234 ;  Merchant  Adventurer,  59,  68  ; 
first  treasurer  of  colonists,  63  ;  passen- 
ger on  the  May-Flower,  144,  167; 
"the  insufferable,"  146  ;  arrogant  and 
contentious,  148,  332,  333  ;  Treasurer- 
agent  of  the  Planter  Company,  148  ; 
from  Billerica  in  Essex,  162 ;  note 
on,  177;  disagreement  with  Cushman, 
239,  320  ;  probably  deposed  at  South- 
ampton, 243;  hopelessly  111,284;  "^'^s 
at  Plymouth,  285. 

Martin,  Mrs. (wife  of  Christopher), 

passenger  on  the  M ay-Flower,  144, 
167  ;  died  early,  178. 

Mary  and  John,  the  ship,  iii. 

Massasoit,  Governor  Carver's  reception 
of,  135,  136,  139,  228  ;  Edward  Wins- 
low's  interview  with,  305—307. 

Mather,  Rev.  Cotton,  6. 

May-Flower,  the,  name  of,  3,  4 ;  ton- 
nage of,  12,  51,  52,  74;  cause  of 
delay  in  departure,  1 3 ;  charter  of, 
i4>  44,  11-,  74  ;  passengers  on,  37,  74, 
144—195;  ready  for  sea,  39 ;  dissen- 
sions among  passengers,  40  ;  in  Plym- 
outh Roads,  42 ;  hired  by  Weston 
and  Cushman,  44;  owner  of,  53,  54, 
62,  69-73 '  s^''*  from  London,  53, 
231  ;  charter-party  of,  53,  54,  56;  at 
Southampton,  53,  232;  of  Winthrop's 
fleet,  69,  71  ;  arrives  at  Charlestown 
with  the  Whale,  70  ;  of  Higginson's 
fleet,  71 ;  identity  of,  71,  72,  94-96; 


three  voyages  of,  72,  73  ;  first  "  pilott  " 
of,  73 ;  charter  price  of,  74 ;  not  de- 
scribed by  early  chroniclers,  77  ;  size 
of,  77  ;  general  appearance  of,  78  ; 
incorrect  model  of,  at  Plymouth,  79  ; 
modern  pictures  of,  79,  80  ;  her  class, 
type,  model,  and  rig,  80-85  >  ^  "  wet 
ship,"  84  ;  her  accommodations,  86- 
88,  197  ;  magazine  and  lockers,  88  ; 
facilities  for  cooking,  89,  198;  ord- 
nance, 89,  228;  boats,  90;  steering- 
gear  and  rigging,  91  ;  live-stock,  91, 
204  ;  compass,  92  ;  anchors,  92  ;  flag, 
92,93;  other  ships  of  same  name,  95, 
96 ;  the  slaver  not  the  Pilgrim  ship, 
96;  later  history,  96-98;  officers,  73, 
99—139;  master,  Thomas  Jones,  73, 
74,99-103;  mate,  John  Clarke,  129; 
second  mate,  Robert  Coppin,  17,  131  ; 
ship's-merchant,  Williamson,  134; 
petty  officers,  140 ;  crew,  142;  pas- 
sengers, 144—195;  number  of  passen- 
gers, 160  ;  assignment  of  quarters,  196; 
food  supply,  199,  206;  sickness  on, 
201,268;  her  lading,  203-230  ;  cloth- 
ing, 210;  furniture  brought  in,  213, 
218;  relics  of,  214;  books,  215-217; 
household  effects,  221—224;  imple- 
ments of  husbandry,  225  ;  mechanics' 
tools,  226 ;  arms  and  accoutrements, 
227;  trading  goods,  229;  journal  of 
the  ship,  231-312;  leaves  London, 
231 ;  sails  from  Southampton,  237; 
makes  port  at  Dartmouth,  238 ;  sails 
thence,  240  ;  goes  to  Plymouth  (Eng.), 
241  ;  sets  out  for  Virginia,  244;  first 
death  on  the  voyage,  245  ;  damaged  by 
storms,  246;  sights  Cape  Cod,  251  ; 
anchors  in  Cape  Cod  harbor,  259 ; 
proceeds  to  Plymouth  (Mass.),  274; 
sails  for  England,  311  ;  the  compact, 
335- 


Index 


379 


Melborne,  Captain,  90. 

Merchant  Adventurers.  See  Adventu- 
rers. 

Merry  Mount,  76. 

Millsop,  Thomas,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
59  ;  note  on,  63. 

Minter,  Desire,  probable  parentage  of, 
23  ;  passenger  on  the  May-Flower, 
166;   returned  to  England  early,  172. 

Minter,  Mrs.  Sarah  (widow  of  William), 

23- 

Minter,  William,  23. 

Monhiggan,  300. 

Monomoy  Shoals,  252,  257. 

More,  Ellen,  passenger  on  the  May- 
Flower,  145,  155,  167,  175. 

More,  Jasper,  bound-boy,  24 ;  passen- 
ger on  the  May-Flower,  145,  155, 
166;  note  on,  173;  died  early,  202, 
269,  339. 

More,  Richard,  passenger  on  the  May- 
Flower,  145,  166,  174  ;  affidavits  of, 
155,  156,  339;  married,  157;  grave 
ofi  352,  353  ;  fiate  of  death  of,  352. 

Morecock,  William,  95. 

Morris,  Jona.  F.,  "The  British  Flag" 
quoted,  93. 

Morton,  George,  3,  59,  328  ;  letter  of 
Edward  Winslow  to,  197,  201,  207- 
209,  218,  343. 

Morton,  Nathaniel,  "  New  England's 
Memorial,"  8;  quoted,  5,  103,  108, 
120,  270. 

Morton,  Thomas,  of  Merry  Mount,  76, 
195. 

Mott,  Thomas,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
59  ;  note  on,  63. 

"Mourt's  Relation,"  quoted,  3,86,87, 
90-92,  132,  13s,  139,  141,  146,  218, 
228,  243,  244,  251,  253,  254,  260, 
261,  270,  275. 

Mullens,  Mrs.   Alice  (wife  of  William), 


passenger  on  the  May-Flower,  144, 
168  ;   died  early,  180. 

Mullens,  Joseph  (son  of  William),  passen- 
ger on  the  May-Flower,  144,  168, 
180. 

Mullens,  Priscilla  (daughter  of  William), 
passenger  on  the  May-Flower,  144, 
151,  152,  168  ;  note  on,  1 80 ;  marries 
John  Alden,  187,  348. 

Mullens,  William,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
58,  59,  64-68,  75  ;  early  death  of,  64, 
68,  179,  296;  the  will  of,  134-137, 
142,150,296,310,344-350;  passen- 
ger on  the  May-Flower,  144;  from 
Dorking  in  Surrey,  150,  151  ;  proper 
spelling  of  name,  150,  339;  age  and 
occupation,  168;  not  a  French  Hugue- 
not, 152,  179;  died  in  Plymouth  har- 
bor, 142,  179,  296;  stock  of  boots 
and  shoes,   210 ;  copy  of  the  will  of, 

336,  337- 
Mullens,    William    (son     of    William), 

179,348. 
Murphy,  Hon.  Henry  C,  32  ;  cited  as  to 

Thomas  Williams,  190. 
Musgrove,  William,  master  of  a  ship  named 

May-Flower,  95. 

Nash,  Thomas,  11,  16,  17, 

Naunton,   Sir  Robert,    126,  157;  friend 

of  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  and  the  Leyden 

brethren,  26. 
Nauset  Beach,  Eastham  (Mass.),  253. 
Neill,    Rev.   E.   D.,   quoted,    100,    117- 

1 19,  122-124, 129;  standard  authority, 

102,  103;  researches  of,  156,  157. 
Newbald,    Fria,    Merchant    Adventurer ; 

note  on,  64. 
New  England,  history  of,   13,   15;    the 

upbuilding  of,  67  ;   coast  of,  74. 
New   England,   Council   of   Affairs   for. 

See  Council. 


38o 


Index 


•^; 


New    Netherland   Company,    104,    105, 

107. 
New  Plimoth.      See  Plymouth. 
Nuns'  Bridge,  the,  Leyden,  34. 

O'Callaghan,  Dr.  E.  B.,  cited,  104,  105. 
Oliver,  John,    master  of  a   ship  named 

May-Flower,  96. 
Ordnance  of  the  Speedwell,  13,  89;  of 

the  May-Flower,  89,  228. 
Otis,  Amos,  253. 

Paomet  harbor,  258. 

Paragon,  the  ship,  181  ;  disaster  to,  64. 

Paris,  Admiral  Fran(^ois  Edmond,  "  Souve- 
nirs de  Marine  "  cited,  78,  79,  81,  82, 
85. 

Parker,  Edgar,  fine  copy  of  Weir's  "  Em- 
barkation of  the  Pilgrims,"  12,  248. 

"  Particulars  "  (non-partnership  colonists), 

7- 

Patuxet,  300,  304. 

Patents,  57;  Pierce's,  9,  74,  116,  117; 
Pierce's  second,  64,  103,  255,  256  ; 
Wincob's,  74,  103,  112,  341. 

Pelham,  Mr.,  friend  of  Henry  Winthrop, 
69. 

Pennington,  William,  Merchant  Adven- 
turer, 59  ;   note  on,  64. 

Penrin,  William,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
59  ;  note  on,  64. 

Pepys,  Samuel,  diary  of,  64. 

Perkins,  Granville,  drawing  of,  "  The 
May-Flower  at  Sea,"  79. 

Pewter,  Pilgrim,  223,  344. 

Pickering,  Edward,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
6,  10,  II,  15,  55,58-60,65,327- 
329  ;  an  unstable  friend,  45  ;  his  family 
favorites  of  Charles  II.,  64;  soon  de- 
serts the  Pilgrims,  64,  68. 

Pierce,  John,  Merchant  Adventurer,  9, 
57,  59,  60,  74,  117  ;  a  Protean  friend. 


64 ;  ruined  by  ventures  at  sea,  64,  68  ; 
attempts  to  steal  the  colony,  65  ;  re- 
ceives patent  from  the  London  Virginia 
Company,  103,  122,  255,  256;  from 
Gorges,  116;  not  a  party  to  Gorges's 
plot,  1 23,  342  ;  gets  a  "  deed-pole  "  in 
exchange  for  his  patent,  124,  342  ;  diffi- 
culty with  Rev.  Mr.  Hopkins,  181  ; 
assigns  his  patent,  338. 

Pierce,  Captain  William,  94,  96,  181 ; 
master  of  the  Anne,  72  ;  of  the  May- 
Flower,  72  ;  and  of  the  Lyon,  97. 

Pilgrim  Fathers,  the,  38,  49  ;  influenced 
by  Gorges,  115;  ages  and  occupations 
of,  1 64-1 71,  193,  194. 

Pilgrim  Hall  (Plymouth),  12,  79,  80. 

Pilgrim  Monument  Association,  278. 

Pilgrim  Society,  Plymouth  (Mass.),  inaccu- 
rate model  of  the  May-Flower,  79  ; 
Halsall's  picture,  "  The  Arrival  of  the 
May-Flower  in  Plymouth  Harbor," 
80;  relics  owned  by,  214,  219,  220, 
222. 

Pilgrims,  the,  4,  5,  8,  19,  25,  43,  44, 
\li  5O5  5i>  60,  64,  66,  67  ;  principal 
agents  of,  9  ;  journey  from  Leyden  to 
Delfshaven,  34,  35 ;  anxious  for  a 
ship,  46;  at  New  Plymouth,  61,  73; 
integrity  of,  62 ;  send  gift  to  John 
Ling,  63  ;  intended  to  settle  near  the 
mouth  of"  Hudson's  River,"  103,  107, 
1 10;  food  supply  of,  206;  clothing, 
210 ;  furniture,  213,  218-220,  343; 
books,  215-217;  household  effects, 
221,  223  ;  lighting  facilities,  222  ;  table- 
ware and  kitchen  utensils,  221,  223, 
224,  343,  344 ;  implements  of  hus- 
bandry, 225  ;  mechanics'  tools,  226  ; 
fishing  and  fowling  implements,  226  ; 
arms  and  accoutrements,  227 ;  first 
building  at  Plymouth,  281  ;  sickness 
among,  279,  280,  282-310. 


Index 


381 


Planters,  the,  6,  7,  10,  45,  67,  75,  120, 
235,  236,  241,  281,  282,  293,  294, 
298,  302-304,  308,  31 1;  value  of 
their  shares,  8 ;  "  composition "  of, 
with  Merchant  Adventurers,  56  ;  letter 
of,  to  Merchant  Adventurers,  330,  331. 

Plymouth  (Eng.),  20,  29,  33,  41,  42, 
241. 

Plymouth  (Mass.),  4,  13,  24,  30,  49,  60, 
61,  63,  68,  71  73,  75,  79,  80,  219, 
274-277,  281,  294. 

Plymouth  Rock,  278,  279. 

Pocock,  John,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
58,  59,  68  ;  note  on,  65  ;  member  of 
Winthrop's  company,  67. 

Poyton,  Daniel,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
59  ;  note  on,  65. 

Priest,  Degory,  8,  21,  31  ;  passenger  on 
the  May-Flower,  169,  283;  a  "free- 
man" of  Leyden,  185. 

Prince,  Rev.  Thomas,  chronologist,  49, 
187^  265,  342. 

Pring,  Captain  Martin,  88,  118;  his  two 
"  mastive  dogges,"  205. 

Providence,  the,  130. 

Provisions,  for  the  Pilgrim  ships,  8,  9, 
89,  91,  198,  199-201,  206-210. 

Prower,  Solomon,  passenger  on  the  May- 
Flower,  144,  167;  complained  of, 
by  Archdeacon  of  Chelmsford,  148, 
178;  called  son  of  Christopher  Martin, 
149,  178;   died  early,  178,  280. 

Pulsifer,  David,  4. 

"  Purchas  his  Pilgrims  "  cited,  342. 

Quadrequina,  brother  of  Massasoit,  207, 

305- 
Quarles,  William,  Merchant  Adventurer, 

9^  59,  65. 

Rehoboth  (Mass.),  67. 
Reinholds,  Mr.,  326. 


Revell,  John,  Merchant  Adventurer,  59, 
68  ;  note  on,  65  ;  comes  to  America, 
67. 

Reynolds,  Master,  12,  18,  90,99;  refits 
the  Speedwell,  14;  her  "  pilott  "  and 
master,  17,  49;  Governor  Bradford's 
opinion  of,  19;  returned  to  London  in 
Speedwell,  34  ;  sent  to  Holland,  48. 

Rich,  Sir  Robert,  see  Warwick,  Earl  of. 

Rigdale,  Mrs.  Alice  (wife  of  John),  22, 
32,  169,  185. 

Rigdale,  John,  22,  31,  32  ;  passenger  on 
the  May-Flower,  169,  185. 

Ring,  William,  20,  22,  33,  42,  161,  242, 

334- 

Robinson,  Rev.  John,  3,  22,  29,  44-46; 
church  and  congregation  of,  23,  28,  29, 
31,  36,  37  ;  letter  to  Governor  Brad- 
ford, 31  ;  house  of,  34;  suspects 
Weston,  45,  327  ;  letter  to  Carver,  45, 
172,  327—329;  "Justification  of  Sepa- 
ration," 215;  doctrinal  tracts,  215; 
letter  from,  234 ;  opposes  and  then 
approves  Agreement  of  Merchant  Ad- 
venturers, 317,  333. 

Rogers,  Joseph  (son  of  Thomas),  21,  31, 
145  ;  passenger  on  the  May-Flower, 
169. 

Rogers,  Thomas,  21,  31,  145;  passen- 
ger on  the  May-Flower,  169;  note 
on,  184. 

Rogers,  Rev.  Mr.,  insane,  76. 

Rogers  family,  of  Essex,  31. 

Rookes,  Newman,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
59,  65. 

Russell,  W.  S.,  "Pilgrim  Memorials" 
quoted,  238. 

Salem  (Mass.),  65,  70-73,  94,  96. 
Samoset,  138;  comes  to  the  Pilgrims,  300- 

303,  307- 
Sampson,  Henry,  30,  158;  passenger  on 


382 


Index 


the    May-Flower,     169;     note    on, 
183. 

Sandys,  Sir  Edwin,  26,  59 ;  extract  from 
letter  to  Sir  Robert  Naunton,  157; 
negotiations  with,  341. 

Savage,  James,  on  identity  of  the  May- 
Flower,  71. 

Scituate  (Mass.),  68. 

Scotch  flag,  the,  38,  93. 

Scrooby  (Eng.),  25. 

Separatists,  in  Holland,  25,  32,  44. 

Sewall,  Judge  Samuel,  76. 

Shallop,  the  Pilgrims',  32,  33,  85,  86, 
260-271,  274-279,  290. 

Sharpe,  Samuel,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
59,  68  ;  settled  in  Salem  (Mass.),  65  ; 
death  of,  65  ;  member  of  Winthrop's 
company,  67. 

Ship's-merchant  (or  supercargo),  342  ;  of 
the  May-Flower,  134-140. 

Shirley,  James,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
58-60;  rascality  of,  62,  65  ;  letter  to 
Governor  Bradford,  96,  97. 

ShurtlefF,  Dr.  Nathaniel  B.,  quoted,  94. 

Simons,  Roger,  of  Amsterdam,  23. 

Smith,  George  H.,  350. 

Smith,  Captain  John, "  Generall  Historic  " 
quoted,  54,  57,  274  ;  "  New  England's 
Trials"  quoted,  39,  41,  84,  1 60,  238, 
342;  friend  of  the  New  England  colo- 
nists, 57  ;  on  the  number  of  the  origi- 
nal Pilgrims,  69,  160 ;  on  the  leaking 
of  the  May-Flower,  84,  87. 

Smithsonian  Institution,  model  of  the 
May-Flower  at  the,  81-83. 

Soule,  George,  21,  24;  passenger  on  the 
May-Flower,  166;  note  on,  174. 

Southampton  (Eng.),  May-Flower  and 
Speedwell  at,  38,  232-237;  de- 
parture from,  39,  53,  74,  87,  162, 
237»  259,  331. 

Southworth,  Constant,  76. 


Southworth,  Edward,  Cushman's  letters 
to,  9,  32.  33.  39,  53,  H7,  238,  239, 
315,  319,  332-335- 

Sparrow-Hawk,  the,  wrecked  on  Cape 
Cod,  88. 

Speedwell,  the,  unseaworthy,  10 ;  pur- 
chase of,  II,  45;  tonnage  of,  12;  no 
authentic  picture  of,  12;  responsibility 
for  disasters  of,  13;  ordnance  of,  13, 
89;  leakiness  of,  13-15,  39-41,  90, 
238,  239,  241,  332;  an  Enghsh  ship, 
15  ;  wilfully  disabled,  16;  officers  and 
crew  of,  18,  19  ;  passengers  on,  19-34, 
39,42,  87,155,  159,  160;  flag  of,  37; 
leaves  Delfshaven,  37,  53;  log  of,  38- 
43  ;  repaired  and  retrimmed,  40  ;  offi- 
cers resolve  to  dismiss,  41 ;  leaves 
Plymouth  (Eng.),  42 ;  at  anchor  in 
Thames,  43 ;  sold  on  joint  account, 
43 ;  subsequent  history  not  known, 
43 ;  other  ships  of  same  name,  43 ; 
arrives  at  Southampton,  53,  158, 
233  ;  retrimmed,  235 ;  sails  with  May- 
Flower,  237  ;  in  Dartmouth  harbor, 
238  ;  sails  again,  240 ;  puts  into  Plym- 
outh (Eng.),  24 1 ;  sent  back  to  London, 

243- 

Squanto,  138,  139,  304-307. 

Standish,  Captain  Myles,  8,  21  ;  "sword 
hand  "  of  the  Pilgrims,  29  ;  a  pioneer 
planter,  1 64 ;  age  when  he  came  to 
America,  165,  167;  note  on,  177;  his 
sword,  214;  his  books,  216,  217;  not 
a  Romanist,  29,  216;  leads  exploring 
party  on  Cape  Cod,  261,  270 ;  leads 
parties  against  savages,  283,  303  ;  tools 
stolen  by  Indians,  293,  302 ;  chosen 
captain  at  Plymouth,  294. 

Standish,  Mrs.  Rose  (wife  of  Myles),  21, 
29 ;  passenger  on  the  May-Flower, 
167;  died  early,  177,  290, 

Steele,    Rev.    Ashbel,  his  "  Chief  of  the 


Index 


383 


Pilgrims "   an   engaging   biography   of 

Elder  Brewster,  174. 
Story,   Elias,   21,   24;  passenger   on  the 

May-Flower,  166;  died  early,  175. 
Success,  the,  one  of  Winthrop's  ships,  69. 

Table-ware  of  the  Pilgrims,  224,  344. 
Talbot,  the,  brings  members  of  Leyden 

congregation  to  Salem,  72,  97. 
Thacher,  James,  "  History  of  Plymouth" 

quoted,  219. 
"Thievish  Harbor,"  133. 
Thomas,  Marcia  A.,  quoted,  136. 
Thomas,  William,  Merchant  Adventurer, 

58,  59,  67  ;  estate  of,  home  of  Daniel 

Webster,  66  ;  Plymouth  colonist,  68. 
Thompson,  Edward,   21,   29;  passenger 

on  the  May-Flower,  168;  died  early, 

179,  202,  268. 
Thornell,   John,   Merchant    Adventurer, 

58,  59,  66. 
Thornhill  (or  Thornell),  Matthew,  Mer- 
chant Adventurer,  59,  66. 
Tilden,  Joseph,  Merchant  Adventurer,  59, 

66,  68. 
Tilden,  Joseph  (nephew   of  Joseph),  2d, 

66. 
Tilden,    Nathaniel  (brother  of  Joseph), 

settled    in    Scituate,    66 ;  from    Kent, 

68. 
Tilley,  Mrs.  Ann  (wife  of  Edward),  21, 

30 ;  passenger  on    the  May-Flower, 

169,  183. 
Tilley,  Mrs.  Bridget  (wife  of  John),  21, 

30 ;    passenger  on  the  May-Flower, 

169,  183,  340. 
Tilley,  Edward,   21,  30,  158,  159,  270; 

passenger  on  the  May-Flower,   168; 

note  on,  183. 
Tilley,  Elizabeth  (daughter  of  John),  21, 

30;  passenger  on  the  May-Flower, 

169  ;   married  John  Howland,  184. 


Tilley,  John,  21,  30;  passenger  on  the 
May-Flower,  169;  note  on,  183. 

Tinker,  Thomas,  22,  32 ;  passenger  on 
the  May-Flower,  with  wife  and  son, 
169,  I  70;  all  of  them  died  early,  186. 

Tisquantum  (Squanto),  138,   139,  304- 

307- 

Toolce,  John,  master  of  a  ship  named 
May-Flower,  95. 

Tools,  brought  in  the  May-Flower,  225, 
226. 

Trevore,  William,  19,  33  ;  seaman  on  the 
Speedwell,  34 ;  passenger  on  the 
May-Flower,  145,  171  ;  note  on, 
192;  afterward  master  of  the  Hand- 
maid and  the  William,  193. 

Trial,  the,  one  of  Winthrop's  ships,  69, 

71- 

Truro  Highlands  (Mass.),  probably  the 
land  first  sighted  from  the  May- 
Flower,  251. 

Turner,  John,  21,  52,  325,  326  ;  messen- 
ger of  Leyden  leaders,  31,  48,  50,  51  ; 
passenger  on  the  May-Flower,  with 
two  sons,  1 70;  all  of  them  died  early, 
186. 

Van  der  Veldt,  Dutch  painter,  picture  of 
a  shallop  by,  279. 

Van  Pelt,  Rev.  Daniel,  34,  35. 

Vassall,  Samuel,  owner  of  a  ship  named 
May-Flower,  95,  98. 

Virginia,  the,  1 11. 

Virginia,  Leyden  congregation  intended 
for  northern  parts  of,  19,  56,  74,  146, 
258,  335  ;  Captain  Jones's  voyages  to, 
53,  100,  119,  127-129. 

Virginia  Company,  First  (London),  9,  53, 

56,  57>  64,   74,   107,  120,  121,  126, 

129,    341  ;  buys    cattle    for    Virginia, 

100;  territory    of,    103,    104;    issues 

patent  to  John  Wincob,  112;   and   to 


384 


Index 


John  Pierce,  112,256,  257;  influence 
of  the  Earl  of  Warwick  in,  113- 
115;  sends  homeless  boys  and  girls 
to  America,  157. 
Virginia  Company,  Second  (Plymouth), 
114,  116,  117,  341;  influence  of 
Gorges  in,  113,  114,  119,  126. 

Ward,  Thomas,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
59  ;  note  on,  66. 

Warren,  James,  marries  Penelope  Wins- 
low,  219. 

Warren,  Richard,  passenger  on  the  May- 
Flower,  144,  149,  165,  168,  180. 

Warwick,  Earl  of,  friend  of  Captain 
Jones,  53,  100  ;  a  governor  of  Council 
for  New  England,  no;  relations  with 
Gorges,  III,  113,  125;  sends  Captain 
Jones  to  East  Indies  in  the  Lion,  118; 
and  afterward  to  Virginia  in  the  Fal- 
con, 119. 

Waterdonne,  Nicholas,  master  of  a  ship 
named  May-Flower,  95. 

Waters,  Henry  F.,  66 ;  discovers  copy 
of  William  Mullens's  will,  135. 

Webber,  Thomas,  master  of  a  ship  named 
May-Flower,  97. 

Webster,  Daniel,  home  of,  66. 

Weir,  Robert  W.,  painter  of  "  The  Em- 
barkation of  the  Pilgrims,"  12,  248. 

Weston,  Thomas,  Merchant  Adventurer, 

Z-,  6,  9>  "1  44>  51,  56,  59i  71;  '■'<1'- 
cules  purchase  of  Speedwell,  10  ;  dis- 
affected, 45  ;  urges  not  meddling  with 
Dutch,  46 ;  helpful  to  some  of  Ley- 
den  congregation,  46,  57  ;  animus  of 
delays,  47  ;  Cushman's  appeal  to,  48  ; 
with  Cushman,  44,  48,  52,  320,  325  ; 
the  May-Flower  chartered  by,  44, 
52;  engages  Captain  Jones,  53;  in 
debt  to  Mr.  Beauchamp,  55  ;  bad  char- 
acter of,  58,  67  ;    tool  of  Gorges,  67, 


113;  death  at  Bristol,  67  ;  friend  of 
Captain  Jones,  100;  treachery  of,  114— 
116,  126,  341  ;  Richard  More's  rela- 
tions with,  156;  at  Southampton,  235; 
criticised  by  John  Robinson,  328. 

Weston,  Elizabeth  (daughter  of  Thomas), 
marries  Roger  Conant,  176. 

Whale,  the,  one  of  Winthrop's  ships, 
69,  70. 

Whales,  in  Cape  Cod  harbor,  268. 

White,  Hannah,  219. 

White,  John,  Merchant  Adventurer,  59, 
68 ;  not  a  Separatist,  66 ;  comes  to 
America,  67. 

White,  Peregrine,  171,  172,  178,  265; 
cradle  of,  214  ;  last  survivor  of  M ay- 
Flower  passengers,  339. 

White,  Robert,  master  of  a  ship  named 
May-Flower,  95. 

White,  Resolved  (son  of  William),  21, 
29 ;  passenger  on  the  May-Flower, 
167,  179. 

White,  Mrs.  Susanna  (wife  of  William), 
21,  29;  passenger  on  the  May- 
Flower,  167;  note  on,  178;  married 
Governor  Winslow,  179. 

White,  William,  21,  29  ;  passenger  on 
the  May-Flower,  167  ;  note  on,  178  ; 
died  at  Plymouth,  296. 

Wilder,  Roger,  20,  24  ;  passenger  on  the 
May-Flower,  166;  died  early,  173. 

Willet,   Mrs.   Alice   (wife   of   Thomas), 

23- 
Willet,  Thomas,  of  Leyden,  23. 

William  and  Francis,  the,  one  of  Win- 
throp's ships,  69,  71. 

Williams,  Roger,  14. 

Williams,  Thomas,  22,  31,  32;  passen- 
ger on  the  May-Flower,  170;  died 
early,  190. 

Williamson,  Master,  ship's-merchant  of 
the  May-Flower,  134-140  ;  mistakes 


Index 


385 


of  Drs.  Griffin,  Dexter,  and  Young 
concerning,  135,  136;  Standish's  asso- 
ciate in  reception  of  Massasoit,  138, 
306  ;  takes  copy  of  Mullens's  will  to 
England, 310;  Dr.  Dexteron, 345-350. 

Wilson,  Heraut,  23. 

Wincob,  John,  and  his  patent,  59,  67, 
74,  103,  112,341. 

Winslow,  Governor  Edward,  3,  8,  11, 
53,63;  passenger  on  the  Speedwell 
from  Delfshaven,  20,  24;  quoted,  13, 
36,  37,  88,  102,  125,  138,  152,  227, 
251,  254,  341;  family  of,  24;  age 
and  occupation,  166  ;  record  of  birth, 
174;  advice  to  George  Morton,  197, 
201,  207-209,  343  ;  his  pewter,  214  ; 
his  chair,  etc.,  219,  220,  222,  224; 
interview  with  Massasoit,  305-307 ; 
letter    to  Carver   and  Cushman,  318, 

319- 

Winslow,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  (wife  of  Ed- 
ward), 20  ;  passenger  on  the  May- 
Flower,  166;  age  of,  166,  174;  died 
early,  308. 

Winslow,  Gilbert,  passenger  on  the  May- 
Flower,  145,  1 70;  brother  of  Ed- 
ward Winslow,  153;  died  in  England, 
187. 

Winslow,  John  (brother  of  Edward),  mar- 
ries Mary  Chilton,  154. 

Winslow,  Penelope,  219. 


Winsor,  Justin,  errors  of,  as  to  Jasper 
More  and  Elizabeth  Tilley,  173. 

Winthrop,  Henry  (son  of  John),  69 ; 
comes  to  America  in  May-P" lower  or 
Whale,  70 ;  drowned  at  Saiem  the 
day  after  his  arrival,  70. 

Winthrop,  Governor  John,  intimate  with 
Thomas   Goffe,  62,  70 ;  his  fleet,  62, 

651  69^  72>  74,  75,  94,  I43  ;  gov- 
ernor of  Massachusetts  Company,  69; 
"  History  of  New  England  "  quoted, 
69,  75,  89,  90,  207,  208;  memorial 
of,  75;  tariffs  on  his  ships,  75 

Winthrop,  John,  Jr.,  14. 

Winthrop's  company,  59,  63, 68  ;  disparity 
between  leaders  and  followers,  211. 

Wood,  William,  "  New  England's  Pros- 
pect "  quoted,  207,  208. 

Wright,  Richard,  Merchant  Adventurer, 
59,  68  ;  comes  to  America,  67. 

Yarmouth  (Eng.),  71,  74,  95-97. 

Young,  Alexander,  error  as  to  Elder 
Brewster,  27;  "Chronicles"  quoted, 
34,71,72,86,  88,  97,  131,  133,164, 
207,  208,  213,  253,  256,  300;  on  iden- 
tity or  May-Flower,  71  ;  error  as  to 
Williamson,  136;  as  to  Christopher 
Martin,  149;  as  to  May-Flower's 
anchorage  at  Plymouth,  276;  as  to 
cattle  of  the  Pilgrims,  342. 


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